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AUTHOR: 


HUGUENOT  SOCIETY  OF 

AMERICA 


TITLE: 


TERCENTENARY 
CELEBRATION  OF  THE 


PLACE: 


NEW  YORK 


DA  TE : 


1900 


Restrictions  on  Use: 


COLUMBIA.  UNIVERSITY  LIBRARIES 
PRESERVATION  DEPARTMENT 

BIBLIOGRAPHIC  MICROFORM  TARGET 


Master  Negative  # 


■=13-60^55 


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Original  Material  as  Filmed  -  Existing  Bibliographic  Record 


UU: 


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Huguenot  society  of  America 

Tercentenary  celebration  of  the  promulgation  of 
the  Edict  of  Nantes,  April  13,  1598...   New  York, 
Huguenot  society  of  America,  1900.         "    "' 

Ixiii,  464  p.   plates,  ports.,  fold,  facsim.   i 
26  cm. 


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TERCENTENARY  CELEBRATION  OF 


THE   PROMULGATION  OF 
THE  EDICT  OF  NANTES 


April  13,  1598 


BY 


Henry  J k. 

JCm^  f>f  Fraufi',  7ifki}  si'trpiffi  tkf  Edict  of  Ntu 


THE  HUGUENOT  SOCIETY 
OF  AMERICA 


I 


WITH  PORTRAITS 

FACSIMILE  OF  THE  FIRST  AND  LAST  PAGES  OF  THE  EDICT 

AND  OTHER  ILLUSTRATIVE  MATTER 


PUBLISHED  BY 

THE  HUGUENOT  SOCIETY  OF  AMERICA 

NEW  YORK 
1900 


J 


u,  . 


jut  2      "17 


To 
HENRY  G.  MARQUAND 

UNDER  WHOSE  PRESIDENCY  THE  HUGUENOT  SOCIETY  OF  AMERICA  UNDERTOOK 

TO   CELEBRATE   THE   TERCENTENARY   OF   THE   ISSUE   OF   THE 

EDICT  OF  NANTES  AND  WHOSE  INTEREST  WAS  AN 

UNFAILING  SUPPORT  DURING  ALL  THE 

PRELIMINARY  ARRANGEMENTS 

THIS  VOLUME 

WHICH    PRESENTS   THE   FRUITS   OF   THAT    CELEBRATION 

IS  DEDICATED 


o^^ 


XLbc  ftnicherboclter  prees,  ftcw  Sorh 


INTRODUCTORY  NOTE 

HTHIS   volume   contains  the  poem  and  the  papers 
-L       read  m  the  two  days'  celebration  by  the  Hugue- 
not Society  of  America,  of  the  tercentenary  of  the  Edict 
Nantes ;  the  poem  and  the  speeches  (so  far  as  they 
could  be  furnished)  at  the  dinner  which  closed  the  pub- 
he  exercses  ;  the  whole  preceded  by  the  report  by  the 
Secretary  of  the  Celebration  Committee  of  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  entire  celebration  week,  and  the  Rev  Dr 
Muntmgton's  special  sermon  of  welcome  to  the  Societv's 
guests    and   followed   by  M.  Weisss   lecture,  and  an 
appendix.  '  " 

The   portraits   here  given  of  those  who  played   a 
prominent  part  in  the  celebration  were   in  each  case 
kind  y  furnished  on  request  by  the  persons  themselves 
and  the  Committee  understood  that  refusal  so  to  do  was 

and  o  ■  t^  r"       n  "'"S  '"'  ^""^^  J^^  ^chieffelin 
and  of  the  Rev.   Drs.   Huntington  and  Vedder   other 

.lustrative  matter  has  been  inserted.     The  Committee 

hi  .K      u  ""  '°  "'^P''^^^  '^^''  thanks  for  all  the 

|help  they  have  received  upon  this  volume. 

Samuel  Macauley  Jackson, 
Mrs.  James  M.  Lawton, 
Robert  W.  de  Forest,  '" 
April  13, 1900.  Publication  Committee. 


CONTENTS 


ERRATA  ET  ADDENDA 

As  no  plates  were  made  of  this  volume,  the  following  correc- 
tions and  alterations,  which  were  received  after  the  pages  were 
t.ons   ana   a  ,  ^^^^^^  ^^^^^^^  ^^^^j^ 

printed,  are  here  maae  .    i .  loy,  ,,  „        , 

read-  "hundreds  of  scholars,"  etc.;  p.  119,  1-  '7,  for      faith     read 
''rPli<rious  service"  •  on  p.  .24,  add  the  footnote  to  the  statement 
',  T''Stm      A  balland  in  his  Essai  sur  T  Aisfoire  du  proUstan- 
on  1.  5  .     ^tui  J .  ft.  VTd"  ATa^to  i  la  Revolution 

tisme  i  Caen  et  en  Basse-Normandie,de  I  Edit  de  JM antes  a  la 

,^Ar,lL  ».»»/«  L„  4.8,  No.  46  :  P._.70.  J.fere.c...  ™.d  * 
(„  *  ,-  p.  .05, 1.  <■  Ir.  bo..,  <e.d  "V  ann.e     (o,    I  .."-.a. 


INTRODUCTORY  NOTE 


u 


REPORT  OF  THE  SECRETARY  OF  THE  CELEBRATION  COM- 
MITTEE ,         .         .         . 

By  Mrs.  James  M.  Lawton. 

SERMON  PREACHED  IN  GRACE  CHURCH,  NEW  YORK  CITY, 
ON  SUNDAY  MORNING.  APRIL  lo,  1898,  IN  THE  PRESENCE 
OF  INVITED  MEMBERS  OF  THE  HUGUENOT  SOCIETY  OF 
AMERICA 

By  the  Rector,  the  Rev.  William  Reed  Hunting- 
ton, D.D.,  D.C.L. 

ANNIVERSAIRE  DE  LA  PROMULGATION  DE  L'EDIT  DE 
NANTES      .         .         :         

Poem  by  Etienne  J.  Jallade. 

THE   SUCCESSIVE    EVENTS    THAT    FINALLY    LED    TO    THE 
ENACTMENT  OF  THE  EDICT  OF  NANTES 
By  Edward  Belleroche. 

THE  EDICT  OF  NANTES:  ITS  SCOPE  AND  ITS  PLACE  IN  THE 
DEVELOPMENT  OF  RELIGIOUS  TOLERATION 

(With  a  complete  translation  of  the  Edict  and  its  accompanying  doc- 
uments, revised  by  Prof.  William  Kendall  Gillett,  New  York 
Unirersity.) 

By  Samuel  Macauley  Jackson. 
HOW  THE  EDICT  OF  NANTES  WAS  OBSERVED 

By  the  Rev.  Paul  de  Felice. 

THE  STRENGTH  AND  THE  WEAKNESS  OF  THE  EDICT  OF 
NANTES      

By  Prof.  Henry  M.  Baird,   LL.D.,   L.H.D. 

THE  EDICT  OF  NANTES:  ITS  ADVERSARIES  AND  DIFFICUL- 
TIES  

By  the  Rev.  Nathanael  Weiss. 

•  a  • 

m 


PAGE 

i 


XI 


15 


17 


52 


105 


135 


^55 


IV 


Contents 


PAGE 
177 


THE  FRENCH  PROTESTANT  HOSPITAL  OF  LONDON 
By  a.  Giraud  Browninc,  F.S.A. 

THE  WALLOON  OR  FRENCH  CHURCH  AT   HAARLEM   (HOL- 
LAND)   

By  Marinus  G.  Wildeman. 


THE  HUGUENOT  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTH  CAROLINA 

By  the  Rev.  Charles  S.  Vedder,   D.D.,  LL.D. 

THE  HUGUENOTS  IN  VIRGINIA         ....•• 
By  Col.  Richard  L.  Maury. 


.  217 

.  224 

.  340 

.  353 

.  380 

.  385 

.  387 

.  395 


HUGUENOTS  AND  NEW  ROCHELLE 

By  George  T.  Davis. 

THE  HUGUENOT  SETTLERS  IN  NEW  JERSEY        . 
By  Josiah  Collins  Pumpelly,  A.M.,  B.L. 

NON  INFERIORA  SECUTUS 

Poem  by  the  Rev.  Melville  K.  Bailey. 

COLONEL  MAURY'S  DINNER  SPEECH 

SPEECH  OF  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  SOCIETY     . 

Frederic  J.  de  Peyster. 
-  THE  EDICT  OF  NANTES"  :  RESPONSE  TO  THE  TOAST     . 

By  the  Rev.  George  R.  Van  De  Water,  D.D. 

-THE  UNION  OF  THE  FRENCH  AND  DUTCH  IN  NEW  NETH- 

ERLANDANDNEW  YORK":  RESPONSE  TO  THE  TOAST       .     403 

By  Prof.  Henry  M.  Baird,  LL.D.,  L.H.D. 

-THE   HONORED   DELEGATES   FROM   DISTANT  HUGUENOT 
CENTRES    IN   EUROPE   AND   AMERICA":    RESPONSE   TO 

THE  TOAST '^^ 

By   a.   Giraud  Browning,  F.S.A.,  Vice-President 
of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  London. 

PARIS  AND  THE  REFORMATION  UNDER  FRANCIS  I.  .        .     4i3 

Lecture  by  the  Rev.  N.  Weiss. 

CHARTER  OF  INCORPORATION   OF   THE   FRENCH   PROTES- 

TANT  HOSPITAL,  LONDON .422 

(Appendix  to  article  on  the  French  Protestant  Hospital  of  London.) 


i 


illustrations. 


PAGE 

HENRY  lY       , Frontispiece 

King  of  France,  who  signed  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 

LATE  HON.  JOHN  JAY ^ll 

1st  President  of  the  Society. 

REV.  A.  V.  WITTMEYER ^ir 

Founder  of  the  Society. 

HENRY  COTHEAL  SWORDS xv 

Treasurer  of  the  Celebration  Committee. 

WILLIAM  D.  BARBOUR XK 

Treasurer  of  the  Stewards. 

MRS.  JAMES  M.  LAWTON xxii 

Secretary  of  the  Celebration  Committee. 

WILLIAM  E.  DODGE xxvi 

Representative  of  the  New  England  Society. 

CHURCH  (EGLISE  DU  ST.  ESPRIT)  IN  WHICH   THE   CELE- 

BRATION  WAS  HELD xxx 

HENRY  G.  MARQUAND xxxiv 

2d  President  of  the  Society. 

T.  J.  OAKLEY  RHINELANDER xLii 

Chairman  of  the  Stewards. 

THE  CHORISTERS  AT  THE  BANQUET l 

J-  D-  BREZ ^^^„ 

Delegate  from  the  Vaudois  Society. 

SOUVENIR  OF  THE  DINNER ^Xl 

GEORGE  S.  BOWDOIN lxii 

Treasurer  of  the  Society  at  the  Time  of  the  Celebration. 

V 


vi  Illustrations 

PAGB 

REV.  WILLIAM  REED  HUNTINGTON,  D.D.,  D.C.L.    .         .         .  « 

Rector  of  Grace  Church,  New  York  City. 
GRACE  CHURCH,  NEW  YORK  CITY,  IN  WHICH  THE  OPEN- 

ING  SERMON  WAS  PREACHED ^ 

ETIENNE  J.  JALLADE ^^ 

New  York  City. 

EDWARD  BELLEROCHE ^^ 

Delegate  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  London, 

SAMUEL  MACAULEV  JACKSON 52 

Professor,  Church  History,  New  York  University. 

EDICT  OF  NANTES ^-^ 

REV.  PAUL  DE  FELICE.     REV.  NATHANA£L  WEISS        .         .       104 
M.  de  Felice  is  a  Member  of  the  French  Huguenot  Society ;  M. 
Weiss  is  its  Secretary  and  was  its  Delegate. 

REV.  HENRY  MARTYN  BAIRD,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  L.H.D.  .         .       I34 

Honorary  Secretary  of  the  Celebration  Committee. 
THE  -CHATEAU  DE  NANTES,"  THE  OFFICIAL  RESIDENCE 
OF  HENRY  IV.,  IN  WHICH  IT  IS  SAID  THE  EDICT  WAS 

SIGNED ^^ 

The  room  on  the  right  as  one  descends  the  steps  going  into  the  court 
is  shown  as  the  scene  of  the  transaction.  A  local  tradition, 
however,  transfers  it  to  the  "  Maison  des  Tourelles,"  No.  5 
Quai  du  Fosse,  the  house  of  Gabrielle  d'Estrees,  where  Henry 
passed  his  time  while  in  Nantes. 

A.  GIRAUD  BROWNING,  F.S.A ^76 

First  Vice-President  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  London,  and  Delegate. 

THE   FRENCH   PROTESTANT    HOSPITAL,   VICTORIA   PARK, 

LONDON.     ERECTED  1866 '94 

M.  G.  WILDEMAN ^^ 

Archiviste  de  la  Haute  Intendance  des  Digues  "Delfland"  (The 
Hague,  Holland),  ancien  Archiviste-adjoint  de  la  Commune 
de  Haarlem. 

THEODORE  M.  BANTA ...       208 

Of  the  Celebration  Committee. 

REV.  C.  S.  VEDDER,  D.D.,  LL.D 2l6 

Pastor,  French  Huguenot  Church,  Charleston,  S.  C.     Delegate  from 
Huguenot  Society  of  South  Carolina. 


Illustrations 


vn 


PACK 

COL.  RICHARD  L.  MAURY 224 

Vice-President  from  Virginia. 

GEORGE  T.  DAVIS        ..." 340 

Delegate,  Huguenot  Society  of  New  Rochelle. 

J.  C.  PUMPELLY 352 

Of  the  Committee  on  Arrangements.     Delegate  from  New  Jersey. 

REV.  MELVILLE  K.  BAILEY 378 

Grace  Church  Settlement,  New  York  City. 

FREDERIC  J.  DE  PEYSTER 386 

3d  and  Present  President  of  the  Society. 

REV.  GEORGE  R.  VAN  DE  WATER,  D.D 394 

Rector  of  St.  Andrew's  Church,  New  York  City. 

ROBERT  HOVENDEN,  F.S.A 408 

Vice-President  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  London,  and  Delegate. 

HENRY  IV 412 

From  a  medal  by  the  Huguenot  Guillaume  Dupre.     (Kindness  of 
M.  Weiss.) 

HUGUENOT  CHURCH,  CHARLESTON,  S.  C,  REV.  DR.  VED- 
DER, RECTOR 422 


I 


HISTORICAL  SKETCH  OF  THE  PREPARATIONS 
FOR  THE  CELEBRATION,  AND  OF  THE  EX- 
ERCISES  OF  THE  COMMEMORATIVE  WEEK, 
APRIL  lo  TO  i6,  1898. 


••I 

•I 


IX 


h! 


if 


REPORT    OF    THE     SECRETARY    OF    THE 
CELEBRATION  COMMITTEE 

Mrs.  JAMES  M.  LAWTON 

IN  making  this  report  upon  the  celebration  of  the 
Tercentenary  of  the  Promulgation  of  the  Edict 
of  Nantes,  your  Secretary  considers  that  it  is  necessary 
to  go  back  briefly  a  few  years  so  as  to  give  the  incep- 
tion of  the  movement,  and  the  steps  which  led  to  its 
final  success. 

In  the  spring  and  summer  of  1894,  being  then  Secre- 
tary pro  tempore  of  the  Society,  she  was  studying  the 
various  edicts,  and  reaching  that  of  Nantes,  realized 
that  we  were  within  four  years  of  its  300th  anniversary. 
She  wrote  to  Mr.  Marquand,  the  President,  proposing 
that  our  Society  celebrate  it  in  America,  and  invite 
the  other  Huguenot  Societies  to  join  in  our  celebra- 
tion. He  answered  that  while  agreeing  with  her  per- 
fectly as  to  the  advisability  of  the  movement,  he  was 
not  sanguine  as  to  its  being  carried  out,  but  promised 
that  he  would  aid  in  every  way  he  could.  At  the 
next  Executive  Committee  meeting,  October  10,  1894, 
she  offered  this  resolution,  which  was  adopted  :  **  That 
the  Huguenot  Society  of  America,  being  the  oldest, 
take  the  matter  in  hand  of  arranging  for  an  Interna- 
tional Celebration  of  the  300th  Anniversary  of  the 
Promulgation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  and  that 
a  committee  of  fifteen  be  appointed  by  the  President 
to  make  the|necessary  arrangements."     As  her  husband 


XI 


Xll 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


and  she  were  going  abroad  in  a  few  days,  she  was  offi- 
cially declared  the  '*  Representative  of  the    Huguenot 
Society  of  America "  to  draw  the  attention  of  the  for- 
eign  Huguenot  Societies  to  the  proposed  celebration, 
to  arouse  their  interest,  and  to  secure  their  co-operation. 
Her    success   was    far    beyond  her   most   sanguine 
expectations,  for  she    found    the  greatest    enthusiasm 
about  all  things   Huguenot,  and  the  courteous  way  in 
which  her  credentials  were  received  was  most  flattering 
to  our  Society.      The  German  Society  alone  refused  to 
co-operate  with  us.     Her  success  was  reported  to  the 
Executive  Committee  on  January  24,  1895,  and  she  was 
requested  to  prepare  a  report  to  be  read  at  one  of  the 
meetings   of    the    Society.      This   was    done    and   an 
abstrac'tof   it  was  printed  in  Vol.   HI,  Part   i,   of  our 
Proceedings.      No  further  steps  were   taken   until   the 
Annual  Meeting  of  April   13,  1895,  when  the  proposed 
celebration    was    assured    by   a    gift    of    $1000    as   a 
memorial  to  Mr.  James  M.   Lawton's  deep  interest  in 
the  movement.     The  organization  meeting  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  General  Arrangements  was  held  on  January 
17,  1896,  President  H.  G.  Marquand  being  in  the  chair. 
The  Rev.   A.  V.  Wittmeyer  (founder  of  the  Society), 
was  appointed  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Papers, 
and  Frederic  J.  de  Peyster,  Esq.,  Chairman  of  the  Com- 
mittee on  Arrangements. 

At  the  meeting  of  March  21st  it  was  resolved  that 
Mr.  de  Peyster  be  requested  to  address  the  Society  at 
its  Annual  Meeting  on  April  13,  1896,  "setting  forth 
the  desire  of  the  Executive  Committee  that  we  cele- 
brate the  300th  Anniversary  of  the  Promulgation  of 
the  Edict  of  Nantes,  and  to  suggest  the  best  ways  and 
means  to  bring  about  a  worthy  commemoration  of  that 
event."      On    April    13th    Mr.    de    Peyster   made   this 


V 


.a 


Late  Hon.  John  Jay. 

ist  President  of  the  Society. 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


Xlll 


address,  <>"iving  the  plans  of  the  Committee  on  General 
Arrangements  for  the  celebration,  and  suggesting  a 
dinner  at  Delmonico's  some  time  during  the  winter. 

In  November,  1896,  the  Ladies'  Committee  of  the 
Society  sent  out  the  following  circular  to  every  member 
of  the  Society  : 

The  Ladies'  Committee  wishes  to  call  your  attention  to  the 
approaching  Tri-Centenary  of  the  Promulgation  of  the  Edict  of 
Nantes,  when  the  Huguenot  Society  of  America  invites  all  Foreign 
Societies  to  join  her  here  in  its  celebration. 

In  order  that  our  membership  should  fully  represent  the  strength 
and  number  of  the  Huguenot  element  in  this  country,  the  Com- 
mittee believe  it  wise  to  offer  to  each  member  in  the  Society  the 
op])ortunity  of  proposing  a  friend  of  Huguenot  descent  for  member- 
ship, so  that  all  Huguenot  families  in  America  may  be  enabled  to 
share  in  the  courtesies  of  the  occasion.  It  is  therefore  requested 
that  this  Society,  which  leads  by  priority  of  age  and  wide  historic 
interest  those  of  the  Old  World,  should  wisely  increase  its  member- 
ship and  its  strength,  and  that  you,  as  a  member,  should  personally 
assist  the  Committee  by  proposing  one  new  associate  of  Huguenot 
descent. 

The  Committee  asks  for  your  cordial  co-operation  and  generous 
sympathy  in  this  endeavor. 

Mrs.  Henry  C.  Stimson,  Mrs.  William  A.  Budd, 

Mrs.  Anson  P.  Atterbury,  Miss  Maria  D.  B.  Miller, 

Miss  Lilian  Horsford,  Miss  Ruthella  R.  Blackwell, 

Mrs.  James  M.  Lawton,  Chairman, 
Ladies*  Committee  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  America. 

In  consequence  of  this  circular,  seventy  new  members 
were  added  to  the  Society  before  April,  1897. 

At  the  meeting  of  the  Committee  on  Arrangements, 
on  January  16,  1897,  most  of  the  members  were  present, 
and  Messrs.  Wittmeyer  and  Banta  of  the  Committee  on 
Papers  by  invitation.  Mr.  T.  J.  Oakley  Rhinelander 
acted  as  Secretary /r^  tempore. 


XIV 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


In  reply  to  the  remarks  of  the  President,  stating  the 
inadequacy  of  the  Society's  treasury  to  meet  the 
needful  expenses  of  the  proposed  celebration,  and  ask- 
ing how  the  same  could  be  defrayed,  another  thousand 
dollars  was  added  to  that  already  given.  After  discus- 
sion, Mr.  Rhinelander  made  a  motion,  which  was  duly 
seconded  and  carried,  *'  that  the  Huguenot  Society  of 
America,  at  its  coming  celebration,  shall  entertain  at 
the  hotels  ^ruests  invited  from  abroad  to  the  number  of 
not  more  than  six,  and  for  a  len^rth  of  time  not  Ioniser 
than  one  week,"  The  Committee  concurred  in  the 
opinion  of  Mr.  de  Peyster  that  we  have  a  dinner  in  the 
spring,  as  a  preparatory  step,  and  a  means  of  enlisting 
co-operation  and  aid  for  the  celebration  in  1898. 

In  Pebruary  a  special  committee  reported  that  Prof. 
Henry  M.  Baird  had  consented  to  be  Honorary  Secre- 
tary "  for  the  correspondence  with  the  Huguenot 
Societies  of  Europe  in  rei^ard  to  the  comincr  celebra- 
tion."  It  was  then  resolved  that  a  banquet  be  given 
on  April  28th,  and  that  Mr.  Henry  Cotheal  Swords 
be  appointed  Chairman  of  the  Stewards,  and  that 
notices  of  the  banquet  be  sent  out  immediately.  On 
February  16,  1897,  a  joint  meeting  of  the  two  com- 
mittees was  held  at  Mr.  de  Peyster's  house  and  Mr. 
Rhinelander's  resolution  was  passed :  *'  That  a  sum 
of  $200  be  asked  from  the  Executive  Committee 
to  defray  the  extra  expenses  of  the  dinner  of  1897." 
It  was  also  resolved  that  the  representative  of  the 
South  Carolina  Society  be  invited  to  attend  as  our 
guest.  It  was  reported  that  the  notices  of  the  dinner 
on  the  28th  had  been  sent  out  before  the  meeting. 
Prof.  Rees  moved  "  that  the  President  and  Secre- 
tary send  notices  of  the  celebration  by  the  Huguenot 
Society  of  America  on  the    13th  of  April,  1898,  to  the 


Rev.  A.  K  liy//;/u'] 

Founder  of  ike  Son (•/]'. 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


XV 


Henry  Cothcal  Si^^ords. 

Jriiisiirer  (*f  fhf  Cehhrathu  .     ':mittei\ 


Foreign  Societies,  and  invite  their  co-operation  ;  also 
that  the  secretary  of  the  Celebration  Committee  follow 
it  up  as  quickly  as  possible  by  sending  details  of  the 
celebration."     This  motion  was  carried. 

The  letter  sent  by  the  President  was  as  follows  : 

New  York,  February,  iSgy. 
To  the  F resident  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of 

The  Huguenot  Society  of  America  sends  fraternal  greetings  to  the 
several  Huguenot  Societies  throughout  the  world,  and  hereby 
announces  its  intention  to  hold  an  International  Celebration  in  this 
city  of  New  York  on  the  13th  of  April,  1898,  to  commemorate  the 
300th  Anniversary  of  the  Promulgation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  and 
most  cordially  invites  kindred  Societies  to  co-operate  in  this  event. 
This  Society  desires  particularly  that  all  other  Huguenot  Societies 
be  represented  by  Delegates  who  will  read  papers  appropriate  to  the 
occasion,  to  be  published  hereafter. 

Professor  Henry  M.  Baird,  the   Honorary  Secretary,  will  at  an 
early  date  communicate  further  details  of  the  Celebration, 
(signed)         Henry  G.  Marquand,  Fresident, 

Lea  McI.  Luquer,  Secretary. 

A  meeting  of  the  Committee  on  Papers  was  held  at 
n  Fifth  Avenue,  at  which  various  names  were  proposed 
for  speakers  and  the  various  topics  agreed  upon  for  the 
American  papers. 

A  special  joint  meeting  of  the  Committee  on  Dinner 
and  Stewards  for  the  Banquet  of  April  28,  1897,  was 
held  at  37  Fifth  Avenue,  Saturday,  March  20th. 

Mrs.  Lawton  read  from  the  minutes  of  the  Executive 
Committee  the  resolution  ratifying  the  choice  of  the 
Stewards.  Present:  the  Stewards,  Messrs.  Swords, 
Rhinelander,  Johnson,  Barbour,  and  Blackwell,  and  of 
the  Committee  on  Arrangements  for  the  dinner,  Messrs. 
Wittmeyer,  Rhinelander,  and  Mrs.  Lawton.  The  Chair- 
man, Mr.  Swords,  in  the  chair.     Mr.  Barbour  was  elected 


XVI 


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Report  of  the  Secretary 


xvu 


treasurer  of  the  Stewards,  and  Mr.  Rhinelander,  secre- 
tary. Before  the  meeting  adjourned,  a  resolution  bear- 
ing upon  the  Society,  and  indirectly  upon  the  celebration 
in  1898,  was  offered  by  the  Rev.  J.  Le  B.  Johnson,  that 
a  dove,  representing  the  Holy  Spirit,  be  added  to  the 
proposed  insignia,  from  which  the  other  part  shall  be 
pendant.  This  action  subsequently  received  the  ap- 
proval of  the  Society.  At  the  joint  meeting  held  April 
7th  in  the  Huguenot  Library,  the  estimates  were  brought 
in  by  the  several  Stewards  having  the  details  in  charge. 
These  were  approved  and  passed.  The  last  meeting 
before  the  dinner  was  held  at  Mr.  de  Peyster's  house 
on  the  13th,  when  all  reports  were  given  in,  and  the  last 
details  arranged. 

The  banquet  was  given  at  Delmonico's,  26th  Street 
and  Fifth  Avenue,  on  the  evening  of  April  28th,  and 
proved  a  great  success.  Almost  all  the  ladies  were  in 
full  dress,  music  good,  menu  excellent.  Each  table 
seating  six,  or  eight  people,  banners  flying,  and  every- 
thing as  gay  as  possible.  Owing  to  a  reception  that 
was  given  the  same  night,  very  few  of  the  speakers  who 
were  to  have  graced  the  occasion  presented  themselves, 
but  Mr.  de  Peyster  and  Mr.  Beaman  made  up  for  all 
shortcominirs.  The  dinner  had  the  result  that  we  had 
hoped  for :  it  drew  attention  to  the  Society,  showing 
that  we  were  still  alive. 

A  meeting  of  the  Committee  on  Arrangements  for 
the  Celebration  of  1898  was  held  at  7  East  42d  Street, 
on  May  11,  1897,  at  5  p.m.  Present:  Mrs.  Lawton, 
Messrs.  Pumpelly,  Rhinelander,  and  de  Peyster ;  the 
latter  presided.  Mr.  Swords  was  elected  a  member  of 
the  Committee,  and  made  Treasurer  of  the  Celebration 
Committee. 

It  was  moved  and  carried  that  the  treasurer  receive 


all  contributions  now  offered,  and  that  early  in  the  fall  a 
circular  be  sent  by  him  to  all  members,  soliciting  sub- 
scriptions for  the  purpose  of  the  celebration.  The 
letter  from  Prof.  Baird  in  relation  to  some  changes  he 
wished  to  make  in  the  circular  to  be  sent  by  him  to  the 
Presidents  of  the  Foreign  Societies  was  considered. 
Whereupon  it  was  moved  and  carried — "That  certain 
chan<';es  be  made  in  the  circular  as  suofeested  in  the 
letter  of  the  Honorary  Secretary,  and  that  he  be  em- 
powered to  incorporate  these  suggestions  thus  modi- 
fied in  the  letter  to  be  sent  by  him  to  the  Presidents  of 
the  Foreign  Societies."  It  was  further  resolved  that 
the  Cape  Hope  Colony  be  requested  to  send  a  paper  to 
be  read  at  the  celebration  ;  also  that  the  Society  do  not 
extend  an  invitation  to  the  Cape  Hope  Colony  to  send 
a  delegate  ;  and  also  that  Mrs.  Lawton  be  appointed 
Secretary  of  the  Celebration  Committee  and  be  asked  to 
assist  the  Honorary  Secretary,  Prof.  Baird,  during  the 
summer. 

During  the  summer  a  great  deal  of  work  was  done. 
In  June  the  Honorary  Secretary  sent  a  letter  to  all  the 
Foreign  Societies,  which  letter  the  London  Society  for- 
warded to  its  members,  with  the  following  letter  : 

THE  HUGUENOT  SOCIETY  OF  LONDON. 

TERCENTENARY  OF  THE   PROMULGATION  OF  THE  EDICT 

OF  NANTES. 

10,  Primrose  Hill  Road,  N.W.,  yuly,  iS^y. 
Dear  Sir, 

The  Huguenot  Society  of  America  proposes  to  celebrate  next  year 
(April  13,  1898),  the  Tercentenary  of  the  Promulgation  of  the  Edict 
of  Nantes,  and  has  sent  to  our  President  the  subjoined  letter,  cor- 
dially inviting  the  Huguenot  Society  of  London  to  take  part  in  the 
proceedings  on  that  occasion. 

I  am  therefore  desired  by  Sir  Henry  Peek  and  the  Council  to  ask 


I  I  i 


XVIU 


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Report  of  the  Secretary 


XIX 


you  if  you  will  kindly  inform  me  at  your  early  convenience  if  there 
is  any  probability  of  your  being  able  to  visit  New  York  at  the  time 
of  this  commemoration,  and,  if  so,  whether  you  are  willing  to  act  as 
a  special  delegate  of  our  Society,  and  to  contribute  a  Paper  on  any 
one  of  the  subjects  indicated  in  Professor  Baird's  letter  ? 

The  President  and  Council  are  very  anxious  to  meet  the  wishes  of 
the  sister  Society  in  America,  and  to  arrange  for  the  representation 
of  our  Society  by  two  official  delegates  and  readers  of  papers.  Their 
efforts  will  be  materially  assisted  if  you  will  be  good  enough  to  let 
me  know,  as  soon  and  as  definitely  as  you  can,  whether  you  will  be 
able  in  any  way  to  help  them. 

Yours  faithfully, 

Reginald  S.  Faber,  Hon.  Secretary. 

THE    HUGUENOT   SOCIETY   OF   AMERICA. 

New  York,  yune  /j,  i8gj. 
Sir  Henry  William  Peek,  Bart., 

President  Hii^^uenot  Society  of  London. 

Dear  Sir  :  A  previous  letter  from  the  President  of  this  Society  has 
acquainted  you  with  the  purpose  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  America 
to  commemorate  in  Aj)ril,  1898,  with  the  co-operation  of  their 
brethren  of  this  and  other  lands,  the  300th  Anniversary  of  the  publi- 
cation of  the  great  law  known  in  history  as  the  Edict  of  Nantes.  I 
have  been  requested  to  state  at  greater  length  the  considerations 
that  have  led  to  this  action  and  the  plan  contemplated. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  set  forth  to  those  who  are  familiar  with  the 
story  of  French  Protestantism,  the  unsurpassed  importance  of  the 
Edict  of  Henry  IV,  which  was  intended  to  put  a  term  to  the  reign 
of  persecution  that  had  prevailed  throughout  a  great  part  of  the 
sixteenth  century— an  edict  which,  so  long  as  its  provisions  were 
even  partially  observed  in  the  early  i)art  of  the  seventeenth,  enabled 
Protestants  and  Roman  Catholics  to  live  together  with  a  good 
degree  of  unity  and  mutual  respect.  Not  perfect  in  itself,  and,  there- 
fore, not  a  perfect  guarantee,  it  was  yet  the  great  Charter  of  Hugue- 
not rights.  Its  Revocation  by  Louis  XIV,  m  1685,  demonstrated 
how  great  a  loss  the  cause  of  religious  toleration  sustained  by  its 
recall  ;  and  the  Huguenots— both  those  that  remained  in  the  king- 
dom, subject  to  a  tyranny  that  compelled  them  to  forego  their 
religious  worship,  and  their  more  fortunate  brethren  who  were  able 
to  make  their  escape  to  a  place  of  refuge  outside  of  the  realm— looked 


\n 


with  more  or  less  hope  to  the  advent  of  the  time  when  the  Revoca- 
tion should  itself  be  revoked,  and  the  great  Edict  itself  be  restored 
in  its  integrity,  as  the  most  welcome  of  boons. 

The  first  settlers  of  the  city  of  New  Amsterdam,  now  the  city  of 
New  York,  were  French-speaking  Protestants,  Walloons  or  Hugue- 
'  nots  of  Northern  France  and  Southern  Belgium,  who,  brought  over 
to  this  western  continent,  just  twenty-five  years  after  the  enactment 
of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  under  the  flag  of  Holland,  laid  the  founda- 
tions of  the  prosperity  of  what  has  long  been  the  most  commercial 
city  of  the  New  World.  Other  parts  of  what  is  now  comprehended 
in  the  United  States  of  America  also  received,  from  time  to  time  a 
considerable  number  of  Huguenots,  but  of  New  York  it  can  be  said 
truthfully  that,  as  they  were  the  earliest,  they  were  for  a  season  the 
most  numerous  element  of  the  population.  Their  descendants  are 
still  here. 

There  is,  therefore,  a  peculiar  appropriateness  in  the  celebration 
by  them  of  the  Tercentenary  of  the  Promulgation  of  the  Edict  under 
which  the  Protestants  of  France  enjoyed  quiet  and  religious  liberty 
so  long  as  it  was  respected,  and  whose  repeal  led  great  numbers  to 
cross  the  ocean  to  secure  quiet  and  religious  liberty  here. 

To  this  it  may  well  be  added  that  the  commemoration  in  a  land 
distant  from  that  in  which  the  Huguenots  took  their  rise,  and  indeed 
in  a  city  that  was  not  even  in  existence  when  Henry  IV  appended 
his  signature  to  the  law  at  Nantes,  will  be  a  striking  testimony  to 
the  enduring  character  and  pervasive  influence  of  the  principles  for 
which  the  fathers  endured  persecution,  exile,— death  itself. 

The  Huguenot  diaspora  has  encircled  the  globe  ;  but  whether  in 
old  Europe,  at  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope,  or  in  America,  it  stands  for 
the  same  eternal  truths. 

It  is  as  a  visible  token  of  unity  and  fraternity  that  the  Huguenot 
Society  of  America  invites  her  sister  Societies  of  all  parts  of  the 
world  to  join  in  making  the  proposed  celebration  an  event  of  ecumeni- 
cal interest  and  importance. 

To  this  end  it  is  essential  that  the  Huguenots  of  different  lands 
shall  all,  so  far  as  possible,  be  represented  by  delegates,  and  that  the 
speakers  be  not  so  much  Americans  as  our  honored  guests  from 
abroad. 

It  is  hoped  that  the  response  to  our  invitation  may  be  so  cordial 
that  the  exercises  may  occupy  two  days,  beginning  with  Wednesday, 
April  13,  1898.  The  time  will  be  chiefly  taken  up  with  addresses 
and  the  reading  of  papers,  which  should  be  of  such  length  as  to 


XX 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


occupy  not  over  three  quarters  of  an  hour  each  at  the  most,  though 
nothing  would  prevent  the  reading  of  extracts  from  longer  papers  to 
be  subsequently  published  in  full  in  the  permanent  commemorative 
volume  which  we  contemplate  issuing. 

We  sincerely  hope  that  we  may  have  the  advantage  of  your  hearty 
co-operation  in  the  undertaking. 

We  shall  esteem  it  an  especial  favor  to  learn  from  you,  at  the 
earliest  convenient  moment,  that  we  may  count  upon  the  coming  of 
delegates  to  represent  your  Society  at  the  celebration  in  April,  1898. 

We  particularly  desire  to  have  two  of  these  delegates  read  papers 
on  this  occasion,  and  to  be  assured  of  this  some  time  in  advance  ; 
since  it  is  our  desire  to  make  provision  that  the  two  gentlemen  who 
may  do  us  the  great  service  of  preparing  and  reading  papers  shall  be 
relieved  of  any  expense  for  crossing  the  ocean,  and  for  their  enter- 
tainment in  this  city  at  least  for  the  week  in  which  the  sessions  of 
the  "  Commemoration  "  are  to  be  held. 

Your  kind  efforts  in  securing  us  the  choice  of  these  delegates  from 
among  those  most  suitable  to  perform  this  office  will  be  very  warmly 
appreciated.  The  topics  suitable  to  the  occasion  on  which  they 
might  speak,  will,  of  course,  readily  occur  to  them. 

By  way  of  suggestion,  these  have  been  mentioned  :  The  successive 
events  that  finally  led  to  the  enactment  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  ;  the 
main  provisions  of  the  Edict  and  the  place  of  the  Edict  in  the  his- 
tory of  Religious  Toleration  ;  the  causes  that  rendered  the  Edict 
largely  inoperative  from  the  beginning,  and  finally  made  its  revoca- 
tion possible  ;  Henry  IV  and  his  chief  Huguenot  Supporters — a 
picture  of  the  men  and  their  times  ;  a  sketch  of  Huguenot  Literature 
(including  the  translations  of  the  Bible)  to  1685  ;  the  religious  lives 
of  the  Huguenots. 

I  may  add  that,  if  for  any  reason  the  author  of  a  paper  cannot 
read  it  in  person,  some  one  on  the  ground  will  be  appointed  to 
read  it. 

Pardon  me  if  I  request  you  kindly  to  signify  to  me,  as  early  as 

convenient,  upon  which  of  the  topics  that  I  have  named,  or  cognate 

topics,  we  may  hope  to  receive  papers  from  members  of  your  Society  ; 

in  order  that,  so  far  as  practicable,  no  two  writers  should  discuss 

exactly  the  same  subject,  while  other  subjects  might  not  be  discussed 

at  all. 

I  remain,  dear  Sir,  with  high  regard, 

Very  truly  yours, 

Henry  M.  Baird,  Honorary  Sec^-etary, 


IVillia^n  D.  Barbour. 

7>ea surer  of  the  Ste-rrar.f^ 


m 


I 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


XXI 


At  the  request  of  the  chairman  on  papers,  your  Sec- 
retary wrote  to  all  of  our  Vice-Presidents  two  letters 
one  asking  that  they  carry  out  what  was  the  intention  of 
the  Society  when  first  organized,  viz.,  that  each  Vice- 
President  form  a  Branch  Society  in  the  centre  repre- 
sented by  him  ;  and  another,  asking  them  either  to  write 
a  paper  themselves  on  the  Huguenot  Settlements  repre- 
sented by  them,  or  cause  one  to  be  written,  to  be  read 
at  the  Celebration,  and  to  send  two  delegates  to  repre- 
sent their  centre,  giving  names.     Many  leUers  were  also 
written  to  secure  papers  on  the  subjects  chosen  by  the 
Committee  on  Papers. 

A  joint  committee  meeting  of  the  Celebration  Com- 
mittee was  held  at  4  i-.M.  on  Saturday,  November  oj 
1897.  at  the  call  of  the  President,  in  the  parlor  of  Mr' 
de  Peyster,  Chairman  of  the   Committee  of  Arran.re! 
ments,  at  7  East  Forty-second  Street.  * 

The  Treasurer,  Mr.  Swords,  submitted  a  circular 
ktter  to  the  members  asking  for  subscriptions  for  the 
Celebration  ;  which,  on  motion,  was  submitted  to  a 
coinmittee  of  three-Mr.  de  Peyster,  Mrs.  Wittmeyer 
and  Mrs.  Lawton— with  power.  It  was  also  ordered 
that  this  circular  be  signed  by  Mr.  Marquand  and  Mr 
de  Peyster. 

Also,  that  those  preparing  papers  be  requested  to 
read  only  a  resume  of  them  (time  allowed  to  be  o-iven 
later)  and  that  the  papers  themselves  be  give^n  to 
tlie  Publication  Committee  to  be  published  in  our 
Commemorative  Volume. 

-Mr.    Wittmeyer  offered  the   French  Church  du  St 
tspnt  for  the  use  of  the  Society  for  the  two  days  of 
the  addresses.     The  offer  was  accepted  with   thanks 
and  the  Secretary  requested  to  report  the  same  to  the 
t-xecutive  Committee. 


It 


XXll 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


Mr.  Wittmeyer  read  his  report  of  the  work  done  dur- 
ing the  summer,  givin^^  names  of  those  to  whom  letters 
had  been  sent,  and  their  repHes. 

The  report  was  accepted,  and  ordered  to  be  placed 
on  file. 

Mrs.  Lawton,  acting  secretary  for  Prof.  Baird 
(Honorary  Secretary),  read  his  report,  which  was 
accepted  and  ordered  to  be  placed  on  file.  The  Lon- 
don Huguenot  Society,  it  appeared,  would  pay  the 
expenses  of  the  two  delegates,  Mr.  Browning  and  Mr. 
Belleroche  ;  and  that  M.  Weiss  and  M.  De  Felice  had 
been  appointed  delegates  from  the  French  Huguenot 
Society,  and  all  these  gentlemen  would  present  papers. 
Prof.  Baird  requesting  instructions  how  to  reply  to  Mr. 
Belleroche's  query  as  to  the  language  in  which  his 
paper  should  be  presented,  the  Committee  decided  that 
in  view  of  the  great  importance  of  the  subject  to  be 
treated  by  Mr.  Belleroche,  and  the  fact  that  many  of 
the  members  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  America  do 
not  understand  P>ench,  he  be  requested  to  write  his 
paper  in  P:nglish.  Prof.  Baird  was  further  requested 
to  write  to  Mr.  Wildeman  to  give  us  a  paper  on  the 
Walloon  Churches  or  on  the  Church  in  Haarlem— as 
Prof.  Baird  thought  best.  Should  he  deem  it  proper,  he 
might  make  the  request  through  the  Societe  Wallonne. 

Mrs.  Lawton  requested  that  her  donation  be  devoted 
to  defraying  the  expenses,  and  for  the  entertainment 
of  the  guests  from  abroad. 

In  regard  to  the  subscriptions  to  be  raised  to  defray 
the  expenses  of  the  Celebration,  Mr.  Sanger's  resolu- 
tion was  adopted  that  after  all  bills  had  been  paid,  the 
surplus,  if  any,  was  to  be  the  nucleus  of  a  permanent 
fund. 

On    motion  of  Mr.    de    Peyster,    Mrs.    Lawton    was 


Mrs.  James 


awton. 


SrcTrtd 


h^     Cr'I.  hftl  'l  Ml      C-,,,, *,:'•; 


I 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


XXlll 


officially  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Celebration 
Committee. 

A  meeting  of  the  Celebration  Committee  was  held  at 
5  I'.M.,  January  6,  1898,  at  the  call  of  the  Chairman,  in 
the  Library. 

The  Secretary  presented  a  letter  from  M.  Weiss  to 
Prof.  Baird,  asking  if  the  Committee  would  not  change 
the  date  of  the  Celebration,  to  which  the  Honorary 
Secretary  had  replied  courteously  but  firmly  that  this 
was  impossible,  but  that  he  hoped  M.  Weiss  would  be 
with  us  on  the  occasion  of  the  Celebration.  On  motion 
the  action  of  the  Honorary  Secretary  was  approved. 
In  regard  to  Mrs.  Lawton's  proposition  to  invite  a  dele- 
gate from  the  Nantes  Committee  to  come  over  in 
April,  provided  they  would  change  the  date  of  their 
celebration  (to  May  2d,  date  of  actual  signing  of  the 
last  document  accompanying  the  Edict),  the  Committee 
decided  that  no  further  action  should  be  taken. 

It  was  resolved  that  the  Secretary  be  requested  to 
write  to  Rev.  E.  Andra  that  the  Society  would  take  a 
copy  of  the  work  to  be  issued  on  the  occasion  of  the 
Fetes  at  Nantes,  provided  the  price  be  at  all  moderate. 

Mr.  Swords  requested  that  in  view  of  his  recent 
bereavement,  his  name  be  omitted  from  the  circular 
letter  asking  for  subscriptions.  It  was  also  resolved 
that  the  Treasurer  of  the  Society  be  requested  for  the 
time  being  to  receive  all  subscriptions,  placing  them  in 
a  separate  fund  entitled,  "Subscriptions  for  the  Ex- 
penses of  the  Celebration  of  the  Tercentenary  of  the 
Promulgation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes." 


XXIV 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


CIRCULAR   LETTER    FROM  THE    PRESIDENT,  INFORMING    THE 
SOCIETY  OF  THE  CELEBRATION,  ETC. 


HUGUENOT  SOCIETY  OF  AMERICA. 


To  THE  Members  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  America. 

Greeting.  Your  President  wishes  to  announce  to  you,  that  during 
the  week  of  April  r3th,  in  this  year  of  our  Lord,  1898,  will  be  cele- 
brated in  New  York  City,  by  the  Huguenot  Society  of  America,  the 
Tercentenary  of  the  Promulgation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  by 
Henry  the  IV. 

Delegates  are  coming  from  abroad,  who  will  read  papers,  and  the 
Committee  have  many  papers  promised  from  the  Vice-Presidents  of 
the  Huguenot  Centres  in  America. 

In  order  to  make  this  Celebration  worthy  of  the  occasion,  your 
most  cordial  and  active  co-operation  is  solicited. 

A  brief  history  of  this  movement,  the  only  one  of  its  kind  ever 
attempted  in  any  country,  may  not  be  out  of  place. 

Three  years  ago  last  October,  the  subject  of  this  Celebration  was 
broached.  The  Executive  Committee  approving  the  plan,  the 
Foreign  Societies  were  sounded,  and  the  interest  manifested  was 
such  that  your  President  appointed  a  Celebration  Committee. 

Last  spring,  Prof.  Henry  M.  Baird,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  was  appointed 
Hon.  Secretary  to  correspond  with  all  the  Foreign  Sister  Societies, 
soliciting  papers  suitable  to  the  occasion  and  inviting  two  Delegates 
from  each  Society,  whose  expense,  coming  and  returning,  would  be 
met  by  us,  to  be  our  guests  for  one  week  in  New  York  City. 

The  Secretary  of  the  London  Society  writes  that  they  consider 
that  "we  do  them  sutftcient  honor  in  entertaining  the  delegates 
while  in  New  York,"  and  that  their  Society  will  pay  for  their  travel- 
ling expenses.  Besides  these  two  Delegates  eight  or  nine  members 
are  coming  over  for  their  own  pleasure. 

The  Rev.  A.  V.  Wittmeyer,  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Papers 
of  the  Celebration  Committee,  has  corresponded  with  the  Huguenot 
Centres  in  America,  and  has  secured  most  valuable  papers.  He  has 
also  most  generously  offered  the  use  of  L*  Eglise  du  St.  Esprit,  for 
the  two  days  devoted  to  the  reading  of  papers. 

Two  thousand  and  sixty  dollars  ($2060.00)  have  been  subscribed 
by  one  of  our  members  towards  defraying  the  expenses  and  provid- 
ing for  the  entertainment  of  the  guests  from  abroad.      But  we  have 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


XXV 


other  guests  as  well,  and  to  make  the  Tercentenary  a  success,  we 
must  have  a  generous  subscription. 

It  has  been  decided  that  after  all  expenses  are  paid  any  money 
left  over  is  to  form  the  nucleus  of  a  Permanent  Fund.  Annual 
Membership  fees  are  for  Society  Meetings,  Rent  for  the  Library, 
Salary  for  Clerk,  Stationery,  and  Incidental  Expenses. 

The  eyes  of  the  world  have  been  drawn  to  the  Huguenot  Society 
of  America.  Should  our  Celebration  be  a  failure  it  would  be  a 
great  disaster.  It  should  be  the  crowning  success  of  this  Nineteenth 
Century.  It  rests  with  you,  members  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of 
America,  to  make  it  so. 

Your  President  appeals  with  confidence  to  your  generosity,  your 
love  for  the  memory  of  your  martyred  Ancestors,  and  to  your 
Patriotism. 

All  contributions  are  to  be  sent  to  the  Treasurer  of  the  Society, 
George  S.  Bowdoin,  Esq.,  in  care  of  J.  P.  Morgan  &  Co.,  23  Wall 
St.,  New  York  City,  marked  "for  the  Celebration  Fund."  He  has 
kindly  consented  to  act  ad  interim  for  the  Treasurer  of  the 
Celebration  Committee.  HENRY  G.  MARQUAND, 

President. 
Frederic  J.  de  Peyster, 

Chairman  Committee  on  Arrangements 

of  Celebration  Committee, 
yanuary  20 ^  i8g8. 


After  the  meeting  of  January  6th,  several  other  meet- 
ings, formal  and  informal,  were  held,  and  reports  of 
progress  made  from  time  to  time  to  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee. At  a  February  meeting  it  was  decided  to 
have  the  whole  of  Easter  week  for  the  Celebration,  and 
that  a  programme  of  exercises  be  made  out.  Mr.  Rhine- 
lander  showed  designs  for  souvenirs,  to  be  made  by 
Black,  Starr  &  Frost, — a  white  enameled  flag,  with  a 
gold  fletir-dc-lys,  and  the  dates  1598-1898,  to  be  worn 
as  a  pin  by  both  ladies  and  gentlemen.  It  was  also  de- 
cided to  have  the  same  dinner  cards,  with  the  embossed 
marigold,  as  at  the  last  dinner,  and  that  the  music  should 
be  in  charge  of  Mr.  Helfenstein,  the  organist  of  Grace 


XXVI 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


Church,  who  had  most  generously  volunteered  his  ser- 
vices to  teach  some  of  the  choristers  appropriate 
songs  and  to  lead  the  singing  on  the  occasion.  A 
''  Programme  of  Entertainments  during  Easter  Week," 
the  "  Titles  of  Papers,  Names  of  Speakers,"  and  cards 
of  admission  to  the  church  for  the  two  days  of  the 
papers  were  to  be  sent  to  all  members  ;  the  last  two 
to  be  sent  also  to  clergymen,  public  men,  universities, 
and  theological  seminaries.  It  was  also  resolved  that 
the  Honorary  Secretary  thank  M.  Weiss  for  his  kind- 
ness in  offering  to  bring  over  his  stereopticon  views  to 
be  shown  and  explained  by  him  one  evening  during  the 
celebration  week.  As  this  could  not  be  settled  before 
his  coming,  no  announcement  appeared  on  the  pro- 
grammes sent  out.  The  first  notices  giving  information 
about  details,  banquet,  etc.,  were  sent  out  on  February 
24th.  The  programme,  list  of  speakers  and  papers,  and 
full  notices  were  sent  to  religious,  daily,  and  weekly 
papers.  xMr.  Swords  also  paid  for  a  long  and  exhaustive 
article,  giving  the  history  of  the  Society,  the  celebration 
movement,  and  all  that  was  to  take  place  during  the  week. 
As  having  interest,  especially  to  those  who  attended 
the  commemorative  services,  the  various  issues  of  the 
Society  relating  to  the  commemoration  are  here  re- 
printed. 

( I .     A  nnounceitient. ) 

The  Huguenot  Society  of  America, 

105  EAST  22d  STREET. 
CELEBRATION  COMMITTEE. 


President, 
HENRY  G.  MARQUAND. 

Treasurer, 
GEORGE  S.  BOWDOIN. 


Honorary  Secretary, 
Prof.  HENRV  M.  BAIRD,  D.D.,  LL.D. 

Committee  on  Papers, 
Rev.  a.  V.  WITTMEYER. 


Chairman  Committee  on  Arrangements, 

FREDERIC  J.  DE  PEYSTER. 

All  correspondence  to  be  addressed  to  the  Secretary,  Mrs.  J.  M.  LAWTON. 


William  E,  Dodze, 

Representatiife  of  the  New  England  Society. 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


xxvu 


New  York,  February  24,  189S. 
The  President  desires  to  inform  you  that  the  Programme  of  Arrangements  for 
the  Celebration  Week  of  April  13th,  is  to  be  sent  to  the  members,  as  soon  as  the 
Committee  hears  from  one  of  the  Foreign  Societies  the  title  of  its  paper. 

The  Banquet  will  be  given  on  Thursday  evening,  April  14th,  at  seven  o'clock, 
at  Delmonico's.  Speeches  by  Foreign  Delegates,  and  many  well-known  American 
speakers.  Vou  are  requested  to  inform  the  Committee  on  Arrangements  at  your 
very  earliest  convenience  whether  you  intend  to  be  present,  and  if  so,  how  many 
tickets  you  will  require.  All  members  are  at  liberty  to  invite  as  many  guests  as 
they  wish,  ladies  or  gentlemen,  members  or  non-members.  The  price  of  each 
ticket  will  be  $5. 00. 

E.   M.  C.  A.  LAWTON, 
Secretary  of  Celebration  Committee. 

( 2 .     An7iounceme?it. ) 

The  Huguenot  Society  of  America. 

CELEBRATION    COMMITTEE. 

President, 
HENRY  (i.  MARQUAND. 

March  18,  1898. 
The  Committee  of  Arrangements  are  happy  to  announce  that  over  one  hundred 
applications  have  already  been  received  for  the  Banquet  of  April  14th,  at  Del- 
monico's, 44th  Street  and  Fifth  Avenue.  The  presence  of  our  Foreign  Guests  and 
the  eloquent  speakers  who  have  promised  to  attend  will  make  this  occasion  a 
brilliant  one. 

A  Smoking  Room  has  been  engaged  adjoining  the  Banquet  Room,  where  gen- 
tlemen may  retire  after  the  dinner  is  over  and  before  the  speaking  begins. 

All  communications  regarding  applications  for  tickets  and  seating  at  the  tables 
to  be  addressed  to  the  Secretary  of  the  Celebration  Committee,  Mrs.  James  M. 
Lawton.  Members  wishing  to  form  parties  of  six  or  eight  will  so  inform  the 
Secretary,  giving  names. 

Tickets  are  now  ready  for  delivery  at  $5.00  each.  Members  are  therefore 
requested  to  send  checks  for  whatever  number  of  tickets  they  may  require,  to 
William  D.  Barbour,  Treasurer  of  the  Stewards,  No.  15  Wall  Street,  New  York. 

Chairman  of  the  Stewards,        Chairman,  Committee  of  Arrangements 
T.  J.  OAKLEY  RHINELANDER.  FREDERIC  J.  DE  PEYSTER. 

(3)  PROGRAMME  OF  ENTERTAINMENTS  DURING 

EASTER  WEEK. 

Easter  Sunday,  April  loth. 

Services  at  11  o'clock  at  Grace  Church;  sermon  by  the  Rector, 
the  Rev.  Dr.  Wm.  R.  Huntington,  Member  of  the  Huguenot 
Society  of  America. 


XXVlll 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


Monday,  April  nth. 

Reception  to  the  Foreign  Delegates  by  the  President  of  the  Hugue- 
not Society  of  America,  at  the  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art,  at 
3.30  P.M.,  by  card. 

Tuesday^  April  12th. 

Reception  to  the  Delegates  and  Foreign  Guests,  by  Mrs.  James  M. 
Lawton,  37  Fifth  Avenue,  from  3  to  5  o'clock. 

Wednesday,  April  13th. 

Services  at  the  French  Church  du  St.  Esprit,  30  West  22d  Street, 
followed  by  the  reading  of  papers  at  11  a.m.  Rev.  A.  V.  Witt- 
MEYER,  Rector,  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Papers,  pre- 
siding. 

List  of  papers  for  the  first  day's  session  : 

1.  "  The  successive  events  that  finally  led  to  the  enactment  of 

the    Edict   of   Nantes,"  by  Edward    Belleroche,  Esq., 
London  Delegate. 

2.  "  The  Edict  of  Nantes  :  its  scope  and  its  place  in  the  history 

of    religious   toleration,"  by  Samuel    M.   Jackson,   Prof. 
Church  History,  N.  Y.  University. 

3.  *' Comment  I'Edit  de  Nantes  fut  observe,"  by  Rev.  Paul  de 

FELICE,  French  Delegate,  translated  by  Mr.  F.  F.  DuFais. 

4.  "The  Strength  and  the  Weakness  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes," 

by  Prof.  Henry  M.  Baird,  LL.D.,  L.H.D.,  Hon.  Sec'y  of 
Celebration  Committee. 

5.  "  Les  Ennemis  de  I'Edit  de  Nantes,"  by  Monsieur  N.  Weiss, 

French  Delegate. 
At  4  P.M.,  Annual  Business  Meeting  for  the  election  of  Officers,  etc., 
at  Assembly  Hall,  105  East  22d  Street. 


Thursday,  April  14th. 

Services  at  the  French  Church  du  St.  Esprit,  30  West  22d  Street, 
followed  by  the  reading  of  papers  at  1 1  a.m.  Rev.  A.  V.  Witt- 
meyer.  Rector,  Chairman  of  Committee  on  Papers,  presiding. 

List  of  papers  for  the  second  day's  session  : 

6.  **  History  of  the  French  Hospital  in  London,  and  the  Lives 
of  the  Huguenots  who  founded  it,"  by  A.  Giraud  Brown- 
ing, Esq.,  F.S.A.,  Delegate  from  London  Society. 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


XXIX 


7.  "  The  Walloon  Church  of  Haarlem,"  by  Mr.  M.  G.  Wilde- 
man,  of  Haarlem,  read  by  Theo.  M.  Banta,  Esq.,  Secre- 
tary Holland  Society. 

8.  '*  Huguenots  in  South  Carolina,"  by  Hon.  T.  W.  Bacot, 
Delegate  from  Huguenot  Society  of  South  Carolina. 

9.  ''Huguenots  of  Virginia,"  by  Col.  Richard  L.  Maury, 
Vice-President  Huguenot  Society  of  America  from  Vir- 
ginia. 

Huguenots   and   New   Rochelle,"   by  George   T.  Davis, 
Esq.,  Delegate  from  Huguenot  Society  of  New  Rochelle. 

11.  '*  Huguenots'  influence  in  the  Colonial  Capital  of  New  York," 

by   Hon.  A.  T.   Clearwater,  Vice-President   Huguenot 
Society  of  America  from  New  Paltz,  N.  Y. 

12.  "  Huguenot  Settlement  in  New  Jersey,"  by  J.  C.  Pumpelly, 

Esq.,  Huguenot  Society  of  America. 
At  7  P.M.,  Banquet  at  Delmonico's,  44th  Street  and  Fifth  Avenue. 


10. 


(4)  TITLES  OF  PAPERS  AND  NAMES  OF  SPEAKERS. 

{Prograj7ime  of  papers,  second  form.) 

First  Session. 

I.  "  The  successive  events  that  finally  led  to  the  Enactment  of  the 
Edict  of  Nantes."— Edward  Belleroche,  Esq.,  Fellow  of 
the  Huguenot  Society  of  London,  Delegate  from  the  Lon- 
don Society. 

I.  "  The  Edict  of  Nantes  :  its  scope  and  its  place  in  the  history  of 
religious  toleration."— Samuel  Macauley  Jackson,  Pro- 
fessor of  Church  History,  New  York  University. 

{.  "  Comment  I'Edit  de  Nantes  fut  observe."— Rev.  Paul  de 
Felice,  Membre  de  la  Society  de  I'histoire  du  Protestant- 
isme  Frangais,  Delegate  from  the  French  Society.  [As 
Monsieur  de  Felice  was  unable  to  come  over,  Mr.  F.  F. 
DuFais,  a  member  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  America, 
kindly  translated  and  read  his  paper.] 

*  The  Strength  and  the  Weakness  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes."— 
Prof.  Henry  M.  Baird,  LL.D.,  L.H.D.,  Hon.  Fellow  of  the 
Huguenot  Society  of  London,  Hon.  Member  of  the  Hugue- 
not Society  of  America,  Hon.  Secretary  of  the  Celebration 
Committee. 


4. 


XXX 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


M 


<i 


Les  Ennemis  de  I'Edit  de  Nantes." — Monsieur  N.  Weiss, 
Secretaire  de  la  Soci^te  de  I'histoire  du  Protestantisme 
fran^ais,  Delegate  from  the  French  Society. 


6. 


7- 


8. 


lO. 


II, 


12. 


Second  Session. 

**  History  of  the  French  Hospital  in  London,  and  the  Lives  of 
the  Huguenots  who  founded  it." — A.  Giraud  Browning, 
Esq.,  F.S.A.,  First  Vice-President  of  the  Huguenot  Society 
of  London,  Hon.  Secretary  of  the  French  Hospital  in  Lon- 
don, Hon.  Member  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  America, 
Delegate  from  the  London  Society. 

"The  Walloon  Church  of  Haarlem." — Mr.  Marinus  Godefri- 
DEN  WiLDEMAN,  Adjunct  Archivaris  van  Haarlem,  Member 
of  Genealogical  and  Heraldic  Society,  Corresponding  Mem- 
ber of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  America.  [As  Mr.  Wilde- 
man  could  not  come  over,  Theodore  M.  Banta,  Esq., 
Secretary  of  the  Holland  Society  of  New  York,  Member  of 
the  Executive  and  Celebration  Committees,  Huguenot  So- 
ciety of  America,  kindly  read  his  paper.] 

*'  Huguenots  in  South  Carolina,"  by  Hon.  T.  W.  Bacot,  Dele- 
gate from  Huguenot  Society  of  South  Carolina. 

*'  Huguenots  of  Virginia." — Col.  Richard  L.  Maury,  Vice- 
President  Huguenot  Society  of  America  from  Virginia, 
Member  of  Celebration  Committee. 

"  Huguenots  and  New  Rochelle." — George  T.  Davis,  Esq., 
Member  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  New  Rochelle,  Dele- 
gate from  that  Society. 

"  Huguenots'  influence  in  the  Colonial  Capital  of  New  York," 
by  Hon.  A.  T.  Clearwater,  Vice-President  Huguenot 
Society  of  America  from  New  Paltz,  N.  Y.  [This  paper 
was  not  read.] 

"Huguenot  Settlement  in  New  Jersey."  —  Josiah  Collins 
PuMPELLY,  Member  of  the  Celebration  Committee,  Hugue- 
not Society  of  America. 

First  Day's  Session — Papers  Nos.  i,  2,  3,  4,  5. 

Second  Day's  Session — Papers  Nos.  6,  7,  8,  9,  10,  11,  12. 


Church  ( Eglise  du  St,  Esprit)  in  which  the 
Celebration  was  Held. 


W 


•  4 


Report  of  the  Secretary 

( 5 .      Ticket  of  admission. ) 

ADMIT  THE  BEARER 


XXXI 


TO 


French  Church  du  Saint  Esprit, 

30  West  Twenty-second  Street, 
On  Wednesday,  April  Thirteenth 


AND 


Thursday,  April  Fourteenth, 

AT    ELEVEN    O'CLOCK. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Stewards,  March  24th,  imme- 
dicitcly  preceding  the  Executive  Committee  meeting, 
Mrs.  Lawton  reported  the  money  spent  and  the  con- 
tracts pending  approval.  As  the  London  Society  would 
not  allow  the  travelling  expenses  of  their  Delegates  to 
1^-  met  by  our  Society,  Mrs.  Lawton  engaged^to  pay 
for  the  music  by  the  choristers,  for  fifty  of  the  souve- 
nirs, and  any  other  extras  which  might,  by  the  Stewards 
be  regarded  as  luxuries. 

She  reported   that  the  French   white   flag,  with  the 
twenty-one  y?.'/^r^-,^^./j.^  embroidered,  would  cost  $150, 
and  an  American  banner  of  the  same  size,   with   the 
stars  embroidered,  $50,  and  the  amount  needed   $200 
was  subscribed  by  the  following  members  and  stewards  : 

Mr.  Fred.  J.  de  Peyster, 
Col.  VVilll\m  Jay, 
Mrs.  James  M.  Lawton, 
Mr.  Theodore  M.  Bant  a, 
Mr.  J.  D.  Brez, 
Miss  M.  L.  Anderson, 


Mr.  George  S.  Bowdoin, 
Mrs.  Clara  L.  McMurtry, 
Mrs.  Gen.  Robert  Anderson, 
Mr.  H.  Cotheal  Swords, 
Mr.  Wm.  Gary  Sanger, 
Miss  Laurestine  Cotheal  Smith 


iMrs.  L.  Holbrook. 


XXXll 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


XXXlll 


STEWARDS. 

Mr.  T.  J.  Oakley  Rhinelan-     Mr.  Charles  F.  Darlington, 

DER,  Chairman,  Mr.  Frederick  W.  Stelle, 

Mr.  Wm.  D.  Barbour,  Treasurer,  Mr.  Bayard  Dominick. 

The  last  preparatory  meeting  was  held  at  5  p.m., 
April  13th,  after  the  Annual  Meeting.  It  was  reported 
that  as  it  had  been  impossible  to  defer  the  printing  of 
the  menu  until  after  the  election  of  president  and  offi- 
cers, the  list  of  officers  on  the  menu  would  be  that 
of  last  year,  but  Mr.  de  Peyster  as  President-elect  would 
preside  at  the  banquet. 

It  was  ordered  that  music  cards  and  lists  of  table 
guests  be  printed  and  typewritten  copies  of  order  of 
procession  to  be  given  to  the  Stewards.  Further,  that 
a  table  be  reserved  for  the  reporters,  with  dinner  and 
wines. 

Mrs.  Lawton  announced  that  she  would  crive  a  dinner 
at  Dehiionico's  to  Mr.  Helfenstein  and  the  choristers 
at  5  o'clock  on  the  14th.  A  meeting  of  the  Stewards 
was  ordered  at  Delmonico's  at  4.30  p.m.,  and  it  was  or- 
dered that  they  report  for  duty  at  the  banquet  at  6.30 
P.M.  The  following  notices  were  given  :  Dr.  Thomas  of 
the  South  Carolina  Society  was  unable  to  attend  ;  Mrs. 
Hill,  the  appointed  delegate,  had  declined  invitation  to 
the  banquet.  Messrs.  Ravenel,  Sr.  and  Jr.,  and  Rev. 
Dr.  and  Mrs.  Charles  S.  Vedder,  delegates  from  South 
Carolina,  were  to  be  invited. 

THE     WEEK    OF    THE     CELEBRATION,     BEGINNING    SUNDAY, 

April   10,    1898. 

The  Easter  morning  sun  rose  clear  and  bright  to 
welcome  our  Huguenot  brethren  from  the  Old  World, 
coming  to  celebrate   in   this,   the   New,   and  in   a  city 


which  was  not  in  existence  when  the  Great  Edict  was 
promulgated,   its  Three    Hundredth    Birthday  !     What 
more  fitting,  than  that  our  first  act  should  be  one  of 
thanksgiving  and  praise  to  the  God  who  had  brought 
our  fathers   through  perils    and    persecutions    in    their 
native  France,  to  lands  which  welcomed  and  sheltered 
them,  and  to  a  land  of  Freedom  far  beyond  the  sea  ? 
Monsieur  le  Pasteur  Weiss,  the  Secretary  of  the  French 
Society,  and  Mr.  Belleroche,  one  of  the  English  delegates, 
had  arrived  on  our  shores  the  preceding  week,  in  the 
midst  of  a  snow-storm,  but  the  two  Vice-Presidents  of 
the  London  Society,  Messrs.  Browning  and  Hovenden, 
and  their  daughters,  came  in  the  Etricria  just  in  time 
for  the  Easter  service.     The  Rev.   Dr.  Wm.  R.   Hun- 
tington, whose  Huguenot  ancestors,  the  Barets,  appear 
on  the  rolls  of  the   church   at    Norwich,  England,   re- 
^erved    pews    for   our    foreign    guests,    delegates,  'and 
Dtticers  at  Grace  Church  for  the  eleven  o'clock  service, 
to  which  invitations  had  been  given  in  Dr.   Hunting- 
ton's name.      In  his  sermon  (which  is  in  this  volume  Ts 
the  first  of  the  week's  exercises)  he  gave  a  slight  sketch 
of  Huguenot  history  leading  up  to  the  promulgation  of 
the  Edict  of  Nantes,  and  extended  a  most  cordial  wel- 
come to  our  guests  from  abroad,  from  their  brethen  in 
America,  and  from  the  congregation  of  Grace  Church. 
Those    invited   who   were    able    to    accept    were    Mr 
de  Peyster,    Mr.   G.   S.   Bowdoin,   Mr.    Du   Puy,   Prof.' 
Rees,  and  Mrs.  Lawton  of  the  Celebration  Committee, 
Mr.  A.  Giraud  Browning  and  his  daughter,  Mr.  Hoven- 
den and  his  daughter,  Monsieur  Weiss,  Mr.  Belleroche, 
and    Mr.    Brez    (the    latter    representing    the    Societ^ 
Vaudoise). 

In  the  afternoon,  the  President  and  his  family,  Vice- 
Presidents  de  Peyster  and  Du   Puy,  and  several  other 


J 


XXXIV 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


I 


officers  and  members  of  the  Society,  with  their  fam- 
ilies, called  on  the  delegates,  who  during  their  stay 
in  New  York  were  the  guests  of  Mrs.  James  M.  Law- 
ton,  Secretary  of  the  Celebration  Committee,  whose 
cousin,  Miss  Johnson,  daughter  of  the  Archdeacon,  was 
staying  with  her  and  assisted  her  in  her  duties. 

Monday,  the  iith,  the  gentlemen  went  to  see  the 
downtown  sights  ;  the  ladies,  with  some  Huguenot 
maidens,  to  compare  our  shops  with  those  of  London. 
The  Honorary  Secretary  kindly  represented  Mrs.  Law- 
ton  at  lunch,  as  she  could  not  leave  the  Library.  In  the 
afternoon,  Mr.  Marquand's  reception  at  the  Metropoli- 
tan Museum  of  Art,  of  which  he  is  President,  was  held. 
Invitations  to  the  Executive  and  Celebration  Commit- 
tees were  sent  from  the  Library,  to  meet  the  delegates 
from  abroad  and  the  guests  of  the  Society.  The 
followin^i^  invitation  was  sent  to  the  deleeates  and 
guests  : 


The  plcastire  of  your  company 

is  requested  at  the 

Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art, 

on  Monday,  April  the  eleventh, 

at  half  after  three  d clock. 

HENRY  G.  MARQUAND, 

President  of  the  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art 
and  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  America. 


Henrv  (r.  Marquand. 

2d  Presiat'Tii  a  J  the  Society. 


Mr.  Marquand  intended  to  make  the  invitations 
eeneral  to  all  members  of  the  Society,  but  at  the  time 
the    invitations    were    printed,    though    well    enough 


^^ 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


XXXV 


to  receive  a  few  persons,  he  was  not  able  to  stand 
the  fatigue  of  shaking  hands  with  three  or  four  hun- 
dred people.  Therefore,  much  to  his  reo-ret,  he  had 
to  limit  his  invitations  to  the  foreign  guests  and  dele- 
gates, all  of  whom  attended,  as  did  the  followine  mem- 
bers  of  the  Executive  and  Celebration  Committees  :  Mr. 
de  Peyster,  Mr.  Du  Puy  and  family,  Professor  Rees, 
Colonel  Maury,  Vice-President  from  Virginia,  Mr.  Lu- 
quer,  Secretary  of  the  General  Society,  Mr.  Pumpelly, 
Rev.  Mr.  Wittmeyer,  the  Misses  Browning,  Hovenden, 
and  Johnson,  and  Mrs.  Lawton.  As  Mr.  Marquand 
was  not  on  that  day  in  sufficient  health  to  receive  his 
(guests.  General  di  Cesnola  and  Mr.  Wm.  E.  Dodge  re- 
ceived in  his  stead.  General  di  Cesnola  also  kindly 
acted  as  cicerone  and  brought  out  for  us  the  choicest 
treasures  of  every  collection  ;  and  so  two  hours  were 
passed  most  agreeably. 

It  is  appropriate  to  quote  here  this  extract  from  the 
report  of  Mr.  Browning  to  the  London  Society :  "  It 
wuuld  be  hopeless  for  me  to  attempt  to  describe  the 
Museum,  which  in  some  of  its  collections  surpasses  both 
our  British  Museum  and  the  South  Kensington.  No 
money  has  been  spared  to  secure  many  of  the  finest 
treasures  of  the  old  world  in  Egyptian,  Etruscan, 
Roman,  and  Persian  Art,  and  in  both  ancient  and 
modern  sculpture  and  painting."  After  our  minds  had 
been  filled  with  knowledge,  and  our  eyes  with  the  sight 
of  the  beauties  and  glories  of  all  lands,  we  were  invited 
to  the  private  room  of  General  di  Cesnola  and  there 
found  a  most  sumptuous  collation.  We  drove  through 
Central  Park  to  all  the  points  of  interest  which  the 
waning  light  permitted  us  to  see,  and  some  of  our  other 

Huguenots   made   the  acquaintance  of  our   guests  at 
dinner. 


I  i 


I 


.1 


1 


XXXV 1 


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XXXVll 


The  gentlemen  of  the  party  went  with  our  Vice- 
President,  Mr.  Lester,  to  New  Rochelle  on  Tuesday, 
and  the  ladies  to  lunch  at  Mrs.  de  Peyster's. 

Every  day  our  guests  visited  the  Library,  and 
expressed  themselves  much  pleased  with  it.  Monsieur 
Weiss  gave  us  most  useful  information,  for  which  we  are 
most  truly  thankful. 

In  the  afternoon  all  met  in  Mrs.  Lawton's  parlor,  and 
Mr.  Marquand,  though  not  feeling  at  all  strong,  did  her 
the  honor  of  coming.  It  was  only  a  Huguenot  reception, 
and  no  invitations  were  issued  except  to  the  **  Society," 
to  meet  our  friends  from  abroad. 

In  the  evening,  we  had  friends  to  dinner,  and  after- 
wards several  came  in,  among  them  the  delegates  from 
the  Charleston  Society,  Messrs.  Ravenel  and  Gaillard. 
They  said  that  the  Rev.  Dr.  Vedder  was  also  to  repre- 
sent the  Society,  and  that  the  two  gentlemen  whose 
names  were  down  on  the  list  were  not  coming,  and  that 
we  were  not  to  have  the  promised  paper  from  South 
Carolina.  This  obliged  a  revision  of  the  list  of  invited 
tjuests  for  the  fourth  or  fifth  time. 

Wednesday  morning,  April  13th,  at  eleven  a.m.,  the 
public  celebration,  admittance  to  which  was  by  card,  was 
held  in  I'Eglise  du  Saint  Esprit  in  Twenty-second  Street, 
whose  present  pastor  was  founder  of  the  Society. 
There  seems  to  be  an  impression,  which  I  did  not  know  of 
at  the  time,  that  the  church  is  a  Presbyterian  one,  caused, 
I  suppose,  by  the  fact  that  the  papers  were  read  there, 
but  we  must  tell  our  foreii^n  friends  that  we  did  not  con- 
sider  it  was  being  used  for  a  "  secular"  purpose  in  read- 
ing papers  on  religious  subjects.  The  organ  gave  some 
old  Huguenot  hymns,  Mr.  W^ittmeyer  read  selections 
and  prayers  from  his  translation  of  the  Episcopal 
Prayer-book,  and  then  welcomed  the  congregation  in  a 


few  words.  Then  M.  Jallade  read  an  original  poem  in 
French,  entitled,  '*  I'Anniversaire  de  la  Promulgation  de 
I'Edit  de  Nantes,"  and  the  papers  were  read  in  the  fol- 
lowing order  : 

I.  *'  The  successive  events  that  finally  led  to  the  enactment  of  the 
Edict  of  Nantes." — Edward  Belleroche,  Esq.,  Fellow  of 
the  Huguenot  Society  of  London,  Delegate  from  the 
London  Society. 

:.  "The  Edict  of  Nantes  :  its  scope  and  its  place  in  the  history 
of  religious  toleration." — Samuel  Macauley  Jackson, 
Professor  of  Church  History,  New  York  University. 

3.  "  How  the  Edict  of   Nantes  was  observed." — Rev.  Paul  de 

Felice,  Membre  de  la  Societe  de  I'histoire  du  Protestant- 
isme  frangais.  Delegate  from  the  French  Society.  [As 
Monsieur  de  Fj^lice  had  been  unable  to  come  over,  Mr.  F. 
F.  Du  Fais,'  a  member  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  America, 
kindly  translated  and  read  his  paper.] 

4.  "  The  strength  and  the  weakness  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes." — 

Prof.  Henry  M.  Baird,  LL.D.,  L.H.D.,  Hon.  Fellow  of 
the  Huguenot  Society  of  London,  Hon.  member  of  the 
Huguenot  Society  of  America,  Hon.  Secretary  of  the 
Celebration  Committee. 

5.  "The   Edict  of   Nantes:    its  adversaries  and    difficulties." — 

Monsieur  N.  Weiss,  Secretaire  de  la  Societe  de  I'histoire  du 
Protestantisme  fran9ais,  Delegate  from  the  French  Society. 

Suffice  it  to  say  that  they  were  listened  to  with  great 
iittention  by  quite  a  large  congregation.  M.  Weiss  in 
his  paper  showed  (as  is  said  in  Mr.  Browning's  report) 
"  that  the  enemies  of  religious  toleration,  as  embodied 
in  the  famous  Edict,  have  been  steadily  at  work  from 
the  dawn  of  the  Reformation  in  France  until  even  a 
month  or  two  ago,  when  Paris  was  covered  with  posters 
issued   from  a  clerical    college,    denouncing   all   Jews, 

^  Mr.  Du  Fais  died  April  28,  1899. 


XXXVUl 


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XXXIX 


Freemasons,   and   Protestants,  and  advising  that    they 
should  all  be  hounded  out  of  the  country." 

At  one  the  congregation  was  dismissed,  and  after 
lunch,  met  at  four  at  the  Assembly  Hall  for  the  Annual 
Meeting,  to  which,  by  special  invitation,  some  of  our 
guests  were  asked.  M.  Weiss  attended  and  presented 
the  Society  with  one  of  the  defamatory  posters  men- 
tioned in  his  paper,  and  which  is  now  to  be  found  framed 
in  our  library.  Mr.  Browning  gave  a  very  perfect  and 
complete  set  of  bronze  medals  of  the  Massacre  of  St. 
Bartholomew's  Day  and  of  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict 
of  Nantes.  Mr.  Browning  accompanied  the  gift  with 
the  following  letter : 

37  Fifth  Avenue,  New  York,  13th  April,  1S98. 

To    THE    PRESmENT   OF    THE 

Huguenot  Society  of  America,  New  York. 

Dear  Sir  :  The  President  and  the  Council  of  the  Hucjuenot 
Society  of  London  desire  me  to  offer  for  the  acceptance  of  your 
Society,  the  accompanying  case  of  Bronze  Medals,  commemorating 
two  cardinal  events  in  Huguenot  history,  the  Massacre  of  Protes- 
tants on  St.  Bartholomew's  Day  in  1572, and  the  Revocation  of  the 
Edict  of  Nantes,  1685. 

These  medals  were  struck  at  the  mint  in  Paris  from  the  original 
dies,  which  are  preserved.  They  are  offered — Souvc?iir  of  the  In- 
ternational Congress  inaugurated  by  your  Society  to  celebrate  the 
Tercentenary  of  the  Promulgation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 

I  regret  exceedingly  that  our  President,  Sir  Henry  Peek,  was 
unable  to  accept  the  cordial  invitation  of  your  Committee  to  join  in 
this  Celebration  and  that  the  Huguenot  Society  of  London  was 
only  represented  by  myself  as  one  of  its  Vice-Presidents,  with  Mr. 
Hovenden,  a  member  of  the  Council,  and  Mr.  Belleroche,  but  I 
am  commissioned  to  express  Sir  Henry's  appreciation  of  your  courtesy 
and  to  bring  warm  greetings  from  the  English  Branch  of  the  great 
family  of  Huguenot  descendants,  with  an  assurance  of  their  entire 
sympathy  in  the  purpose  of  your  Celebration. 

We  hear  much  of  the  ties  which  should  bind  together  the  two 
Saxon  nations  of  the  world.     I  venture  to  think  that  the  intelligent 


;)preciation  of  common  descent  from  a  noble  race  actually  does 
bind  together  very  large  and  important  sections  of  people  whose 
homes  are  divided  by  the  Atlantic. 

I  am,  very  faithfully  yours, 

A.  GiRAUD  Browning, 

Vice-President^ 
Huguejiot  Society  of  London, 

The  election  of  officers  was  held.  Mr.  Marquand 
absolutely  declining  renomination,  Mr.  de  Peyster  was 
elected  President. 

Thursday  morning  again  saw  the  congregation 
assembled  for  the  papers  of  the  second  day,  on  "  The 
Huguenot  Emigration."  Mr.  Browning  began  with  a 
most  fascinating  paper  on  the  French  Hospital,  and 
these  papers  followed  : 


7. 


9- 


10. 


II. 
12. 


"  The  Walloon  Church  of  Haarlem." — Mr.  Marinus  Gode- 
FRiDEN  Wildeman,  Adjunct  Archivaris  van  Haarlem, 
Member  of  Genealogical  and  Heraldic  Society,  Corres- 
ponding Member  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  America. 
[As  Mr.  Wildeman  could  not  come  over,  Theodore  M. 
Banta,  Esq.,  Secretary  of  the  Holland  Society  of  New 
York,  Member  of  the  Executive  and  Celebration  Com- 
mittees, Huguenot  Society  of  America,  kindly  consented  to 
read  his  paper.] 

''Huguenots  in  South  Carolina." — The  Rev.  Dr.  Vedder, 
pastor  of  the  Huguenot  Church  in  Charleston. 

"Huguenots  of  Virginia." — Col.  Richard  L.  Maury,  Vice- 
President  Huguenot  Society  of  America  from  Virginia, 
Member  of  Celebration  Committee. 

"Huguenots  and  New  Rochelle." — George  T.  Davis,  Esq., 
Member  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  New  Rochelle, 
Delegate  from  that  Society. 

[Omitted.] 

"  Huguenot  Settlement  in  New  Jersey." — Josiah  Collins 
Pumpelly,  Member  of  the  Celebration  Committee, 
Huguenot  Society  of  America. 


(' 


\n 


% 


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xH 


On  the  evening  of  Thursday,  April  14th,  the  memo- 
rable Banquet  at  Delmonico's,  5th  Avenue  and  44th 
Street,  was  held.  Mr.  Rhinelander  proved  himself,  as  at 
the  dinner  of  1897,  a  very  host  in  himself, — in  fact,  it 
is  mainly  to  his  exertions  that  the  great  success  of  the 
Banquet  is  due.  Details  seem  nothing  when  they  are 
read,  and  are  tiresome,  for  at  a  grand  celebration  and 
banquet  the  audience  look  at  it  and  enjoy  it,  as  they 
would  a  beautiful  picture,  of  which  they  do  not  real- 
ize the  thought,  anxiety  and  trouble  it  has  cost  the 
artist.  More  perfect,  harmonious,  hard-working,  and 
intelligent  committees  I  have  never  seen,  and  from 
the  very  inception  of  the  idea  there  was  never  a  clash, 
all  working  together  to  accomplish  a  certain  end, 
and  every  one  thinking  how  best  they  could  help  one 
another.  What  it  would  have  been  had  there  not  been 
a  leaven  of  the  sterner  sex  in  the  committees,  I  am  not 
prepared  to  say.  As  to  the  Stewards,  their  work  was 
beyond  praise. 

Having  completed  the  "  Procession,"  added  a  few- 
last  names  to  the  list,  as  well  as  placing  them  at 
tables  where  we  knew  the  late  comers  had  friends, 
and  still  that  tht-y  should  not  take  the  places  of  those 
who  had  engaged  their  tickets  six  weeks  before — we 
sent  the  table  lists  to  the  printers.  Arrivin  "-  at  Del- 
monico's  we  found  to  our  horror  that,  despairing  of 
having  the  arrangement  of  the  tables  in  time,  they  had 
placed  them  as  they  thought  best.  Every  table  had  to  be 
dismantled  and  arranged  according  to  our  diagram.  It 
seemed  hopeless,  but  the  Stewards  were  equal  to  the  oc- 
casion, and  much  trouble  had  been  saved  by  Mr.  Barbour, 
who  had  made  a  diagram  of  each  table  with  names  of 
guests,  as  notice  was  received  that  parties  were  made  up. 
At  five  Mr.  Helfenstein,  with  his  seven  choristers,  came 


and  their  voices  were  tried  in  the  balcony.  They  had 
their  dinner  in  a  room  to  themselves,  of  ''  just  what  we 
were  to  have,"  which  pleased  the  boys  very  much.  By  a 
quarter  past  six  everything  was  in  readiness  ;  the  large 
llags  of  Holland,  Italy,  France,  England,  and  America 
draped  in  the  centre,  back  of  the  President's  chair,  the 
State  banners  of  New  York,  South  Carolina,  and  Vir- 
^rinia  back  of  the  delegates  from  New  Rochelle,  South 
Carolina,  and  Virginia,  and  those  of  the  other  Huguenot 
Centres,  not  represented,  hung  in  panels  around  the 
hall ;  every  table  had  its  number  in  full  sight,  every 
i^uest's  name  on  the  dinner  card,  which  with  menu  and 
music  card  was  at  every  place.  Each  guest  was  pro- 
vided with  lists  as  he  entered  the  reception  room. 
This  invitation  was  sent  to  every  invited  guest : 


1598 


i8g8 


The  Hiigttowt  Society  of  Ainei'ica 

reqiicsts  the  pleasure  of 


company  at  the  Tricentenaiy 
of  the  P7^om2ilgation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes 
on  Thursday  eve7iing,  April  the  Fourteenth, 

at  seven  d clock,  at 

Delmonicd  s, 

Fifth  Ave7iue  and  Forty  fourth  Street. 

T,  J.  OAKLE  V  RHINELANDER, 

Chair Jtian  of  the  Stewards. 

FREDERIC  J.  DE  PEYSTER, 

Chatr??ian  of  Committee  of  Arrangements. 
^.  s.  7>.  p. 

/oj  East  Twenty-second  Street. 


tl 


f 


xlii  Report  of  the  Secretary 

Some  of  the  Stewards  remained  longer,  to  have  an 
eye  on  things  in  general,  and  to  receive  and  place  the 
belated  dinner  cards  for  the  dais. 

More  fortunate  than  Mr.  Rhinelander,  I  had  time  for 
a  cup  of  tea,  before  my  return  at  a  quarter  past  seven, 
when  I  brought  with  me  the  Souvenirs,  each  in  its  own 
little  box,  the  ribbon  badges  for  the  Stewards,  and  the 
type-written  '*  Procession,"  a  copy  for  each  Steward.  I 
had  declined  taking  my  place  in  the  procession  as  a 
member  of  the  Celebration  Committee  and  their  Secre- 
tary, as  it  would  have  destroyed  the  harmony  of  the 
picture  to  have  seen  one  woman  among  so  many  dis- 
tino;uished  men. 

Mr.  Rhinelander,  from  an  elevated  position,  called 
out  the  names  of  the  guests  of  the  evening,  whose  places 
were  on  the  dais,  and  their  escorts  ;  the  procession  was 
formed,  and  to  the  strains  of  the  orchestra  we  all  "fol- 
lowed our  leader,"  and,  knowing  the  numbers  of  the 
tables  to  which  we  had  been  assigned,  were  seated 
without  confusion. 

The  followinor  was  the  order  : 

Societies  {Huguenot)  Escorts 

Huguenot  Society  of  France — Monsieur  Weiss, 

By  the  President 
Huguenot  Society  of  London — A.  Giraud  Browning,  Esq. 
Huguenot  Society  of  London — Robert  Hovenden,  Esq., 

By  Mr.  Rhinelander 
Huguenot  Society  of  London — Mr.  Edward  Belleroche, 
Vaudois  Society — Mr.  J.  D.  Brez By  Mr.  G.  S.  Bowdoin 

Speakers 

Rev.  Dr.  George  R.  Van  De  Water.  .Rev.  J.  Le  B.  Johnson 

Hon.  C.  M.  Depew Mr.  Theo.  M.  Banta 

Prof.  Henry  M.  Baird Rev.  A.  V.  Wittmever 

(who  was  also  on  the  dais) 
Mr.  Wm.  E.  Dodge Mr.  Wm.  D.  Barbour 


T,  y.  Oakley  Rhinelander. 

Lnairman  of  the  Stewards. 


if 


t<' 


»! 


ii 


I 


II 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


xliii 


Other  Societies 

Mr.  Nicholas  Fish  (Cincinnati) Gen.  Chas.  F.  Roe 

Mr.  Wm.  Lyall  (St.  Andrews) Mr.  Lea  McI.  Luquer 

Mr.  Wm.  M.  Massey  (St.  George) Mr.  Banyer  Clarkson 

Mr.  Franklin  Stanton  (St.  Nicholas). Mr.  Bayard  Dominick 
(Society  of  Colonial  Wars  represented  by  Mr.  de  Peyster.) 

Mr.  John  W.  Vrooman  (Holland) Mr.  C.  F.  Darlington 

Rev.  Dr.  Roderick  Terry  (Mayflower).  Mr.  Fred.  W.  Steele 
Mr.  Jacob  F.  Miller  (Luther) Mr.  J.  C.  Pumpelly 

Vice-Presidents  H,  S.  of  America 

Col.  Richard  L.  Maury  (from  Virginia). Mr.  Herbert  M.  Du  Puy 
Mk.  Chas.  M.  Du  Puy  (from  Penna.) Rev.  Dr.  A.  G.  Vermilye 

Delegates  froin  Huguenot  Centres  and  Readers  of  Papers 

Rev.  Dr.  Vedder  (South  Carolina) Mr.  Wm.  Jay  Schieffelin 

Mr.  Wm.  D.  Gaillard     "  Mr.  Wm.  Jay  Schieffelin 

Mr.  George  T.  Davis  (New  Rochelle)..MR.  Philip  Rhinelander 
Mr.  Joseph  Lambden       "           "         ..Mr.  Ashton  de  Peyster 
Mr.  Samuel  Macauley  Jackson Mr.  F.  F.  Du  Fais 

Extra  Escorts 

Messrs.  Henry   Marquand,  Wm.  Gary  Sanger,  Henry  M.  de 
Peyster,  and  Dr.  Wm.  E.  Le  Boutillier 

To  meet  Bishop  Potter  at  9.30  and  escort  him  to  the  dais. 
(But  unfortunately  the  Bishop  was  detained.) 

BANQUET  LIST. 

Members  who  bought  tickets  for  themselves  and  friends  (in  order 

in  which  applications  were  received). 


Mr.  Frederic  J.  de  Peyster 

Mr.  T.  J.  Oakley  Rhinelander 

Mrs.  James  M.  Lawton 

Mr.  George  S.  Bowdoin 

Rev.  Wm.  R.  Huntington,  D.D. 

Hon.  H.  W.  Bookstaver 

Mrs.  Marcellus  Hartley 

Miss  L.  Cotheal  Smith 

Mrs.  Charles  S.  Sargent 

Miss  Sara  Devotion 


Hon.  Abram  S.  Hewitt 
Mr.  Henry  D.  B.  Mulford 
Mrs.  Viola  V.  Holbrook 
Mrs.  Chas  F.  Roe 
Mrs.  Florence  C.  Moseley 
Mr.  C.  M.  Vail 
Mr.  Saml.  P.  Ferree 
Mr.  Chas  M.  Du  Puy 
Mr.  Henry  G.  Marquand 
Mr.  Wm.  Jay  Schieffelin 


s\\ 


'I 


1  ♦ 


>ll 


xli 


IV 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


Mr.  H.  Blanchard  Dominick 

Mrs.  Frances  N.  B.  Piirdon 

Mr.  J.  Oscar  Voiite 

Mr.  Wm.  Gary  Sanger 

Mr.  Fred.  W.  Stelle 

Mrs.  C.  M.  Gillett 

Mr.  Fred.  Mottet 

Rev.  Thomas  Gallaudet,  D.I). 

Miss  Lilian  Horsford 

Mrs.  Howard  Townsend 

Judge  A.  T.  Glearwnter 

Miss  Emma  G.  Lothrop 

Dr.  E.  H.  M.  Sell 

Mrs.  Margaret  Le  Boutillier 

Dr.  A.  F^.  Helffenstein 

Mr.  Ghas.  F.  Darlington 

Mr.  Theo.  M.  Banta 

Mr.  Lea  McL  Luquer 

Mrs.  Anna  Le  F^vre  Macdonald 

Prof.    David    Demarest,   D.D., 

LL.D. 
Rev.  A.  G.  Vermilve,  D.D. 
Mr.  Eugene  M.  Demonet 
Miss  Frances  D.  Booraem 
Mrs.  Valeria  E.  Snow 
Mrs.  Idabelle  S.  Kress 
Rev.  A.  V.  Wittmeyer 
Mr.  H.  S.  Ra^jelye 
Mr.  Thatcher  Luquer 
Mrs.  Erastus  G.  Putnam 


Mr.  Frank  V.  Shonnard 
Genl.  Ferdinand  P.  Earle 
Mrs.  Robt.  Anderson 
Mr.  Bayard  Dominick 
Mr.  George  Newcomb 
Mr.  J.  G.  Pumpelly 
Mr.  Ralph  Le  Fevre 
Mr.  Banyer  Glarkson 
Mrs.  Huidekoper 
Mrs.  Warren  Rawson 
Mr.  Herbert  Du  Puy 
Dr.  E.  M.  Gallaudet 
Mrs.  Emily  Livingston 
Mrs.  Mary  G.  Hoffman 
Rev.  Danl.  R.  Foster 
Mrs.  E.  L.  de  P.  Glarkson 
Mr.  John  Balch  Blood 
Rev.  James  H.  Darlington 
Mr.  G.  D.  Julien 
Mrs.  Gertrude  Hamilton 
Mr.  Wm.  D.  Barbour 
Mrs.  Anson  P.  Atterburv 
Mrs.  Knox  Maddox 
Mr.  Wm.  H.  Frizzell 
Miss  Emma  F.  Sahler 
Mr:.  Montgomery  Schuyler 
Mr.  Jacobus  Elting 
Mr.  Wm.  Hillman 
Mr.  Glarence  A.  Rundall 
Mrs.  Greorge  P.  Lawton 


Names  of  non-members  on  list  as  buying  tickets  through  member^ 


Mrs.  Gowdin 

Mrs.  Fletcher  Bangs 


Mrs.  Luther  G.  Tillotson 
Mr.  S.  A.  Ludin 


Sixteen  tickets  not  wanted,  money  refunded. 

Eight  tickets  not  wanted,  given  to  Treasurer  for  use  for  the  com- 
plimentary tickets. 

In  all  251  tickets  sold — for  members  and  for  suests. 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


xlv 


DINNER 


OF    THE 


HUGUENOT  SOCIETY  OF  AMERICA 


1598 


1898 


:  April  tlic  fourteenth,  1898 

-  DELMONICO'S, 

Fifth  Avenue  and  44th  Street, 
I  New  York. 

MEMBERS  OF  THE  EXEGUTIVE  GOMMITTEE. 

Henry  G.  Marquand,' 

President. 

George  S.  Bowdoin,  Lea  McI.  Luquer, 

Treasurer.  Secretary. 

VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

Mew  York Fred.  J.  de  Peyster 

Staten  Island. . .  .Gol.  Wm.  Jay 

Long  Island Rev.  Lea  Luquer 

New  Rochelle Henry  M,  Lester 

New  Paltz Hon.  A.  T.  Glearwater 

Boston Nathaniel  Thayer 

New  Oxford Hon.  Richard  Olney 

Narragansett  . . .  .William  Ely 

Maine Rt.  Rev.  Henry  A.  Neely,  D.D.,  LL.D. 

New  Jersey Prof.  D.  D.  Demarest,  D.D.,  LL.D.' 

Delaware Hon.  Thomas  F.  Bayard  "^ 

Pennsylvania Gharles  M.  Du  Puy  ' 

Virginia Gol.  Richard  L.  Maury 

South  Garolina. .  .B.  K.  Neufville 

Florida Bayard  Glinch  Heyward 

'  Note. — Mr.  de    Peyster  was  President  at  the  time   of   the  dinner,   but  the 
name  of  Mr.  Marquand  was  allowed  to  remain  for  the  reason  given  on  p.  xxx. 
•  Since  deceased. 


\ 


M 


■\ 


xlvi 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE. 


Prof.  J.  K.  Rees 
T.  J.  Oakley  Rhinelander 
Wm.  Gary  Sanger 
Henry  Cotheal  Sw  ukl>s 
Theodore  M.  Banta 
also  Chairmen  of  Finance,  Library,  and  Publication  Committees. 

CELEBRATION   COMMITTEE. 


Henry  G.  Marquand, 
President. 


George  S.  Bowdoin, 
Treasurer. 


Prof.  H.  M.  Baird,  LL.D.,  L  HD. 
Hon.  Secretary. 


COMMITTEE  ON  ARRANGEMENTS. 


COMMITTEE  ON  PAPEk 


Fred.  J.   de  Peyster,   Chairman 
Col.  Richard  L.  Maury 
Robert  F.  Cutting 
Mrs.  James  M.  Lawton 
Wm.  Jay  Schieffelin 
Wm.  Gary  Sanger 

J.  G.   PUMPELLY 

T.  J.  Oakley  Rhinelander 

and  all  Vice-Presidents  of  the  Society. 


Rev.  a.  V.  Wutmevkr, 

Chairman 
Prof.  J.  K.  Rees 
Hon.  a.  T.  Clearwater 
Theo.  M.  Banta 


DINNER  COMMITTEE. 

Fred.  J.  de  Peyster,  Chairman 

Col.  Wm.  Jay 

T.  J.  Oakley  Rhinelander 


STEWARDS. 

T.  J.  Oakley  Rhinelander, 

Chairman 
Lea  McL  Luquer 
Bayard  Dominick 
Charles  F.  Darlington 
Fred.  W .  Stelle 
Wm.  D.  Barbour,  Treasurer 


Secretary  of  Celebration  Committee, 

Mrs.  James  M.  Lawton 


Report  of  the  Secretary  xlvii 

FOREIGN  DELEGATES  AND  GUESTS. 
Mr.  a.  Giraud  Browning,  F.S.A., 
Vice-President  Huguenot  Society  of  London  ;  Hon.  Secretary  French 
Hospital,  London  ;  Hon.  Member  Huguenot  Society  of  America  ; 
Delegate  from  London  Society. 

Mr.  Edward  Belleroche, 
Fellow    Huguenot    Society    of   London  ;    Delegate    from    London 
Society. 

Monsieur  le  Pasteur  N.  Weiss, 
Secretaire  de  la  Societe  de  I'histoire  du  Protestantisme  Fran9ais  ; 
Delegate  from  French  Society. 

Rev.  Paul  de  Felice, 
Member  of  the  French  Society,  represented  by  Mr.  F.  F.  Du  Fais. 

Mr.  J.  D.  Brez, 
Member  of  the  Vaudois  Society  ;  Member  of  the  Huguenot  Society 
of  America  ;  Delegate  from  Vaudois  Society. 

Mr.  Marinus  Godefridus  Wildeman, 
Adjunct  Archivaris  van    Haarlem,  represented  by  Mr.  Theo.   M. 
Banta. 

Mr.  Robert  Hovenden,  F.S.A., 
Vice-President  Huguenot  Society  of  London. 

DELEGATES  FROM  AMERICAN  HUGUENOT  CENTRES. 

Rev.   Dr.  Vedder,   Pastor  Huguenot  Church,  Charleston,  S.  C.  ; 

Delegate  from  South  Carolina. 
Mr.  Wm.  D.  Gaillard,  Delegate  from  Huguenot  Society,  South 

Carolina. 
Col.  Richard  L.  Maury,  Vice-President  from  Virginia. 
Mr.  George  T.  Davis,  Delegate  Huguenot  Society,  New  Rochelle. 
Mr.  Joseph  Lambden,  "  "  "  "  " 

Mr.  J.  C.  Pumpelly,  New  Jersey  ;  Member  Huguenot  Society  of 

America. 

AMERICAN  GUESTS. 

Mr.  John  W.  Vrooman President  Holland  Society 

Mr.  S.  Franklin  Stanton President  St.  Nicholas  Society 

Mr.  William  Lyall President  St.  Andrew's  Society 

Mr.  W.  M.  M ASSEY President  St.  George's  Society 


I, 


I, 

t 


t 


III 


xlviii  Report  of  the  Secretary 

Rev.  Roderick  Terry .President  Mayflower  Society 

Mr.  Nicholas  Fish Representing  Order  of  the  Cin- 
cinnati 

Mr.  Jacob  F.  Miller President  of  Luther  Society 

Mr.  Fred.  J.  DE  Peyster Gov.-Genl.  Society  of   Colonial 

Wars 
Mr.  SaxMuel  Macauley  Jackson.. Prof.  Church    History  in   X.  V. 

University 

Other  Delegates  from  South  Carolina,  not  on  the  dais  :  Mrs. 
C.  Albert  Hill  and  Mrs.  Vedder,  Messrs.  Prioleau  Ravenel, 
Sr.  and  Jr. 

MENU. 

Huitres  de  Marcnms 

Potages 
Ox   Tail'  Bisque  d'  t'crevisses 

HORS  D'CEUVRE 

Bouchees  h  la  Reim 

POISSON 

Aig^uillettes  de  bass  a  la  Joinville 
Pommes  duchesse 

Relives 

Filet  de  bceuf  aux  champignons 

Tomates  farcies 

Asperges  nouvelles 

Sorbet 

Ron 

Pigeon neaux 

Froid 

Pate  de  foie  gras 
Salade  de  laitue 

Entremets  de  Douceir 

Savarin  aux  ananas 
Fruits  Glaces  de  fantaisies  Petits  fours 

Cafe 

Sherry  and  Bitair 

Sauterne 
Bordeaux 
Cigars 

'  The  French  refugees  were  the  first  to  use  ox  tails  as  an  article  of  food  in 
England  and  introduced  ox-tail  soup. 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


xli 


IX 


Grace  said  by  Rev.  A.  V.  Wittmeyer,  Founder  of  the  Society. 

**  NoN  Inferiora  Secutus." 
Original  poem,  by  Rev.  Melville  K.  Bailey— read  by  author. 

ORCHESTRA. 
I .     Prelude Bach 


2. 


(  (a)  Cavatine 


t 


Jiaf 


(  (If)  March  from  Leonore 

3.  (^)  Air BacA 

(d)  Andante  Religioso Thorne 

{c)  French  Serenade Burf^mein 

4.  "  Le  dernier  sommeil  de  la  Vierge  " Massenet 

VOCAL  SELECTION. 
"  At  Night  " Solo  and  chorus RanJcgger 


rhe  little  weary  winged  bees 
(iive  up  their  honey  quest, 
And  all  the  little  singing  birds 
FIv  home,  and  go  to  rest. 


The  butterflies  fold  up  at  last 
Their  shining  golden  crowns  ; 
And  daisies  in  their  wee  white  cups, 
Sleep  on  the  dewy  downs. 


Fear  not  the  shadow. 

For  God  keeps  awake  through  all  the  night  ; 
To  make  our  sleep  more  sweet  and  calm, 
He  takes  away  the  light. 

TOASTS. 

"THE  MEMORY  OF  OUR  HUGUENOT  ANCESTORS." 
(Drunk  standing  and  in  silence,  orchestra  playing  the  25th  Psalm, 
the  music  composed  in  the  tenth  century,  and  to  which  Marot 
adapted  his  version  of  that  Psalm.) 

PRESIDENT'S  ADDRESS  OF  WELCOME. 

"THE  EDICT  OF  NANTES," 

The  Huguenots'  Great  Charter  of  Civil  and  Religious  Liberty. 

(Music)     "  Vive  Henry  Quatre  " Sung  by  Chorus 

Rev.  George  R.  Van  de  Water,  D.D. 


I 


;,  II 


II 


1 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


"THE    HOSPITABLE  LANDS  WHICH    RECEIVED   WITH 

OPEN  ARMS  OUR  EXILED  ANCESTORS  TWO 

HUNDRED  YEARS  AGO." 

(Music)     Italian  Anthem, 

Solo,  sung  by  Harold  S.  Yalk,  and  Chorus 

Hon.  Chauncey  M.  Depew. 

"THE  UNION  OF  THE  FRENCH  AND  DUTCH  IN  NEW- 
NETHERLANDS  AND  NEW  YORK." 

(Music)     Holland  Anthem Sung  by  Chorus 

Prof.  Henry  M.  Baird,  LL.D.,  L.H.D. 


"OUR  GUESTS." 
The  Honored  Delegates  from  distant  Huguenot  Centres  in  Europe 

and  America. 

(Music)     *'  God  Save  the  Queen  " Sung  by  Chorus 

A.  GiRAUD  Browning,  Esq.,  F.S.A.,   Vice-President  Hu^-uetwt 

Society  of  London. 

"THE   REPRESENTATIVES   OF  THE   BENEVOLENT 

AND  HISTORICAL  SOCIETIES  WHO  ARE 

WITH  US  TO-NIGHT." 

William  E.  Dodge,  Esq. 

(Music)     "  The  Red,  White,  and  Blue  " 

Solo,  by  George  Winters,  and  Chorus 
(As  an  encore)  "  Dixie".  ..Solo,  by  Harry  C.  Smith,  and  Chorus 

Names  of  Choristers  from  Grace  Church,  under  leadership  of 
Mr.  J.  Morris  Helfenstein,  Choirmaster. 
Harry  C.  Smith  Harold  Salter 

Harold  S.  Yale  George  Bagdasarian 

George  Winters  Aubrey  Nash 

J.  Le  Grange  Abbott 

As  each  guest  had  a  copy  of  the  list  of  tables  and 
those  seated  at  them,  which  was  correct  as  far  as  possible. 
it  is  not  necessary  to  give  it  here.      Several  members. 


The  Choristers  at  the  Banqucl. 


I 


MARRY  C.  SMITH.  HAROLD  SALTER. 


GEORGE  WINTERS.  AUBREY  NASH. 


;i 


HAROLD  S.    VALE. 


G.   BAGDASARIAN. 


J.   LE  GRANGE  ABBOTT. 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


li 


however,  insisted  upon  crowding  in  at  tables  where 
they  saw  friends,  forgetting  that  they  had  appHed  for 
seats  at  the  last  moment,  and  giving  no  end  of  trouble 
to  o,cr  treasured  Treasurer,  to  whom  all  the  seatincr 
was  referred.  His  tact,  executive  ability,  and  patience 
were  wonderful  and  I  take  this  opportunity  of  thank- 
ing him  and  the  other  Stewards,  in  the  name  of  the 
Celebration  Committee. 

The  Rev.  A.  V.  Wittmej-er,  founder  of  the  Society 
pronounced  the  blessing,  and  when  we  were  all  seated 
the  Stewards  went  to  the  dais  and   to  all  the  tables 
presenting  every  one  with  the  Souvenir,  portrayed  on 
I'.  1x1.     Music  by  the  orchestra  was  so  modulated  as  not 
to  interfere  with  conversation,  and  while  the  "  Bouchees 
a  la  Keine     were  being  discussed,  the  Rev.  Melville  K 
1  alley  read  a  most  beautiful  poem  on  our  «'  Insignia '' 
the  armorial  device  de  la  Reine  Marguerite  de  Navarr^ 
entitled  "  Non  Inferiora  Secutus,"  which  he  had  com- 
posed for  the  occasion.     This  was  greeted  with  loud 
ai^plause,  and  was  the  second  surprise  of  the  evenine 
1  he  poem  appears  in  its  place  in  this  volume 

During  the  "  Entremets  de  Douceur,"  the  voice  of 
an  angel  came  to  us  from  above,  and  even  the  hard- 
ened d.ners-out  were  forced  to  confess  that  nothing 
I'ke  this  the  third  surprise,  had  ever  been  heard  before" 
Many  of  us  vyere  familiar  with  "At  Night,"  by  Randegi 
ger,  but  surely  never  before,  or  since,  have  such  voices 

a^lth'^K"  "'u  T''^-     '^•^^  '^"^'  ^^^  b^^"  -^"  kept, 
an    the  boys  had  not  been  noticed  in  the  gallery 

had  surpassed  himself ;  and  the  Stewards  were  at  rest 
1  hen  a  recess,  the  gentlemen  to  go  to  their  smoking 

about"    >    I   ''f '    *°   '""^    ^^"^^P^'-   room-walk 
about,  visit   the   choristers,  and   look  down  from  the 


< 


»'it 


Hi 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


Hii 


balcony  on  the  brilliant  scene  below.  Hark  to  the 
strains  of  the  "Star  Spani^ded  Banner,"  which  crreeted 
us  when  the  speakers  and  the  guests  had  returned  to 
the  tables,  which  had  been  cleared  away  during  our 
absence.  To  that  march  advanced  the  Stewards  bearing 
the  white  banner  of  Navarre,  with  its  golden  Lilies, 
and  our  own  beloved  Stars  and  Stripes — following 
them  came  the  singers.  The  applause  was  wild  as  they 
grouped  themselves  in  front  of  the  dais.  A  flash-light 
photograph  was  taken. 

On  the  dais  in  front  of  the  President's  place,  was  a 
massive  silver  bowl,  embedded  in  a  wreath  of  Huguenot 
Roses.  Mr.  de  Peyster,  the  newly-elected  President, 
who  was  presiding,  called  on  Col.  Maury,  Vice-President 
from  Virginia,  to  explain  its  presence  and  its  meaning; 
which  he  did  in  a  few  thrilling*;  words,  which  are  in  this 
volume  with  the  other  speeches  at  the  Banquet.  Mr.  de 
Peyster  then  gave  the  first  toast  of  the  evening,  "The 
Memory  of  our  Huguenot  Ancestors,"  drunk  standing 
and  in  silence ;  the  orchestra  breathing  forth  the  music 
composed  in  the  tenth  century  for  the  25th  Psalm,  and 
to  which  Marot  had  adopted  his  version  of  the  Psalm. 

The  address  of  welcome  followed,  in  words  which 
came  from  his  very  heart,  showing  how  deeply  he  felt 
the  importance  of  the  occasion,  and  how  proud  he  was 
of  the  success  of  what  many  had  foretold  would  be  a  most 
signal  failure.  All  honor  to  you,  Mr.  President,  that  for 
two  years,  as  Chairman  of  Arrangements,  you  steered 
our  bark  safe  through  all  the  quicksands,  and  brought  it, 
on  this  evening,  to  the  zenith  of  its  social  fame,  surpass- 
ing every  other  banquet  ever  given  in  New  York  ! 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Van  de  Water  was  introduced,  whose 
subject,  "  The  Edict  of  Nantes,"  was  ushered  in  to  the 
song  of  "  Vive  Henri  Quatre,"  rendered  by  the  choristers. 


The  third   toast,  music  the  "  Italian   Anthem,"  sung 
by  Harold  S.  Yale  and  chorus,  was  responded  to  by  the 
long-lost  Hon.  Chauncey  M.  Depew,  who  after  a  silence 
of  thirteen  years,  again  spoke  to  us  ;  and  golden  was  his 
speech.     Happy  those  who  heard  it,  for  as  no  report  was 
made  at  the  time,  it  is  lost  to  the  world  and  this  volume. 
The  "  Holland  Anthem,"  the  words  of  which  had  been 
most  kindly  and  courteously  given  to  us  for  the  occa- 
sion from  an  advance  copy  by  Mr.  Banta,  Secretary  of 
the  Holland   Society,  sung  by  the  choristers,  followed 
the  fourth   toast,  and  our   Honorary  Secretary,    Prof. 
Baird.  showed  how  close  had  always  been  "  The  union 
httueen  the  Dutch  and  the  French."    As  Mr.  Brown- 
ing arose  to  respond  to  the  toast  "  Our  Guests,"  the 
orchestra  broke    forth   with   "God    save    the   Queen." 
It  was  some  moments  before  he  could  recover  himself, 
and  then  followed  words  which  we  shall  never  forget,' 
full  of  deep  feeling,  eloquent,  appreciative,  making'' us 
all  brothers  in  the  great  Huguenot  Society  of  the  World. 
Mr.   Wm.    E.    Dodge  answered   to  the   toast,  "  The 
Representatives  of  the  Benevolent  and  Historical  So- 
cieties who  are  with  us  to-night,"  and  his  speech  was 
surely  one  of  the  very  best,  but  unfortunately  the  MS. 
was  destroyed,  and  so  it  cannot  be  given  in  this  volume. 
As  the  audience  rose,  for  they  had  done  the  speakers 
the  signal  honor  of  remaining  until  all  the  speeches  were 
over,  the  "  Red,  White,  and  Blue,"  the  solo  by  George 
U  inters,  and  the  chorus  led  by  all  the  seven  choristers 
broke  forth  in  a  flood  of  melody,  and  as  in  the  old  war 
times  men    and   women    remembered    that  they  were 
Americans  above  all,  and  joined  with  a  will  in  "  Three 
cheers  for  the  Red,  White,  and  Blue."     For  an  encore, 
Harry  C.  Smith  and  chorus  made  it  "  Dixie,"  and  the 
southern  delegates  are  now  ours  forever. 


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The  next  day  the  rain  it  did  pour  !  Yet  it  did  not  pre- 
vent our  foreicrn  guests  from  going  to  Yonkers,  where 
they  were  entertained  by  Professor  Baird  at  hmch. 

I  do  not  think  that  the  Society  reahze,  that  had  it 
not  been  for  all  that  Prof.  Baird  did  for  us,  the  Celebra- 
tion, though  it  might  have  been  an  American  success, 
could  never  have  been  an  international  one.  He  proved 
himself  a  thousand  times  better  than  his  word. 

He  promised  us  the  use  of  his  name,  which  was  a 
tower  of  strength  in  itself,  but  gave  us  little  hope  of 
doing  anything  save  writing  the  first  letter,  and  signing 
others.  He  must  have  written  fifty  letters,  and  given 
his  time,  thought,  and  personal  interest  to  every  foreign 
detail.  How  could  we  fail  in  our  foreign  enterprise, 
when  led  by  him — a  Huguenot  of  the  Huguenots  ! 

After  dinner  we  went  to  the  Assembly  Hall  to  see  and 
have  explained  to  us  the  stereopticon  views  brought  over 
for  us  by  our  good  friend,  Monsieur  le  Pasteur  Weiss. 

The  evening  was  a  most  intensely  disagreeble,  chilly 
one,  with  a  driving  rain.  There  were  very  few  present, 
but  those  who  were  had  a  treat  which  they  will  never 
forget.  The  lecture  was  entitled,  '*  Paris  and  the  Refor- 
mation under  Francis  I,"  and  the  views  thrown  on  the 
screen  were  from  very  old  and  quaint  pictures  and  en- 
gravings. Several  cuts  of  title-pages  of  old  books  were 
most  fascinating,  and  explained  by  one  who  knew  it  all 
as  well  as  his  alphabet.  The  lecture,  was  to  almost  all 
who  were  present,  more  instructive  and  absorbing  than 
the  papers  read  at  the  church.  Portraits  of  several  of 
the  Reformers  were  shown,  which  had  never  been  pub- 
lished, except  in  one  volume  of  the  Yx^v\z\i  Bidleiin  ; 
and  were  entirely  unknown  to  an  American  public. 
The  lecture  is  published  in  this  volume  ;  but  without  the 
views,    and    the    running    commentaries    in    Monsieur 


Weiss's  most  excellent  English,  it  is  the  letter  without 
the  spirit.  Though  a  most  thorough  Frenchman,  Eng- 
lish was  the  same  to  him  as  French,  and  he  had  little  or 
no  accent. 

The  mornings  of  that  w^eek  we  always  had  plenty  of 
visitors  at  the  Library  ;  indeed,  with  persons  studying 
and  reading,  we  felt  very  proud,  and  had  many  compli- 
ments on  our  books,  and  more  particularly  on  the 
pedigrees,  which  both  the  London  and  French  delegates 
pronounced  quite  a  unique  feature,  and  made  up  some- 
what  for  our  many  deficiencies  in  the  way  of  publications. 
It  was,  at  all  events,  a  great  satisfaction  to  know  that 
we  excelled  in  some  one  thing,  and  could  give  points  to 
others. 

On   Saturday  we  had  fortunately  a  fine  day.     The 
delegates  who  had  come  over,  Messrs.  Browning,   Ho- 
venden,  Belleroche,  Weiss,  with  the  Misses  Browning, 
Hovenden,  and  Johnson,  and  I,  took  lunch  with   Mr. 
Marquand.      He    was    not    well    enough    to    have    any 
one  to  meet  us,  and  we  enjoyed  it  all  the  more.      Mr. 
Marquand's  son  and  daughter-in-law  had  already  called 
the  very  day  of  the  arrival  of  the  delegates,  and  we 
had  a  very  delightful  time.     The  house  is  a  marvel  in 
itself,  and  all  its  treasures  were  open  for  our  inspection. 
Did  space  allow,  I  should  like  to  quote  from  Mr.  Brown- 
ing's report  to  the  London  Huguenot  Society,  to  show 
what  the   foreign  guests  thought  of  it.     After  lunch, 
our  party  went  up  the  east  side  of  Central  Park,  and 
crossed  over  to  "Columbia  University  in  the  City  of 
New  York,"  where  we  attended  a  most  enjoyable  recep- 
tion, to  which  we  had  been  bidden  by  Professor  J.  K. 
Rees,   who  was    one   of    the    Celebration    Committee. 
We  had   time  to  go  over  all   the   buildings,   and   our 
friends  appreciated   fully  not   only  the  beauty  of  the 


w 


.  . 


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Report  of  the  Secretary 


architecture,  wonderful  adaptability  of  the  arrangement 
to  its  different  uses,  the  exquisite  detail  combined  to 
make  the  perfect  whole,  but  the  unsurpassed  grandeur  of 
the  situation,  Cathedral  Heights  receiving  their  meed 
of  praise  on  our  way. 

Returning  home  by  Riverside  Drive  and  the  west 
side  of  the  Park,  I  felt  that  our  friends  had  seen  as  beau- 
tiful a  part  of  the  world  as  there  is  in  this  or  in  any  other 
continent.  The  week  had  been  so  full  that  our  guests 
could  not  accept  any  other  of  the  many  invitations  ten- 
dered them.  Our  late  Vice-President  from  Pennsylvania 
gave  an  afternoon  tea,  and  they  attended  many  other 
functions  before  their  return  to  England  and  France.  Mr. 
Belleroche  was  the  only  one  who  was  in  New  \'ork  to 
attend  the  unveiling  of  the  monument  at  New  Rochelle. 

But  with  this,  a  resume  of  our  Celebration  Week,  my 
task  is  over.  I  close  with  the  words  which  ended  the 
report  of  my  mission  abroad — ''  I  leave  to  the  Celebra- 
tion Committee  of  1898  to  bring  to  a  triumphant  finish 
what  has  been  so  well  begun  by  the  Executive  Com- 
mittee of  1894."  And  nobly  have  they  accomplished 
their  work  !  Thanks  to  their  efforts,  our  Society  stands 
in  the  front  rank  of  her  sister  Societies.  The  deeper 
purpose  which  we  had  in  view  for  this  celebration  has 
been  realized.  The  bands  which  should  knit  together 
all  peoples  of  tlie  same  faith,  have  drawn  us  very  close : 
and  the  seed  has  been  sown  for  a  irreat  International 
Huguenot  Society,  one  in  purpose,  one  in  faith,  one  in 
love  for  each  other  and  for  the  God  who  brought  our 
fathers  from  persecution  and  death,  and  planted  them  in 
lands  where  they  could  worship  Him  according  to  their 
own  conscience.     To  Him  be  glory,  now  and  forever. 

E.  M.  C.  A.  LAWTON, 

Secretary  Celebration  Committee. 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


Ivii 


COPY    OF  REPORT    OF   THE    HONORARY    SECRETARY 
OF  CELEBRATION    COMMITTEE. 

HUGUENOT  SOCIETY  OF  AMERICA, 
LIBRARY, 


105  East  22D  Street. 


President, 
Frederic  J.  de  Peyster. 


Secretary^ 
Lea  McI.  Luquer. 


Lake  Mohonk  Mountain  House, 

September  Sth,   1898. 
Mrs.  James  M.  Lawton, 

Secretary  of  the  Celebratiofi  Co?Jimittee,  Tercentenary 

of  the  Promulgation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 

Dear  Madam  :  I  need  say  but  a  few  words  by  way  of  report 
respecting  the  correspondence  which  I  had  with  the  Foreign  Socie- 
ties, in  the  name  of  and  by  request  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of 
America.  The  way  had  been  so  well  prepared  by  your  own  personal 
efforts  and,  especially,  by  your  interviews  abroad,  that  the  minds  of 
the  most  influential  men  were  in  a  receptive  attitude.  It  required 
but  little  on  my  part  to  inform  and  to  encourage  those  already  ready 
to  lend  an  ear  to  our  invitations. 

A  general  letter   rehearsing  briefly  but  distinctly  the  important 
object  which  the  descendants  of  the  Huguenots  on  this  side  of  the 
Atlantic  had  in  view,  and  sketching  the  arrangements  contemplated 
by  us,  was  drawn  up  with  some  care.     A  copy  of  this  letter,  with 
such  modifications  as  each  case  seemed  to  require,  but  otherwise 
essentially  identical,  was  sent  to  the  representatives  of  all  the  Soci- 
eties abroad,  and  by  all  received  not  only  a  courteous  but  I  may  say 
an  enthusiastic  welcome.     One  solitary  exception  was  made.     M. 
Henri  Tollin,  of  Magdeburg,  in  behalf  of  the  German  Huguenots, 
had  previously  intimated,  in  reply  to  tentative  inquiry,  or  rather, 
had  volunteered  to  intimate  his  entire  want  of  sympathy  with  the 
movement.     In  order  not  to  introduce  any  discordant  element,  it 
was  deemed  wise  to   extend  no  invitation   to  him.     Subsequently 
other  letters  were  sent  to  the  Societies  which  had  expressed  their 
desire  to  be  represented  at  our  Celebration,  with  the  results  which 
are  known  by  all.     The  Huguenot  Society  of  London  was  repre- 
sented at  New  York  by  Messrs.  Giraud  Browning,  E.  Belleroche,  and 
Robert  Hovenden,  of  whom  the  first  two  read  papers.     The  Soci^t^ 


i 


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I 

( 


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ij.fl 


y. 


1        •  ■  • 

Iviii 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


de  I'Histoire  du  Protestantisme  Fran^ais  was  represented  by  M.  X 
Weiss,  Secretary  of  that  Society.  The  President,  Baron  Fernand  de 
Schickler,  was  to  his  great  regret  prevented  from  coming,  as  was  also 
Rev.  Paul  de  Felice.  M.  Weiss  read  his  own  paper,  and  the  paper 
by  M.  de  Felice  was,  in  his  absence,  translated  and  read  by  proxy. 
A  paper  by  M.  M.  G.  Wildeman,  of  Haarlem,  Holland,  was  secured 
and  was  read.  The  Commission  of  the  Walloon  Churches,  despite  its 
strong  desire  to  be  represented,  was  compelled  to  limit  itself  to  send- 
ing a  friendly  letter  of  sympathy.  The  Historical  Society  of  the 
Waldenses,  or  Vaiidois,  replied  to  our  invitation  by  commissioning 
one  of  its  members  now  resident  in  this  country,  Mr.  Brez,  to 
represent  it  at  our  meetings.  The  presence  of  the  gentlemen  named 
at  the  meetings  and  at  the  banc^uet,  and  their  learned  papers  and 
words  of  good  cheer,  contributed  much  to  secure  the  success  in 
which  we  all  rejoice. 

They  have  added  new  proof  that  the  truths  for  which  the  fathers 
suffered  exile,  and  in  some  cases  death,  are  still  vital  and  potent,  and 
the  designation  of  Huguenot,  whereby  it  was  intended  to  affix  a  note 
of  infamy  to  the  confessors  and  martyrs,  has  become  a  badge  of 
everlasting  honor. 

Very  respectfully  yours, 

Henry  M.  Baird, 
Honorary  Secretary  Celebration  Committee^  Tercentenary 
of  the  Promulgation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 


7.  D.  Brez. 

Delegate  from  the  Vaudois  Socieiv. 


COPY  OF  LETTER  FROM  THE  SOCIETY  VAUDOIS. 


SEAL 


SOCIETE  D'HISTOIRE  VAUDOISE. 
Torre  Pellice  (Italie). 

Le  2,1  St  March,  189S. 


To  THE  Honourable  President  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of 
America,  New  York. 

The  Waldensian  Historical  Society  desires  to  join  with  the  mem- 
bers of  your  well-known  and  much-prized  Association,  in  affectionate 
and  heartfelt  congratulations  on  the  occasion  of  the  300th  anniversary 
of  the  Promulgation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  which  you  propose  to 
commemorate  on  the  13th  of  April. 

Owing  to   a  prolonged   absence  of   the    undersigned    President. 


I 


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, 


Report  of  the  Secretary 


lix 


nd  to  the  deep  mourning  of  both  the  Vice-President  and  the  Secre- 
rv,vvho  have  been  of  late  bereaved  of  their  beloved  helpmates,  we 
mnot,  as  we  should  have  desired,  either  be  present  at  your  cele- 
bration, or  send  you  any  paper  on  the  subject. 

But  we  heartily  sympathize  with  you  in  this  glorious  commemora- 
tion, we  the  Huguenots  of  Italy,  who  have  not  enjoyed  the  benefit 
v'ranted  to  your  forefathers  by  Henry  the  IVth  ;  who  were  at  the 
same  time  crushed  under  the  heel  of  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical 
tyranny,  but  who  now  not  only  enjoy  perfect  freedom — owing  to  the 
act  of  Emancipation  of  which  we  have  celebrated  the  jubilee  on  the 
17th  of  February  last — but  who  on  such  an  anniversary  have  heard 
from  the  very  representative  of  our  beloved  sovereign,  words  as 
follows  :  "Your  history  has  been  nothing  else  but  the  perfect  real- 
ization of  the  Christian  principle  :  *  Render  unto  Caesar  what  is 
Caesar's,  and  to  God  what  is  God's.' " 

We  have  instructed  our  delegates,  Messrs.  J.  D.  Brez,  of  New 
York,  and  Dr.  Theoph.  Malan,  both  members  of  our  Association,  to 
cxjtress  to  you  our  brotherly  feelings  and  to  be  present  at  your  com- 
memoration, in  order  to  testify  what  share  we  wish  to  take  in  your 
both  solemn  and  joyful  proceedings. 
With  kindest  regards  I  remain,  dear  sir, 

Yours  truly. 


} 


* 


SEAL    i 


William  Meille, 
President  of  the  Society  of  Wald.  History. 


*  opv    OF    ORIGINAL    LETTER    FROM    THE  WALLOON 

SOCIETY. 

COMMISSION  POUR  LHISTOIRE   DES  EGLISES  WALLONNES. 


Xo.  4969. 


Leide  le  28  Mars^  1898. 


SEAL 

A  Messieurs  les  Membres  de  la  Soci6t6   Huguenote  d'Ami^- 
RiQUE,  A  New  York. 

Messieurs :  La  Commission  de  I'Histoire  des  Eglises  Wallonnes 
des  Pays-Bas  a  ete  profondement  sensible  a  I'honneur  de  I'invitation 
que  vous  lui  avez  adressee  au  mois  de  fevrier  de  I'annee  derniere. 


ii'ij 


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Report  of  the  Secretary 


I 


XI 


Elle  eut  ete  heureuse  de  pouvoir  y  repondre  par  I'envoi  d'un  ou 
de  plusieurs  delegu^s  et,  tout  en  affirmant  ainsi  la  solidarite  scien- 
tifique  qui  I'unit  a  la  Societe  huguenote  d'Amerique,  de  s'associer  a 
la  celebration  solennelle  d'un  memorable  anniversaire. 

L'Edit  de  Nantes  a  ^te,  en  effet,  un  grand  acte  de  reparation  et  de 
justice.  Si  Ton  peut  dire  qu'il  n'^tait  pas  entierement  nouveau  quant 
a  sa  substance,  si  Ton  doit  reconnaitre  qu'il  presentait  bien  des  imper- 
fections, si  enfin  I'histoire  constate  que,  par  des  causes  qui  seroni 
sans  doute  rappelees  au  cours  de  vos  seances,  il  fut  altere  au  lendct 
main  de  sa  promulgation,  qu'il  fut  a  peu  pres  constamment  viole,  que 
r<LUvre  de  sa  destruction,  consommee  87  ans  plus  tard,  a  commence 
sous  Henri  IV, — il  n'en  est  pas  moins  vrai  que  la  promulgation  de  cet 
edit  manjue  une  date  importante  dans  I'histoire  de  la  tolerance  re- 
ligieuse.  II  reconnaissait  le  principe  de  la  liberie  de  conscience,  il 
garantissait  I'exercice  du  culte  reforme  dans  certaines  limites  peut- 
etre  tracces  par  la  prudence,  les  protestants  etaient  declares  aptes 
aux  charges  de  I'Etat.  Comparee  au  reste  de  I'Europe,  memc  aux 
pays  protestants,  la  France  avait  accompli  un  grand  pas  en  avant  sur 
la  voie  (jui  separe  le  croyant  du  citoyen. 

Les  Eglises  reformees  commencerent  a  rcspirer.     La  Promulga- 

0 

tion  de  I'Edit  inaugura  i)our  elles  une  periode  de  repos  relatif  dont 
elles  surent  profiter  pout  refaire  leurs  forces  et  pour  perfectionnt-r 
Icur  organization.  Celebrer  le  tricentenaire  de  cet  evenement  c'cs: 
en  comprendrc  I'importance  et  les  bienfaits,  r'est  aussi  rendre  ur. 
hommage  nierite  a  la  memoire  du  seul  roi  de  France  qui  ait  eu  dc 
I'amitie  pour  les  Huguenots  et  le  i)remier  qui  ait  pris  a  coiur  le 
resi)ect  de  leurs  droits. 

Vous  avez  voulu  donner  ^  cette  celebration  un  caractere  interna- 
tional qui  lui  convient  en  effet  et  qui  est  bien  propre  a  en  relever  i 
solennite.  La  reunion  sur  le  meme  point  du  globe  des  representant^ 
des  Societes  d'histoire  soeurs  de  la  votre,  affirmera  I'unite  du  mondc 
religieux  reforme.  Le  fait  que  cette  reunion  se  tiendra  dans  ur. 
pays  distant  de  celui  qui  a  vu  naitre  les  Huguenots,  dans  une  villi 
qui  n'existait  pas  encore  lorsque  fut  signe  I'Edit  de  Nantes,  maniks- 
tera  d'une  fa^on  eclatante  la  vitality  et  la  force  d'expansion  des 
principes  et  des  convictions  religieuses  pour  lesquels  nos  peres  on: 
subi  la  persecution,  I'exil,  la  mort  meme.  Habitant  la  Hollande  ou 
natifs  de  ce  pays  dans  lequel  la  reforme  de  Calvin  a  jete  des  racines 
si  profondes,  cette  terre  classique  de  la  liberte  de  penser,  ce  pays  du 
Refuge,  comptant  parmi  nos  ancetres  spirituels  plusieurs  de  ces 
Wallons  qui,  au  lyeme  siecle,  all^rent  fonder  sur  votre  continent  b 


Nuuvelle- Amsterdam,  aujourd'hui  New  York,  notre  place  etait  in- 
diqiiee  d'avance  aux  fetes  que  vous  allez  celebrer  et  nous  n'aurions 
pas  ete  les  moins  empresses  \  nous  y  rendre  ni  les  moins  heureux 
d'v  prendre  part,  si  nous  n'en  avions  ete  empeches  par  des  circon- 
stances  plus  fortes  que  notre  volonte.  A  defaut  de  notre  presence, 
nous  tenons  a  vous  envoyer  I'expression  des  regrets  que  nous 
eprouvons  de  ne  pouvoir  assister  a  ces  solennites  scientifiques  et 
relideuses  que  nous  entrevoyons  si  interessantes  et  si  belles  et  dont 
nous  attendons  I'echo  avec  impatience. 

Nous  vous  felicitons  chaleureusement  de  initiative  que  vous  avez 
prise  et  de  I'ampleur  qui  caracterise  votre  projet.  Cette  initiative 
honore  grandement  la  Societe  huguenote  d'Amerique,  elle  constitue 
pour  elle  un  titre  a  la  reconnaissance  des  Societes  sceurs,  non  moins 
nu'a  celle  des  eglises  reformees. 

Knfin  nous  vous  envoyons  I'expression  des  voeux  que  nous  nous 
piaisons  a  former  pour  le  succes  de  votre  entreprise,  pour  la  reussite 
de  vos  travaux  et  pour  que  cette  solennite  internationale  contribue  a 
r  >serrer  les  liens  qui  unissent  entre  eux  les  membres  de  la  grande 
famille  huguenote  repandue  dans  le  monde  entier. 

V,  uillez  agrcer  pour  vous  Messieurs,  et  transmettre  aux  membres 
societes  soeurs  reunis  a  New  York,  I'expression  de  nos  sentiments 
afiectueux  et  devoues. 

.\u  nom  de  la  Commission  de  I'histoire  des  Eglises  Wallonnes, 

Le  President^ 
Le  Secretaire,  E.  Bourlier. 

Ch.  M.  Dory. 


SOUVENIR  OF  THE  DINNER 


\ 


1; 


I 


i 


REPORT  OF  THE  TREASURER  OF  THE  STEWARDS. 

Tickets  sold  to  members,  221  at  $5.00  each Ouq.  ^ 

Tickets   returned,   16  at  §5. 00  each \       3^  ^° 

Total ^ 

01025  cc 

For  account  Celebration  Committee  paid  Delmonico, 
tickets  for  the  invited  guests  on  dais  and  at  tables' 
and  the  press. 

Invited  guests,  24  tickets  at  S5.00  each $120  cc 

Press,  6  tickets  at  $5.00  each ,^    ' 

Wines,  extra  cigars,  flowers,  etc -. 

DD  c: 

-  ^205    CO 

Mr.  Swords's  contribution  towards  expenses  of 

dinner o  ^r  ^^ 

O  25  00 

From    Special    Celebration    Fund,    on    order 

Executive  Committee 180  00 

S205  00 

William  D.  Barbour, 

,      .  Treasurer  of  the  Stewards. 

April,  1898. 

TREASURER'S    REPORT-CELEBRATION    COMMITTEE. 
LIST  OF  SUBSCRIBERS  TO  CELEBRATION  FUND. 

Rear- Admiral  F.  A.  Roe Washington  D.  C. 

Dr.  T.  Gaillard  Thomas New  York  Citv 

Mrs.  Marcellus  Hartley ♦»  <» 

William  A.  Du  Bois,  Esq »♦  « 

Rev.  James  Le  Baron  Johnson "  " 

Mrs.  E.  A.  Hoffman ^ 

H.  Blanchard  Dominick,  Esq '«  " 

Mrs.  Charles  F.  Roe «*  " 

Henry  G.  Marquand,  Esq "  " 

George  S.  Bowdoin,  Esq ««  »' 

Miss  Frances  D.  Booraem "  «' 

Miss  M.  Olivia  Slocum *  " 

Miss  Sara  Devotion «  " 

Ixii 


George  S.  Boiudoni. 


i\i  \\ 


I 


Report  of  the  Treasurer 


1 


Xlll 


(( 


a 


(4 


(( 


Miss  Harriet  Devotion New  York  City 

Charles  Lanier,  Esq 

C,  W.  Maury,  Esq 

Afiss  Lilian  Horsford Cambridge,  Mass. 

Edward  W.  James,  Esq Norfolk,  Va. 

Mrs.  F.  W.  Huidekoper Washington,  D.  C. 

Mrs.  Hope  B.  Russell Providence,  R.  L 

Mrs.  F.  Sandford  Bissell 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Lea  McL  Luquer Brooklyn,  N.  Y. 

Thatcher  T.  P.  Luquer,  Esq 

Mrs.  Henry  Kirke  Porter Pittsburgh,  Pa. 

Dr.  A.  E.  Helffenstein Philadelphia,  Pa. 

Saml.  Eberly  Gross,  Esq Chicago,  III. 

Expenditures,  account  Celebration $781   85 

(This  includes  amount  given  to  Treasurer  of  Stewards 
to  cover  deficit  on  Banquet — $180.00.) 

The  balance, 243   15 

(This  was,  by  order  of  the  Executive  Committee, 
transferred  to  the  General  Account  and  deposited  in 
the  New  York  Life  Insurance  and  Trust  Co.,  as  part 
of  the  Permanent  Fund.) 


I  Donation  of  $250  00 $250 


1025  00 


00 


4 
I 

8 

I 

10 


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(( 


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(< 


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100    GO 400    00 

50    00 50    00 

25    GO 2CG    GO 

2G    GO 2G    GO 

10    GO IGO    GO 

5  00 5  00 


$1025    GO 

(Signed)  George  S.  Bowdoin, 

Treasurer  Huguenot  Society  of  America. 
April  12,  1898. 

By  special  permission  of  the  Executive  Committee 
the  fund  given  by  Mrs.  James  M.  Lawton  was  devoted 
to  "the  Expenses  and  Entertainment  of  the  Foreign 
Delegates,"  and  did  not  pass  through  the  hands  of  the 
Treasurer. 


n 


I 
•  I 

P 


'1 


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It 


SERMON  PREACHED  IN  GRACE  CHURCH,  NEW 
YORK  CITY,  ON  SUNDAY  MORNING,  APRIL 
10,  1898,  IN  THE  PRESENCE  OF  INVITED 
MEMBERS  OF  THE  HUGUENOT  SOCIETY  OF 
AMERICA,  BY  THE  RECTOR,  THE  REVEREND 
WILLIAM  REED  HUNTINGTON,  D.D.,  D.C.L. 


M\ 


\: 


m 


Rn\  William  Reed  Huntington,  D.D,,  D.C.L, 

Rector  of  Grace  Churchy  A^ew  York  City. 


I  t 


ii 


\i 


A  LIVING  HOPE 

I  Peter  i.,  3,  4  :  "  Blessed  be  the  God  and  Father  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ,  who  according  to  His  great  mercy  begat  us  again  unto 
a  living  hope  by  the  resurrection  of  Jesus  Christ  from  the  dead, 
unto  an  inheritance  incorruptible,  and  undefiled,  and  that  fadeth  not 
away." 


THIS  is  that  Simon  Peter  who  in  a  moment  of  weak- 
ness, in  the  chill  hour  just  before  the  dawning, 
when  courage  is  at  its  lowest  ebb,  had  made  oath,  ''  I 
do  not  know  the  man."  He  knows  Him  now;  and  in 
this  rapturous  cry  of  thanks  to  God,  tells  out  his  know- 
ledge. As  a  witness  of  the  resurrection  Simon  Peter 
sees  all  things  in  a  new  light.  The  hot  zeal  which  had 
been  so  ready  with  its  headlong  promises,  the  over-con- 
fidence which  boasted,  "  Lord,  I  am  ready  to  go  with 
Thee  both  into  prison,  and  to  death,"  the  vehemence 
which  had  cried,  *'  Lord,  shall  we  smite  with  the  sword  ?  " 
—these  have  vanished,  but  there  has  come  in  place  of 
them  that  better  thing,  *'a  living  hope."  He  no  longer 
boasts  his  willingness  to  die,  for  that  lesser  feeling  has 
been  swallowed  up  in  the  large  joy  of  knowing  how  to 
live.  In  bitterness  of  soul  he  had  followed  afar  off  to 
the  High  Priest's  palace  on  the  fatal  night,  **  to  see,"  as 
he  said,  **  the  end."  It  dawns  upon  him  now  that  that 
was  not  *'  the  end  "  but  the  beginning.  In  the  anguish 
of  the  Cross  he  no  longer  discerns,  as  at  first  he  thought 
he  did,  the  pains  of  dissolution,  the  dying  out  of  what 
had  been  a  hope,  but  was  a  hope  no  longer — no,  not 

3 


I 


4  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

that  at  all,  but  rather  the  birth-throes  of  a  new  and 
better  order,  a  regenerated  earth  wherein  righteousness 
is  to  dwell. 

My  dear  friends,  let  us  insist  upon  interpreting  the 
Easter  gospel,  the  resurrection  message,  in  this  large 
and  generous  sense.     The  mistake  we  are  continually 
making  in  all  our  religious  thought  is  the  mistake  of 
minimizing  the  fact  ;  we  dwarf  the  truth  of  revelation  ; 
we  measure  by  the  inch  and  by  the  handbreadth  when 
our  unit  ought  rather  to  be  the  sacred  cubit  which  is 
God's    standard.       The    resurrection    of    Jesus    Christ, 
viewed  as  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  learned,  both  of  them, 
to  view  it,  marks  a  great  world-epoch  ;  it  is  something 
more,  vastly  more,  than  a  single  isolated  fact  in  human 
historv,  for  it  both  holds  connection  with  the  antecedent 
years  in  virtue  of  its  being  the  fulfilment  of  an  early 
promise,  and  at  the  same  time  links  to  itself  all  the  years 
to  come  in  virtue  of  the  results  that  are  to  How  from  it 
hereafter.     Through  the  resurrection    of    Jesus  Christ 
from  the  dead  the  jaded  and  disheartened  world  gets 
the  inestimable  blessing  of  a  fresh  start ;  the  old  order 
changes  ;  the  first  Adam,  the  merely  animal  soul,  yields 
place  to  the   new  man,  the   second  and  better  Adam, 
''  the  Lord  from  heaven."     Babel  with  its  earthly  strife 
of  tongues  fades  out  of  sight,  and  there  begins  to  loom 
the  better  city,  even  the  heavenly,  the  city  which  hath 
foundations,  whose  architect  is  God.     All  this  is  covered 
and  included  by  that  strong  phrase,  "  begotten  again  unto 
a  living  hope  by  the  resurrection  of  Jesus  Christ." 

At  moments  when  the  sky  is  clouded  and  the  outlook 
dim,  as  is  the  case  to-day,'  to  dwell  on  thoughts  like  these 
is  a  wise  and  wholesome  thing  to  do.  It  takes  us  out 
of  ourselves  ;  it  frees  us  from  the  tyranny  of  the  things 

'  The  war  with  Sp.iin  was  then  impending. 


A  Living  Hope  5 

near  and  present ;  it  opens  vistas  and  relieves  the  eye  ; 
it  reminds  us  that  God  does  not  measure  time  as  we  do, 
and  that  we  are  not  to  judge  of  the  probability  of  His 
keeping  His  promises  by  what  seems  to  us  the  tardiness 
of  the  fulfilment. 

It  is  a  fact  which  nobody  can  gainsay  that  those  races 
of  mankind  which  have  accepted  the  Gospel  of  the 
Resurrection,  which  have  assented  to  the  teachincr  of 
this  text  of  ours  as  a  true  teaching,  are  the  races  which 
are  gaining  ground.  It  is  easy  to  understand  why 
this  should  be.  Nothing  is  so  invincible  as  hope.  Those 
who  believe  that  the  future  holds  for  man  nothino- 
better  than  the  past  has  held,  naturally  and  neces- 
sarily yield  before  the  advancing  movement  of  those 
who  are  sanguine  and  expectant.  '*  Christendom "  is 
the  name  we  give  to  that  portion  of  mankind  which  has 
received  in  a  believing  temper  the  Easter  message,  "  He 
is  risen,"  and  which  knows  itself  to  be  the  custodian  of  a 
"  living  hope."  In  the  heathen  creeds,  hope  has  very  little 
place,  if  any  ;  in  the  Christian  Creed  it  is  the  main  feat- 
ure. The  Christ  of  our  Creed  is  a  continually  coming 
Christ, His  judgment  is  forever  impending, His  Kingdom 
always  at  hand,  his  inheritance  likely  at  any  moment  to 
fall  due.  Before  a  Christendom  really  and  truly,  in  heart 
and  mind  and  soul,  united,  heathendom  would  have  no 
chance  at  all.  Even  as  things  are,  the  map-makers 
have  to  be  continually  sponging  away  the  dark  patches 
on  their  pictures  of  the  earth's  surface  and  letting  the 
lighter  tints  spread,  but  how  much  more  quickly  might 
the  illuminating  process  move  towards  its  completion 
were  the  people  of  God  at  one  among  themselves ! 

It  is  this  thought  that  lends  the  bitterness  of  disap- 
pointment to  the  spectacle,  whenever  or  wherever  be- 
held, of  the  spiritual  house  divided  against  itself.     Three 


i! 


' 


1:  ■  I 


6  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

hundred  years  ago,  under  the  pleasant  skies  of  France, 
there  lived  together  in  comparative  peace  the  adherents 
of  the  two  rival  forms  of  Christian  believing  known  as 
Romanism  and  Protestantism.  These  faiths  differ  so 
widely  with  respect  both  to  the  way  in  which  men  ought 
to  worship,  and  the  way  in  which  men  ought  to  think, 
that  they  seem  to  us,  at  times,  to  be  actually  different 
religions.  And  yet,  after  all,  when  we  think  of  it,  what 
are  the  points  upon  which  they  differ  as  compared  with 
the  points  in  which  they  agree  ?  They  both  hold  in 
common  to  the  simple  Creed  which  begins  *'  I  believe 
in  God  the  Father  Almighty  "  and  ends  with  ''  the  life 
everlasting."  They  both  maintain  with  equal  earnest- 
ness the  article  of  faith  which  stands  midway  between 
these  two, — *'  On  the  third  day  He  rose  again  from  the 
dead."  Where  they  chiefly  differ  is  with  respect  to  the 
true  method  of  seeking  and  obtaining  the  grace  of  God, 
and  the  right  form  of  ecclesiastical  governance.  But 
three  hundred  years  ago  in  France  it  was  agreed  that, 
inharmonious  as  the  two  systems  of  belief  unquestion- 
ably were,  there  was  no  good  reason  why  the  adherents 
of  them  should  not  live  side  by  side  in  one  and  the 
same  community  at  peace.  And  so  live  they  did  for  a 
season,  until  a  king  arose  who  thought,  or  was  per- 
suaded by  others  to  pretend  to  think,  that  to  tolerate  a 
faith  other  than  his  own  would  bring  the  vengeance  of 
God  upon  his  realm,  so  he  drove  out  the  Huguenots 
by  the  thousands  and  the  tens  of  thousands  ;  sent  into 
banishment  a  large,  perhaps  the  larger  fraction  of  the 
intelligence  of  the  kingdom  ;  and  while  enriching  to  a 
wonderful  degree  other  lands,  notably  England  and 
America,  miserably  impoverished  France.  To-day,  not 
everywhere,  but  almost  everywhere,  men  are  lamenting 
with  genuine  sorrow  of  heart  the  comparative  loss  of 


A  Living;  Hope  7 

influence  which  has  befallen  one  of  the  best  beloved 
and  every  way  most  admirable  in  the  sisterhood  of 
nations.  May  it  not  be  that  even  to  this  day  France 
suffers  for  the  absence  from  her  veins  of  that  element 
of  iron  in  the  blood  which  the  presence  of  the  Hu- 
i^uenots  supplied?  It  is  our  great  privilege  to  have 
with  us  this  morning  as  our  guests,  as  sharers  in  our 
Easter  worship,  representatives  of  that  sterling  stock. 
They  have  come  to  America  to  join  with  sons  of 
Huguenots  here  in  commemorating  the  three-hundredth 
anniversary  of  the  brightest  day  that  ever  dawned  upon 
the  movement.  They  find  us  on  the  very  edge  of  war 
with  a  race  professing  the  same  faith  as  that  against 
which  their  ancestors  protested  ;  and  yet  the  very  edict 
the  promulgation  of  which  it  is  proposed  this  week  to 
celebrate  was  of  the  nature  of  an  olive  branch,  it  w^as  a 
formula  of  concord,  it  contemplated  the  substitution  of 
peace  for  war,  it  actually  served,  for  a  time,  the  purposes 
of  a  truce  of  God.  Is  it  too  much  to  hope  for,  that 
with  the  added  light  and  larger  experience  of  three 
centuries  to  help  us,  some  formula  may  again  be  found 
such  as  shall  suffice  to  keep  two  sections  of  Christen- 
dom, alien  though  they  be  in  tastes  and  habits,  from 
flying  at  one  another's  throats  like  savages  ? 

In  the  crypt  of  the  Cathedral  at  Canterbury,  that  most 
venerable  of  all  the  shrines  of  English  religion,  there  is 
shown  the  traveller  a  little  chapel  which  was  set  apart 
after  the  revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  for  the  use 
of  the  French  and  Flemish  refugees,  ''  they  whom  the 
rod  of  Alva  bruised."  There,  to  this  day,  the  children 
of  the  Huguenots  have  worshipped,  calling  upon  God 
after  the  manner  of  their  Fathers. 

I  rejoice  in,  and  am  proud  of,  the  fact  that  to-day 
Huguenots  are  accepting  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic 


l-.^i 


I 


8 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


the  hospitalities  of  a  Church  historically  close  akin  to 
that  to  which  the  men  of  Kent  gave  their  forefathers  wel- 
come. I  am  sure  I  speak  the  minds  of  all  the  members 
of  my  flock  when  I  declare  that  here  and  now  that 
ancient  welcome  is  heartily  renewed. 

We  come  back  to  Easter  and  its  lessons.  The  living 
hope  which  knits  all  Christians  into  substantial  oneness 
is  as  strong  to-day  as  ever  it  has  been  in  the  past ;  the 
longing  for  the  inheritance  incorruptible,  fadeless,  and 
undefiled  is  as  ardent  in  men's  hearts  as  ever  it  was. 
We  still  build  upon  the  rock  foundation  of  the  promises 
of  God  in  Christ.  (3ur  confidence  in  a  future  life  for 
man  is  still  founded  on  the  old  assurance,  *'  He  is  risen, 
as  He  said." 

I  do  not,  of  course,  deny  that  what  we  thus  learn  is 
corroborated  and  illustrated  by  what  we  gather  from 
other  sources  ;  what  I  do  say  is  that  the  credit  of  the 
Christian  doctrine  of  the  resurrection  stands  or  falls 
with  the  credit  of  Him  through  whose  own  rising 
from  the  dead  we  have  been  begotten  to  our  living 
hope.  Why  do  I  believe  I  shall  live  again  after  the 
**  dust  to  dust "  and  "  ashes  to  ashes  "  have  been  spoken  ? 
Is  it  because  the  philosophers  have  told  me  that  per- 
sonality is,  in  its  essence,  indivisible  and  therefore 
cannot  be  destroyed  }  Is  it  because  my  heart  reminds 
me  that  I  have  aspirations  which  this  world  cannot 
satisfy  ?  Is  it  because  Nature  suggests  that  the  spring- 
ing violet  and  the  broken  chrysalis  are  types  of  life  in 
death  ? 

No.  To  all  these  various  arguments  and  parables 
from  within  and  from  without  the  mind,  a  calm  judg- 
ment compels  me  to  return  the  answer,  "  Not  proven." 
Why  then  do  I  believe  ?  It  is  because  I  trust  in  Jesus 
Christ,  who  says,  "  I  am  the  Resurrection  and  the  Life. 


Grace  Church,  AVu'  )  'ork  City,  in  which  the 
Opening  Sermon  was  Preached. 


4 

f 


^ULTON  ST.  ,    N.    Y. 


■I' 

mi 


A  Living  Hope 


.     whosoever  liveth    and  believeth    in    Me  shall 

never  die." 

The  New  Testament  writers  waste  no  breath  in  ef- 
forts to  demonstrate  immortality  by  logical  processes 
of  thoughts.  They  simply  set  before  our  eyes  the 
risen  Son  of  God  and  bid  us  listen  to  His  words.  And 
what  words  has  He  for  us  ?     They  are  such  as  these  : 

''God  so  loved  the  world  that  He  gave  His  only  begot- 
ten Son,  that  whosoever  believeth  in  Him  should  not 
perish,  but  have  everlasting  life." 

''  My  sheep  hear  My  voice,  and  I  know  them,  and  they 
follow  Me,  and  I  give  unto  them  eternal  life." 

"  And  this  is  life  eternal,  that  they  might  know  Thee 
the  only  true  God,  and  Jesus  Christ  whom  Thou  hast 

sent." 

''  For  as  the  Father  raiseth  up  the  dead  and  quicken- 
eth  them,  even  so  the  Son  quickeneth  whom  He  will." 

"  Marvel  not  at  this,  for  the  hour  is  coming,  in  which 
all  that  are  in  the  graves  shall  hear  His  voice,  and  shall 
come  forth  ;  they  that  have  done  good  unto  the  resur- 
rection of  life,  and  they  that  have  done  evil  unto  the 
resurrection  of  damnation." 

These  are  Christ's  own  words.  You  see  how  abso- 
lutely He  refers  all  life  in  the  soul  of  man  that  is  eternal 
and  indestructible  back  to  Himself  as  the  origin  and 
fount  of  such  life.  You  may  call  this  kind  of  teaching 
mystical.  No  doubt,  in  one  sense,  it  is  so.  But  you 
cannot  deny  that  it  is  a  mysticism  in  which  both  Christ 
and  His  apostles  are  involved.  The  voices  of  the 
Master  and  the  disciple  are  in  perfect  unison. 

Listen  to  St.  Paul  :  "  The  law  of  the  spirit  of  life  in 
Christ  Jesus  hath  made  us  free  from  the  law  of  sin  and 
death." 

To  St.  Peter  we  have  already  listened  in  the  text. 


I 


I 


lO 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


A  Living  Hope 


1 1 


Listen  to  St.  Jiide:  "Beloved,  .  .  .  keep  your- 
selves in  the  love  of  God,  looking  for  the  mercy  of 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  unto  eternal  life." 

Listen  to  St.  John  :  "  This  is  the  record,  that  God 
hath   given   unto  us  eternal  life,  and  this  life  is  in   His 

bon. 

Thus  to  the  invitatory  words  of  the  Master,  ''  Come 
ye  to  the  waters.  Whosoever  drinketh  here  shall  never 
thirst,"  the  glorious  company  of  the  apostles  with  one 
consenting  voice  send  back  the  glad  antiphony,  "  Even 
so,  Lord  Jesus,  Thou  hast  the  words  of  eternal  life." 

And  now,  looking  back  over  the  field  our  thoughts 
have  traversed,  two  points  stand  out  with  marked  dis- 
tinctness : 

1.  The  conviction  that  the  very  life  of  Christianity  is 
wrapped  up  in  the  historic  truth  of  the  resurrection  of 

Jesus. 

2.  The  conviction  that  the  only  way  of  attaining  a 
sure  confidence  in  our  own  immortality  is  to  believe 
Christ's  promise.  He  is  risen,  as  He  said  ;  we  also  shall 
rise,  because  He  said  so. 

Does  this  seem  to  you  a  precarious  foothold  upon 
which  to  stand  ?  I  assure  you  no  rock  is  firmer.  Go 
about  among  your  fellow-men  and  ask  them  how  they 
think  and  feel  about  the  future  life.  I  venture  to  pre- 
dict that  you  will  find  faith  in  the  reality  of  that  life 
most  strong  wnth  those  who  care  for  no  better  warrant 
for  their  confidence  than  Jesus'  word.  The  men  who 
are  most  skilful  in  compiling  philosophical  arguments 
for  immortality  are  not  always  the  men  who  most 
heartily  believe  in  immortality  The  blessing  of  peace 
is  upon  those  childlike  souls  who,  having  lovingly  fol- 
lowed the  Good  Shepherd  here  on  earth,  believe  that 


He  will  not  refuse  to  lead  them  in  those  heavenly  pas- 
tures whither  He  Himself  has  gone  before. 

Let  us  then  as  Christians  rejoice  upon  this  happy 
Easter  day,  not  only  because  the  Lord  is  risen,  but  also 
because  His  rising  has  proved  His  promise  true.  For 
remember  that  just  as  those  women  who  went  early  to 
the  sepulchre  would  have  been  saved  from  much  of 
their  deep  sorrow  had  they  fully  trusted  Jesus  when  He 
foretold  to  them  His  resurrection,  so  shall  w^e  be  freed 
from  that  fear  of  death  which  keeps  so  many  of  us  all 
our  lives  long  subject  to  bondage,  if  we  trust  Jesus  now, 
and  carrying  over  the  Angel's  saying  from  the  past  into 
the  future  comfort  ourselves  with  these  words  : 

"  We  too  shall  rise,  for  He  hath  said  it." 


I! 


1 


ft 


THE  POEM  AND  THE  PAPERS  READ  BEFORE  THE 
SOCIETY,  IN  THE  fiOLISE  DU  SAINT-ESPRIT 
(PROTESTANT  EPISCOPAL),  IN  NEW  YORK 
CITY,    ON    WEDNESDAY    MORNING,   APRIL    13, 

1898. 


!# 


.i 


13 


i 


Etienne  J,  Jixlladc. 

Neio  York  City. 


^  i 


ANNIVERSAIRE  DE  LA  PROMULGATION 
DE    L'EDIT    DE    NANTES. 

Poem  by  fiXIENNE  J.  JALLADE. 

I 


il 


■ 


D£S  I'aube,  entendez-vous  la  trompette  sonore  ? 
Un  nouveau  Constantin  rassemble  ses  sujets  ! 
C'est  un  p^re,  un  ami,  ses  voeux  sont  pour  la  paix, 
Et  c'est  par  lequit^  que  sa  voix  la  restaure. 

II 

Henri  quatre  en  ce  jour  promet  la  tolerance. 

Chez  les  proscrits  d'hier  I'espoir  nait  et  grandit  ; 

La  conscience  enfin  s'affranchit  par  1  edit 
Et  vers  un  bord  prospere  il  rallie  la  France. 

Ill 

Liberte  !  tu  parais  k  la  nouvelle  agape 

Comme  un  phenix  revit  et  sort  de  sa  prison. 
Ceux  qui  te  voient  de  loin  planer  k  I'horizon 

Savent-ils  les  dangers  de  ta  premiere  ^tape  ? 

IV 

Au  long  pdlerinage  on  aime  voir  ta  marche. 

Par  dek  trois  cents  ans,  contemplant  ton  labeur, 
Liberte  !  ton  reveil  vient  nous  rappeler  I'heur 

Ou  la  colombe  au  soir  apparaissait  vers  I'arche. 


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V 

Pour  comprendre  la  joie,  11  faut  au  pr^alable  : 

Se  souvenir  des  pleurs,  des  peines,  des  tourments. 
Fremir  au  vent  qui  court  sur  des  Brandons  fumants 

Et  voir  en  la  rosee  un  agent  secourable. 

VI 

Ce  flambeau  des  aieux  qu'aucun  temps  ne  consume 
Vient  luire  a  nos  foyer  au  contact  de  la  foi  ; 
Et  sa  latente  essence  est  la  divine  loi 

Qui  permet  au  progres  d  eclairer  chaque  brume. 

VII 

Vous  qui  lisez  I'histoire,  evoquez  cette  page, 
Afin  qu'elle  soit  lue  et  que  I'enfant  pieu, 
Dans  la  fraternite,  voie  un  don  de  son  Dieu 

Et  qu'il  puisse  k  ses  fils  en  laisser  I'heritage. 


Edwa  rd  Bel  I  croc  he. 

Delegate  of  t lie  Huguenot  Society  of  London. 


THE  SUCCESSIVE  EVENTS  THAT  FINALLY 

LED  TO  THE  ENACTMENT  OF  THE 

EDICT  OF  NANTES. 

By  EDWARD  BELLEROCHE, 

Member  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  London. 

HAVING  before  me  the  many  valuable  works  of 
Professor  Henry  M.  Baird  on  the  Reformation 
in  France,  and  the  patient  researches  of  the  "Societe 
de  I'histoire  du  protestantisme  fran^ais,"  which  have 
brought  to  light  so  many  unpublished  facts,  it  seemed 
to  me,  at  first,  that  nothing  remained  to  be  gleaned  in 
the  glorious  fields  enriched  by  the  blood  of  our  fore- 
fathers. 

However,  possibly  yielding  to  natural  presumption,  I 
have  undertaken  to  say  a  few  words  about  the  events 
which  led  up  to  the  enactment  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 

These  events  are  admirably  presented  in  the  work  of 
the  historian  Michelet,  La  Ligue  et  Henri  IV ^  in  which 
he  paints  in  a  masterly  style  the  characters  of  Orange 
and  Henry,  "both  so  clement  as  to  appear  indifferent 
to  good  or  evil,"  and  in  particular  he  says  of  William 
the  Silent  that  **  he  was  the  leader  of  the  party  of 
humanity." 

What  a  misfortune  for  France  to  have  been  governed 
by  such  a  miserable  race  as  that  of  the  Valois  and  by 
such  women  as  Catherine  and  Mary  de  Medici !     What 

'  Paris,  1856.     [It  constitutes  the  loth  volume  of  his  Histoire  de  France. — Ed.] 

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might  not  have  heen  its  future  if  Henry  had  been  more 
Hke  the  Stadholder  and  had  been  blessed  with  such  a 
wife  as  Louise  de  Coligny  ! 

The  grand  and  noble  history  of  the  United  States  of 
the  Netherlands  has  not  been  sullied  by  the  persecu- 
tions of  Catholics  as  that  of  France  has  been  sullied  by 
the  persecution  of  Huguenots.  To  Holland  we  must 
give  the  first  rank  in  the  history  of  religious  toleration, 
that  sure  sign  of  genuine  Christian  feeling.  England 
only  comes  next. 

But  let  us  return  to  Michelet.      He  lays  down   that 
purely  religious  wars  ended  in  France  in   1572,  a  year 
memorable  for  the  massacres  of  St.  Bartholo- 
*^^^*  mew  and  the  death  of  the  illustrious  Admiral 

de  Coligny.  After  this  date,  the  struggle  within  and 
without  was  purely  political.  After  the  peace  signed 
in  July,  1573,  La  Rochelle,  Nimes,  and  Mon- 
July,  1573-  |.^uban  remained  constituted  as  three  republics, 
self  guarded  and  self  governed.  Elsewhere  generally, 
liberty  of  conscience  was  granted.  The  dis- 
contented Protestants  of  the  South  asked 
guarantees  from  Charles  IX.  such  as  two  places  of 
safety  in  each  province,  with  judges  of  their  own  faith 
and  general  freedom  of  worship. 

'*  Except  Sismondi,  all  our  historians  have  treated 
Protestantism  with  great  severity.  On  the  other  hand, 
M.  de  Ronald,  whose  hatred  did  not  obscure  his  judg- 
ment, has  clearly  seen  that  its  essence  is  liberty,  de^noc- 
rac)\  and  the  anti-monarchical  principle/  In  the  space 
of  forty  years,  amongst  the  martyrs  of  the  Reformation 
[in  France]  we  find  but  three  noblemen.     In  one  word, 

'  [Probable  allusion  to  M.  Louis  G.  A.  de  Ronald's  Theorie  Ju  pouvoir  politique 
et  riligieux  dans  la  socie't/  civile,  demontn^e  par  U  raisonnement  et  par  Chistoire. 
Paris,  1843,  3  vols.— Ed.] 


1574- 


the  Reformation,  which  came  from  Geneva,  was  of  the 
people." 

In  order  better  to  make  you  understand  Michelet,  I 
shall  give  you  the  following  passage  from  his  ^^^^ 

XlXth  Chapter,  which  treats  of  the  Siege  of 
Paris  by  Henry  III  and  the  King  of  Navarre  and  of 
the  death  of  Henry  III  in  1589  : 

**In  all  our  collections  of  memoirs,  you  will  in  vain 
look  for  the  best,  those  of  Agrippa  dAubigne,  with  its 
magnificent  language  which  is  like  a  sharp  and  scorch- 
ing tongue  of  fire,  proceeding  from  a  deeply  moved 
soul,  but  how  upright  and  sincere  !  Again  it  will  be 
fruitless  to  search  for  those  of  Duplessis-Mornay,  whose 
Hfe  of  hard  work,  heroism,  and  sanctity,  was  written  by 
one  who  was  a  saint  herself,  the  pious  wife  of  Mornay. 
It  was  written  in  the  presence  of  God  and  for  a  child 
and  supplies  evidence  given  in  all  simplicity  but  of  a 
sort  which  carries  conviction  and  would  ensure  the  gain 
of  a  cause  in  any  court. 

"On  the  other  hand,  you  will  find  the  untruthful 
statements  of  the  secretaries  of  Sully,  who  give  him 
credit  for  all  that  was  done,  even  when  he  had  hardly 
been  heard  of." 

The  success  of  Henry  of  Navarre  at  Arques,  where 
he  vanquished  Mayenne,  Chief  of  the  League,       ,539-90. 
was  followed  by  a  first  help  of  4,000  men  sent 
by  Elizabeth,  and   the    Senate  of  Venice   proclaimed 

itself  his  ally. 

Venice  had  not  forgiven  Philip  II  for  having  forced 
twelve  of  her  galleys  into  the  luckless  venture  of  the 
Armada  of  1588.  Besides,  Venice,  without  attempting 
to  dictate  to  Rome,  as  Philip  and  later  on  Louis  XIV 
did  not  hesitate  to  do,  had  always  adopted  a  very  firm 
and  independent  attitude  towards  the  Papacy  and  one 
of  toleration  towards  the  Reformation. 


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Shortly  after,  the   Bearnais  lost  several    faithful  ser- 
vants and  firm  friends  of  his  cause  :  the  daring  surgeon 
Ambroise  Pare,  the  simple  and  grand  Palissy 
1591-92.      ^^^^    j.^j   ^^  ^^^   Bastile    of  want   and  cruel 

treatment. 

''  By  the  side  of  these  two  men,  let  us,"  says  Michelet, 
**  lay  down  two  heroic  soldiers  :  one,  the  blameless, 
good,  and  brave  La  Noue,  Bras  de  Fer,  who  for  fifty 
years  had  fought  for  right  and  religion  and  who  had 
endured  so  much  suffering.  The  other  is  the  son  of  the 
Admiral,  murdered  like 'his  father,  though  not  by  the 
sword  but  by  the  vileness  and  moral  degradation  of 
the  times.  We  have  seen  him,  a  grand  captain  and 
magnanimous  Frenchman,  oblivious  of  his  great  wrong. 
He'^was  following  out  two  main  thoughts  of  his  father, 
the  holy  war  and  the  sea,  the  colonies  of  America,  to 
which  that  war  was  to  spread." 

The  loss  of  all  these  firm  supporters  could  but  in- 
crease the  hopes  of  those  who  were  striving  to  bring 
Henry  over  to  the  Catholic  religion,  and  he  in  a  way 
encouraged  them  by  declaring  that  he  was  open  to  be 
enlightened.  Michelet  doubts  that  his  conversion  was 
even  a  political  necessity,  but  Duperron  had  his  zeal 
stimulated  by  the  prospect  of  a  Cardinal's  hat  and  he 
succeeded  in  the  end  as  a  converter  of  men. 

In  July,  1593,  Henry  subscribed  the  Oath  of  Sub- 
mission to  Rome  at  St.  Denis  and  in  March, 
1594,  Paris  was  his. 

The  news  of  this  event  alarmed  the  Protestant  rulers 
who  were  then  in  the  ascendant  and  on  whom  he  could 
have  relied.  Venice,  the  first  to  salute  him  as  King  of 
France  at  Arques,  expected  from  him  a  different  atti- 
tude towards  Spain  and  the  Pope.  The  Waldenses  of 
Piedmont  had  sent  word  to  him|that  Transalpine  Gaul 
could  be  had  for  the  asking. 


1593-1594- 


We  find  in  Henry  a  singular  admixture  of  energy  and 
weakness. 

In  December,  1594,  he  allows  Parliament  to  pro- 
nounce the  expulsion  of  the  Jesuits,  and  the  following 
month  he  declares  w^ar  with  Spain.      He  then     ^ 

I594-I595' 
submits  to  the  exorbitant  terms  of  Villars  for 

the  surrender  of  Rouen  and  he  adopts  a  far  too  humble 

attitude  at  Rome  in  order  to  obtain  absolution. 

After  the  surprise  of  Amiens  by  the  Spaniards,  Eliza- 
beth sends  him  again  4,000  men  and  he  engages  not  to 
treat  with  Spain  without  her  knowledge,  and 
yet  this  is  what  he  does  shortly  after,  by  con- 
cluding the  Peace  of  Vervins. 

Michelet,  who  feels  ashamed  of    him,  tries    to    find 


May  2, 
1598. 


"  extenuatmii^ 


motives  "  in  the  dire  necessities  of  his 
starving  condition.  He  then  reverts  to  "  the  pitiful 
story  of  our  Huguenots.  .  .  .  They  had  to  be  con- 
tent with  a  mere  truce,  whilst  they  were  asking  for  at 
least  the  protection  of  Charles  IXth's  Edict  of  January." 

They  were  dealt  with  last  of  all,  after  every  prominent 
Leaguer  had  had  his  fill  of  honours  and  pensions,  and 
thev  were   eiven   the    Edict  of    Nantes   "  by 

.  April  13 

which  they  obtained  liberty  of  conscience  but  j^^g! 

not  that  of  worship.     This  was  much  less  than 
the  peace    of    Charles  IX  and    Henry  HI  and  yet  in 
spite  of  all  they  remained  faithful  to  Henry  IV." 

I  may  here  refer  to  Reciieil  des  lettres  missives  de 
Henri  IV,  pub  lid  par  M.  Berger  de  Xivrey,  7  vols,  and  2 
Supplements,  Paris,  \Z\isqq.  The  letters  of  Henry  IV 
(some  undated)  brought  to  light  in  this  publication  are 
of  the  hio^hest  interest. 

Henry  left  Angers  for  Nantes  and  in  his  first  letter 
from  there,  dated    April    15,   1598,  he    says:    *' Estant 


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23 


1598. 


arrive  hier  en  ceste  ville,"  which  is  an  incorrect  expres- 
sion, as  he  arrived  April  nth,  and  the  Edict  was  signed 
there  on  the  13th.  In  this  letter,  addressed  to 
the  Connetable  de  Luxembourg,  Duke  of 
Plney  (which  seems  a  corruption  of  Espinay  or  Espinoy ), 
he  alludes  to  hunting  the  deer  and  to  the  Spanish  troops 
still  in  Blavet,  but  says  not  a  word  about  the  Edict.  He 
remained  at  Nantes  till  May  6th,  and  in  none  of  the 
letters  written  from  there  is  any  reference  to  this  import- 
ant event  to  be  found,  except  in  one  dated  April  21st 
and  in  one  of  May  5th,  addressed  to  M.  de  Caumont. 
He  begs  him  to  send  a  dozen  salt  fat  geese  from  Beam 
''  Ics  plus  grasses  que  vous  pourrees  recouvrer  ;  de  sorte 
quel  es  facent  honneur  au  pays,"  and  after  this  is  dis- 
posed of,  he  proceeds  :  *'  Jay  mis  fin  a  I'affaire  de  ceulx 
de  la  Religion  et  de  ce  coste-la  j'ay  I'esprit  en  repos." 

In  a  letter  dated  April  30th  and  addressed  to  de  Bel- 
licvre  and  de  Sillery  at  Vervins,  he  complains  that  they 
have  left  him  without  news  about  the  treaty  for  eight 
days.  He  does  not  know  whether  to  disband  the  troops 
he  has  on  his  hands  (  *'  sur  les  bras"  ),  and  he  has  been 
unable  to  keep  longer  in  Nantes  the  special  envoys 
from  England  and  Holland. 

In  another  letter,  of  April  21st,  he  says  Elizabeth  and 
the  States  were  much  annoyed  about  the  impending 
treaty  of  Vervins,  and  he  adds  : 

''  Si  nous  ne  traictons  avec  les  huguenots,  il  seroit  k 
craindre  qu'ils  ne  se  joignissent  au  desespoir  des  Anglois 
et  Hollandois,  pour  susciter  en  mon  Royaulme  une 
iruerre  plus  dangereuse  que  celle  que  nous  vouhons 
esteindre.  C'est  k  desseing  des  .  .  .  [M.  Bergerde 
Xivrey  thinks  that  the  word  left  out  here,  as  in  La  Vte 
du  Cardinal  Due  de  Joyeuse,  by  Aubery,  Paris,  i654» 
from  which  the  letter  is  reprinted,  is  undoubtedly  *'  Jes- 


uites  "],  de  nous  y  faire  retomber,  qui  sont  plus  espagn- 
ols  que  chrestiens  [the  Jesuits  were  "more  Spaniards 
than  Catholics  "  ],  et  pour  ceste  occasion  plus  violens  et 
ambitieux  que  charitables." 

And  Henry  ends  with  this  indictment  against  the 
disciples  of  the  Spaniard  Loyola  : 

''  Tels  ennemys  converts  et  qui  aigrissent  et  exercent 
leurs  passions  et  effects  dedans  les  entrailles  d'un  Estat, 
sont  aussy  trop  plus  dangereux  que  ne  sont  ceulx  qui 
font  la  guerre  a  descouvert." 

This  important  letter  was  addressed  to  the  Duke  de 
Piney-Luxembourg. 

On  April  29th  he  writes  to  de  Rosny :  "  Mais  j'ay 
advise  de  demeurer  icy  [Nantes]  jusques  a  lundy  a  cause 
de  la  feste  de  demain,  que  je  doibt  toucher  les  malades 
[pour  les  ecrouelles  or  King's  evil]  "  and  on  the  30th  he 
writes  to  the  same  that  his  "  Chambre  des  Comptes  "  has 
dared  to  suppose  that  he  was  seeking  its  advice  (about 
a  settlement  with  the  Duke  of  Mercoeur).  He  claims 
absolute  power  within  his  kingdom  to  declare  peace  or 

war,  etc. 

Writing  to  Bellievre  and  Sillery  from  Rennes  (May 
9th),  he  stys  that  he  has  received  their  letter  of  May  2d 
and  he  is  glad  to  hear  of  the  peace  at  last  concluded. 
He  thanks  the  Cardinal  of  Florence,  Legate  of  the  Pope, 
and  the  Father  General  of  the  Cordeliers  for  their  share 
in  it.  In  a  subsequent  letter  he  hopes  the  latter  will  be 
made  a  Cardinal.  He  cannot  give  way  to  the  Cardinal 
who  intercedes  for  the  Duke  of  Aumale,  who  had  taken 
up  arms  against  him  (and  who  died  in  exile),  because 
the  article  of  the  treaty  dealing  with  similar  cases  is 
so  worded  that  none  of  those  who  have  fought  on  his 
side  will  be  allowed  to  return  to  his  country  (the  Neth- 


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erlands),  nor  even  be  reinstated  in  the  possession  of  their 
property,  because  the  other  side  will  pretend  that  such 
property  was  confiscated  on  other  grounds.  He  thus  is 
driven  to  be  strict  with  his  own  subjects  who  have 
served  against  him  in  order  to  shield  those  who  have 
sought  his  protection.^ 

After  the  defection  or  conversion  of  Henry  IV,  it 
mattered  little  that  the  exercise  of  the  R.  P.  R.  was  for- 
bidden at  Court,  but  this  prohibition  extended  also  over 
an  area  of  five  leagues  round  Paris  ;  and  this  shows  once 
more  that  of  all  the  large  cities  of  P>ance,  Paris  was 
always  the  most  intolerant  and  the  most  subservient  to 
the  Leaq-ue. 

On  the  day  that  the  peace  between  France  and  Spain 
was  sio-ned  at  X'ervins,  Henrv  signed  the  secret  articles 
of  the  Edict.  They  appear  to  me  meant  to 
be  in  favour  of  the  Reformes,  for  instance  when 
Henry  engages  to  write  to  his  Ambassadors 
abroad  to  order  that  his  subjects,  even  those  of  the  R. 
P.  R.,  should  be  protected  from  the  Inquisition. 

I  miirht  have  considered  my  task  as  concluded  here, 
but  "  qui  n'entend  qu'une  cloche  n'entend  qu'un  son," 
and  it  has  occurred  to  me  that  after  having  quoted 
a  writer  with  such  known  liberal  tendencies  as  Michelet, 
it  would  be  ri^ht  to  introduce  another  belonging  to  the 
modern  P>ench  Roman  Catholic  Clergy. 

The  one  I   have  selected  is  the  Abbe   Pierre  Feret, 

'  During  the  siege  of  Ostend  Henry  wrote  frequently  to  the  Duke  of  Montmor- 
ency.    Thus  from  Calais,  September  2d.     He  can  hear  from  there  the  firing  of  the 
.  guns.     .     .     .     As  to  the  complaints  against  the  Protestants  of  his 

province  made  by  the  Duke,  who  was  Governor  of  Languedoc, 
Henry  says  :  "  Je  suis  tres  desplaisant  et  mal  content  des  fa9ons  de  faire  de  mes 
subjects  de  la  religion  pretendue  refomiee."  And  again,  from  Fontainebleau, 
September  19th:  "  Vous  aures  desja  sceu  comme  je  crois  comme  le  malheur  a 
voulu  qu'un  (coup  de  canon)  a  porte  sur  le  feu  Sr.  de  Chastillon  dont  j'ay  eu  beau- 


2  May, 
1598. 


D.D.,  Honorary  Canon  of  Evreux,  formerly  Chaplain 
of  the  Lycde  St.  Louis,  and  now  Cure  of  St.  Maurice, 
Charenton. 

In  1875  ^^  published,  Henri  IV  et  V Eglise  Catlio- 
liqne.  In  the  preface  he  avers  that  the  last  has  not 
been  heard  as  to  the  relii^^ious  evolution  of  the  Great 
King,  and  he  neither  accepts  the  opinion  of  Villemain, 
who  looks  upon  him  as  a  clever  politician,  almost  indiffer- 
ent as  to  his  religion,  nor  that  of  Guizot,  who  thinks, 
what  with  his  finessintr^  what  with  his  mental  reserv^a- 
tions,  the  King  must  be  charged  with  a  certain  degree 
of  hypocrisy.  What  the  Abbe  is  in  search  of,  is  ''  la 
verite  vraie,"  truth  pure  and  undefiled,  that  will-o'-the 
wisp  which  eludes  the  grasp  of  the  most  earnest  men. 

On  August  15,  1572,  Henry  was  betrothed  to  the 
sister  of  Charles  IX,  Margaret  of  Valois,  and  on  the 
24th  took  place  the  massacre  of  St.  Barthol- 
omew. Charles  called  upon  the  Prince  of 
Conde  and  the  Kinir  of  Navarre  to  choose  between 
death  or  the  Mass. 

Whilst  the  Abbe  is  particular  in  showing  that  if  on 
this  occasion  Henry  yielded,  it  was  but  a  feint  on  his 
part,  he  insists  that  when  later  on  he  changed  again  his 
reliirion,  it  was  as  a  free  a^rent  and  of  his  own  free  will  : 

*'  The  King  was  not  inclined  to  sacrifice  his  soul 
to  his  [worldly]  interest,  and  his  return  to  the  Catholic 
Church  implied  that  the  truth  had  been  revealed  to 
him  by  its  own  evidence,  or  that  he  had  been  struck  by 

coup  de  regret,  car  il  estoit  de  fort  bonne  espcrance  ;  il  avait  desja  en  ce  peu  de 
guerre  qu'il  avoit  faicte,  acquis  fort  bonne  reputation.  J'ay  donne  4  son  frere  tous 
ses  estats." 

His  brother  Gaspard  was  created  Marshal  of  France  in  1622.  His  land  of  Cha- 
tillon  was  made  into  a  "  Duche-pairie  "  (z.  e.,  a  dukedom  with  a  peerage  attached 
to  it)  on  18  August,  1643,  under  the  name  of  Coligny.  This  was  granted  to  his 
son,  who  had  just  abjured  the  Protestant  faith  and  who  on  the  death  of  his  father, 
in  1646,  assumed  the  title  of  Duke  of  Chatillon. 


1572. 


I  I 


I 


\ 


26 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


Events  that  led  to  the  Edict 


2^ 


the  accord  on  one  hand  and  the  divergence  on  the 
other,  between  the  two  rehgions,  on  the  main  issue,  the 
possibihty  of  salvation  within  Cathohcism  and  Protes- 
tantism." 

The  Abbe  doubts  whether  the  words  *'  Paris  vaut 
bien  une  messe  "  were  ever  spoken  by  Henry,  and  when 
he  writes  to  Gabrielle  d'Estrce  "  ce  sera  Dimanche  que 
je  ferai  le  saut  perilleux  ("  my  leap  in  the  dark  is  set  for 
next  Sunday  "),  he  sees  in  this  but  "  one  of  those  sud- 
den bursts  of  the  King's  buoyant  spirits,  to  which  we 
should  attach  no  importance." 

And  he  goes  on  thus  : 

"We  have  spoken  of  the  mind  and  not  of  the  heart; 
the  one  could  be  sincerely  converted  whilst  the  other 
still  remained  in  its  errors  ;  such  mysteries  are  not  of 
uncommon  occurrence  amongst  human  souls." 

To  me,  not  having  studied  Catholic  Theology,  these 
are  subtle  differences  which  I  am  unable  to  appreciate 
or  fathom.  Let  me  say,  however,  that  the  Abbe  has 
dipped  impartially  in  Protestant  sources  of  information, 
such  as  the  writings  of  dAubigne,  Duplessis-Mornay, 

de  Rommel,  etc. 

As  for  the  inordinate  love  for  women  which  distin- 
guished Henry,  the  Abbe  says  : 

''this,  after  so  many  years  of  a  disorderly  life,  had,  so 
to  say,  become  with  him  second  nature.  Are  w^e  to 
conclude  nevertheless  that  theoretically  he  ignored  the 
stern  precepts  of  the  Decalogue  ?  No  :  only  he  thought 
that  the  time  had  not  come  for  him  to  submit  to  them." 

And  in  justice  to  the  author,  be  it  said  that  he  con- 
demns severely  the  licentiousness  of  the  Court  of 
France   from    Francis    I    to    Louis    XIV,   ''to    end  in 


the  mire  with   Louis  XV  "  ("  finir  dans  la  boue  avec 
Louis  XV  "). 

"  When  Sixtus  the  Fifth  received  Fran9ois  de  Lux- 
emboun^  as  envoy  from  Henry  IV  ^vho  sent  h.m  to 
acquaint  the  Pope  with  the  Declaration  of  Saint  Cloud) 
Kdaimed  :  '^And  might  it  please  God  that  she  who 
calls  herself  the  Queen  of  England,  and  the  Duke  of 
Saxony,  and  even  the  (Grand)  Turk  might  ask  me  the 
same  thing  ;  not  only  would  I  listen  to  them  with  benig- 
nity, but  '1  would  embrace  them  in  all  charity. 

This  celebrated  Pope  could  not  show  himself  more 
fatherly  and  more  benignant.  His  Legate  was  no 
sooner  in  Paris,  than  he  took  sides  with  the  League, 
contrary  to  his  instructions.  He  died  in  1590-  ^^ 
was  rapidly  succeeded  by  three  other  popes  till  we 
come  to  Cardinal  Aldobrandini,  who  under  the  name  of 
Clement  VUI  (i 592-1605)  reigned  longer  and  ^^^^ 

more    pacifically   than    his    immediate    prede- 
cessors. 

Villeroy  was  intrusted  by  Mayenne  with  a  message 
to  Henry,  that  if  he  would  not  turn  Catholic,  ^^^  ^^^^ 
they  would  select  another  King. 

As  an  astute  politician,  Sully  indirectly  advised  con- 
version. 

Four  Cures  of  Paris  having  been  gained  over,  Henry 
received  a  f^rst  conditional  absolution  in  spite  of  the 
intrigues  of  his   kinsman.  Cardinal  de  Bour-  ^^^^ 

bon,''who  was  himself  an  aspirant  to  the  Crown 

of  France.  . 

The  negotiations  with  Rome,  in  order  to  obtam  con- 
firmation 'of  this  absolution,  were  slow  and  difficult, 
the  Bull  of  Sixtus  V  proclaiming  Henry  a  relapse 
not  being  repealed,  and  after  two  years  Clement  pro- 
nounced the   nullity  of   what   had  taken  place  at  St. 

'  Tempesti,  Storia  delta  vita  e  gesti  di  Sisto  quinto.     Rome,  1754- 


I' 


28 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


Denis.  These  complications  were  fostered  principally 
by  two  men  who  did  not  rise  up  to  their  mission  and 
who  in  fact  sided  with  the  League  :  Cardinal  Cajetan  and 
Philip  Sega,  Bishop  of  Plaisance. 

ReturnincT  to  the  scene  at  St.  Denis,  it  is  stated  that 
when  all  seemed  to  be  settled,  Henry  ver)^  much  aston- 
ished the  converting  Bishops  by  his  theological  know- 
ledge and  he  refused  to  sign  the  profession  of  faith. 
The  Bishop  of  Evreux  removed  the  last  difficulties  and 
the  curtain  fell.     Was  it  a  comedy  ? 

Was  this  conversion  the  joint  result  of  the  triumph 
of  truth  and  of  political  necessity  ?  Yes,  says  the  Abbe 
Feret. 

Michelet  has  made  a  passing  allusion  to  the  violent 
Cures  of  Paris,  supporters  of  the  League,  but  the  Abbe 
goes  a  step  further.  He  says  of  the  Cure  of  St.  Andre 
that  he  proclaimed  as  damned  all  those  who  were  pres- 
ent at  the  first  mass  attended  by  Henry  the  excom- 
municated, and  that  the  preacher  at  St.  Jacques  la 
Boucherie  declared  that  of  the  three  (Catholic)  doctors 
called  by  the  Bcarnais,  the  first  deserved  to  be  burned, 
the  second  broken  on  the  wheel,  and  the  third  hanged. 

But  Jean    Boucher,  a  doctor  of  theology,  surpassed 
all  the  others.      For  nine  days  in  succession,  he  vocif- 
erated from  the  pulpit  of  St.  Merry  against  the  sitmdatea 
conversioji  and  about  the   nullity  of  the   absolution    of 
the  King  of  Navarre, 

The  very  violence  of  all  this  bad  language  must  have 
defeated  the  object  in  view,  and  the  royalist  cause  was 
further  helped  by  the  general  truce  which  followed. 

*'  In  the  domain  of  religion,  Henry's  Catholicism  was 
daily  strengthened." 

Rome  was  solicited  for  the  confirmation  of  the  abso- 
lution, but  Spain  managed  to  raise  difficulties. 


Events  that  led  to  the  Edict 


29 


Nevertheless,  the  King  was  anointed  at  Rheims  on 
February  27,  1594,  and^on  the  following  March  2 2d, 
having   bribed    the    Governor,   Cosse-Brissac,  ^^^^ 

he    at    last    entered    Paris     in    a    triumphal 

cortege. 

Clement  VHI,  for  fear  of  Spain,  had  recourse  to  dis- 
simulation and  delays  : 

'*  The  Court  of  Rome  might  have  called  upon  itself 
the  wrath  and  perhaps  the  armies  of  the  Spanish  mon- 
arch, showing  again  the  necessity  of  the  independence 
of  the  Holy  See." 

If  by  independence,  temporal  power  is  meant,  I  can 
only  wonder  that  any  intelligent  Catholic  priest  still 
clings  to  this  old  and  useless  weapon.  The  Papacy  has 
never  had  such  prestige  nor  exercised  such  legitimate 
spiritual  sway  over  the  whole  world  as  under  the  present 
occupant  of  the  Vatican,  whose  whole  temporal  pos- 
sessions are  confined  to  the  Vatican.  What  an  irony 
of  fate,  that  papal  Rome,  from  the  Connetable  de  Bour- 
bon down  to  modern  times,  was  never  attacked  and 
sacked  except  by  Catholic  or  ''most''  Catholic  troops. 

At  last  and  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  Spain,      sept.  17, 
Rome  yielded,  and  confirmed  the  absolution  ^595- 

which  had  been  conditionally  granted  Henry  two  years 

before. 

The  author  expatiates  on  the  happy  results  of  this 
absolution  and  says  Henry  was  faithful  in  his  religious 
duties,  the  Mass,^  confession,  etc.,  ''  but  let  us  not  forget 
that  if  the  mind  of  the  King  had  forsaken  error,  his 
heart  was  still  subject  to  evil  passions." 

As  to  the  re-establishment  of  the  Catholic  religion  in 

>  In  July    1601,  Dudley  Carleton  writes  from  Paris  to  his  friend  Chamberlain, 
London,  "The  King  pleases  the  Parisians  by  his  often  masses"  {The  Siege  of 
Ostend). 


;o 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


Bcarn,  Henry  proceeded  cautiously,  and  it  was  not  till 
April,  1599,  that  he  signed  at  Fontainebleau  a  special 
edict  for  this  principality. 


''  When  we  look  into  the  meaning  and  the  bearing  of 
this  edict  we  cannot  but  regret  certain  restrictions  to 
the  exercise  of  the  restored  rights  of  the  Catholics], 
especially  in  view  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  which  had 
(Tanted  to  the  Reformes  larger  concessions. 
""  ''  Was  this  a  wise  sacrifice  to  political  necessities  ? 
Perhai)s  so  thought  Henry  l\\  but  we  confess  we  do 

not  see  the  wisdom. 

*'  .  .  .  However,  it  is  Init  right  to  state  that  the 
King,  in  this  matter,  showed  himself  firm  against  some 
Prorestant  obstruction.  He  was  determined  to  fulfil  the 
en<'-aeement  entered  into  with  Rome." 

Frhis  great  religious  deed  of  Henry's  put  an  end  to 
the  civil  war  and  eventually  to  the  war  with  the  foreign 
enemies  of  the  State.  The  League  was  disarmed  and 
Mayenne  made  his  submission. 

The  Protestants,  it  is  true,  displeased  at  this  conver- 
sion, were  still  restless  and  inclined  towards  the  primal 
idea  of  the  Reformation  in  France,  that  of  an  independent 
republic  within  the  Kingdom. 

''  Had  they  not  been  granted  liberty  of  conscience 
and  the  exercise  of  their  religion  ?  What  could  they 
reasonably  expect  more  ?  We  shall  see  later,  however, 
that  the  Calvinists  became  eventually  more  exacting  and 
that  the  King,  in  order  to  avoid  another  civil  war,  made 
fresh  concessions." 


The  Pope  interposed  between  France  and  Spain, 
brought  about  the  peace  of  Vervins  (May,  1598),  and 
also  that  of  Sion  (in  1601)  between  France  and  Savoy, 

the  ally  of  Spain. 

A  few  years  before,    Henry  had  rendered  a  similar 


Events  that  led  to  the  Edict 


31 


service  as  a  peacemaker  between  Paul  V  and  Venice, 
which  was  leaning  towards  the  Reformation. 

Peace  being  established  within  and  without,  the  King 
turned  his  attention  to  the  resumption  of  the  legitimate 
influence  at  Rome,  which  belonged  as  of  right  to  the 
Eldest  Daughter  of  the  Church. 

In  August,  1594,  he  had  thus  addressed  the  deputies 
from  Beauvais,  who  had  still  misgivings  about  him : 

**  If  God  gives  me  another  ten  years  to  live,  you  will 
see  how  I  mean  to  support  the  Church  and  firmly  es- 
tablish His  Holiness  at  Rome,  with  my  sword  and  not 
after  the  fashion  of  Spain,  with  money." 

The  Abbe  continues  : 

**  Philip  II,  in  the  name  of  Catholic  Spain,  had  openly 
proclaimed  himself  the  protector  of  the  Church.  In 
presence  of  the  [growing]  strength  of  Protestantism  this 
certainly  embodied  a  grand  idea  and  a  noble  resolution. 
Unfortunately  his  motives  were  not  always  disinterested. 
There  was  no  compunction  in  exacting  on  political 
grounds  what  had  been  given  up  on  religious  grounds." 

And  further,  after  mentioning  the  Christian  Republic, 
conceived  possible  by  Henry  and  Sully : 

**  Henry  worked  sincerely  in  the  interests  of  the 
Catholic  religion. 

*'.  .  .  For  Henry,  indeed,  the  Catholic  religion  was 
the  true  one  :  we  see  evidence  of  this  in  the  actions 
which  have  determined  his  conversion,  and  later  on, 
nothing  in  his  life,  for  the  reasons  given  (we  speak 
from  the  dogmatic  point  of  view),  can  give  rise  to  any 
doubt  on  that  subject. 

"  A  devoted  son  of  the  Church,  Henry  would  never 
have  declared  against  her.  But  he  did  not  consider 
that  this  position  debarred  him  from  acting  as  the  adver- 


Edict  of 
Nantes. 


32  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

sary  of  a  Catholic  power  [Austria],  nor  that  he  was 
forbidden  to  seek  allies  among  the  Protestant  States. ' 

Henry  wished  also  to  see  Catholicism  spreading  in 
England  and  Holland  and  he  showed  zeal  for  the  Holy 
Land  and  the  Christians  of  the  East,  ''but,  again,  we 
have  no  wish  to  make  him  out  an  apostle." 

In  his  last  but  one  chapter,  the  Abbe  Feret  deals 
with  the  Edict  of  Nantes  under  this  heading  in  large 
type  :  "  henry  iv,  in  granting  the  edict  of 

NANTES,  WAS    FAR    FROM    BEING    INFLUENCED    BY 
THIS    LAW    OF    TOLERATION,    WHICH    IS    NOTHING 
ELSE  THAN  INDIFFERENCE  IN  RELIGIOUS  MATTERS." 

The  author  says  his  own  object  has  been  to  deal  only 
with  such  subjects  as  required  further  elucidation. 

'*The  Edict  of  Nantes  is  an  act  of  the  utmost  impor- 
tance, one  indeed  which  overshadows  the  entire  home 
polity." 

He  reviews  successively  its  origin,  the  events  which 
led  up  to  it,  and  the  spirit  in  which  the  King  superin- 
tended its  framing.  He  then  passes  on  to  the  several 
engagements  into  which  the  King  entered  with  those  of 
the  Reformed  Religion,  and  the  fear  of  another  civil 

war. 

He  endeavours  to  show  how  the  Calvinists,  not  satis- 
fied with  the  Articles  of  Mantes  (159O'  ^^^  ^"^  ^^  ^^^ 
regular  way  at  Sainte  Foy,  embodying  in  their  secret 
resolutions  one  to  get  their  petition  to  the  King  sup- 
ported by  Elizabeth  and  Holland. 

"All  they  required  to  complete  their  independent 
position  in  the  Kingdom,  was  the  granting  of  a  protec- 
tor, whose  mission  it  should  be  to  defend  their  interests 
at  Court  and  who  might  in  consequence  almost  pose  as 
an  equal  to  the  King." 


Events  that  led  to  the  Edict 


33 


The  Assembly  of  Saumur  in  1595,  that  of  Loudun  in 
1596,  submitted  to  the  King  fresh  claims,  and  the  latter 
would  not  dissolve  when  ordered  to  do  so  by  His 
Majesty. 

And  to  show  how  unpatriotic  they  w^ere,  the  Abbe 
exclaims,  "  And  all  this  was  taking  place  whilst  the 
Spaniards  were  continuing  their  successful  campaign  in 
the  North  of  France  !" 

In  June,  1597,  the  Assembly  moved  to  Chatellerault, 
'*  showing  no  signs  yet  of  a  more  tractable  spirit." 

Amiens  had  just  been  taken  by  surprise  and  with 
great  trouble  Henry  had  gathered  an  army  to  lay  siege 
to  this  important  stronghold,  he  himself  intending  to 
conduct  the  operations. 

"  Will  it  be  believed  ?  The  Assembly,  faithful  to 
the  traditions  of  the  past,  brushing  aside  alike  patriot- 
ism and  loyalty,  opposed  the  departure  of  the  troops, 
which  in  the  name  of  the  King  and  for  this  very  siege 
had  been  levied  by  Bouillon  [the  new  title  of  Conde] 
and  La  Tremouille,  and  ordered  the  latter  to  hold  them- 
selves at  its  disposal,  an  order  which  was  but  too  faith- 
fully carried  out.  The  Assembly  even  asked  for  the 
support  of  England  and  Holland."^ 

The  Abbe  resumes  thus  : 

''  It  is  true  that  the  capitulation  of  Amiens  put  an 
end.  to  these  attempts  at  alliances  with  the  foreigner. 
But  at  home  the  pretensions  of  the  Calvinists  remaining 
unaltered  and  the  attitude  of  the  Assembly  still  as 
threatening  as  ever,  seemed  to  mark  the  eve  of  an- 
other civil  war  ...  in  one  word,  the  engagements 
contracted  on  one  side  and  the  other  and  the  fear  of 
civil  war,  were  the  determining  causes  explaining  the 

'  Quoted  by  the  Abbe  from  Auguste  Poirson,  Histoire  du  Regne  de  Henri  IV. 
Paris,  1856,  2  vols.  2d  ed.,  1862-67,  4  vols,  (a  work  crowned  by  the  French 
Academy). 


34 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


Events  that  led  to  the  Edict 


35 


granting  of  the  celebrated  Edict  of  Nantes,  which  we 
have  not  here  otherwise  to  appraise." 

If,  however,  this  fear  of  civil  war  might  warrant  the 
enlarging  of  religious  concessions  (the  Edict  author- 
ised the  Reformed  worship  in  two  places  instead  of  one 
as  formerly  in  each  bailliage,  etc.),  it  was  extremely 
dangerous  to  extend  this  to  political  or  military  spheres 
and  the  author  quotes  again  IM.  Poirson,  who  points 
out  that  later  (under  Louis  XIII)  La  Rochelle,  Mont- 
pellier,  and  Montauban  withstood  the  forces  of  the 
whole  monarchy. 

''  Be  it  said,  however,  in  exoneration  of  the  King,  that 
he  intended  all  this  to  be  temporary  ;  eight  years  at  first, 
then  four  added,  such  were  the  limits  of  time  assigned 
to  the  possession  of  places  of  safety." 

The  author  is  particular  in  insisting  that  the  two 
motives  given  above  for  the  Edict  are  not  only  the  true 
ones  but  the  only  ones,  "  so  that  there  is  no  room  for 
assigning  religious  indifference  as  another." 

The  Edict  met  with  opposition  in  the  sundry  Parlia- 
ments, caused  complaints  on  the  part  of  the  Clergy, 
and  made  a  painful  impression  at  Rome. 

Henry  was  ready  with  an  answer  all  round,  protested 
his  wish  to  establish  peace  within  and  without,  and  spoke 
thus  to  the  Parliament  of  Paris  : 


Feb.  7, 

1599- 


**  I  am  a  better  Catholic  than  you  are  and 
you  have  but  one  thing  to  do  and  that  is  purely 
and  simply  to  have  the  Edict  registered." 


And  the  Edict  was  '^verifie"  on  the  25th  of  the  same 

month. 

Turning  to  the  Clergy,  he  says  : 


'*  My  predecessors  have  dealt  out  to  you  fine  words 
with  much  show,  but  from  me  with  my  gray  sep.  28, 
jacket  you  will  get  deeds."  ^  1598! 

Nevertheless,  Parliament  insistincr,  the  Clerev  and 
the  University  complaining,  he  withdrew  the  absolute 
concession  for  the  Reformes  to  meet  without  prelimi- 
nary authority,  where  and  whenever  they  chose,  to 
admit  strangers  to  their  Assemblies  or  to  proceed  them- 
selves to  Synods  held  in  foreign  States. 

As  to  the  "  deep  aftliction  "  of  the  Pope,  who  had 
sent  for  the  Cardinals  de  Joyeuse  and  d'Ossat,  these 
two  princes  of  the  Church  *' endeavoured  to  soothe  the 
bitterness  of  the  Holy  Pontiff  by  wise  answers  and  ex- 
planations, diplomatic,  it  may  be,  as  to  form,  but  yet  in 
general  fundamentally  true  as  regards  the  King  and  the 
motives  of  his  actions." 

In  a  letter  to  the  Pope,  Henry  says  : 

"  I  shall  also  take  such  care  in  the  working  of  the 
Edict,  which  I  have  granted  for  the  tranquillity  of  my 
Kingdom,  that  the  Catholic  religion  shall  receive  the 
principal  and  most  assured  benefit  therefrom." 

And  the  Abbe  adds  : 

''  Will  not  some  look  upon  all  this  as  merely  language 
dictated  by  the  circumstances,  and  consider  all  these 
assurances  as  merely  ofiicial  promises,  lightly  given  and 
not  believed  in  by  others  ?  " 

And  in  a  note  at  the  foot  he  endeavors  to  dispose  of 
''the  strange  assertion"  which  he  finds  in  the  inedited 
correspondence  of  Henry  lY  with  the  Landgrave  of 
Hesse,  Maurice  the  Learned  (by  M.  de  Rommel,  State 
Archivist  of  Hesse,  Paris,  1840). 

In  starting  from  this  principle,  that  the  great  criterium 

'  Lettres  missives. 


36 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


Events  that  led  to  the  Edict 


37 


of  the  sincerity  of  any  words,  of  the  truth  of  any  prom- 
ises,  is  to  be  found  in  the  deeds,  the  Abbe  proceeds  to 
show  in  the  hfe  of  Henry  this  accord  between  words 
and  deeds  : 

''  Is  he  not  constant  in  his  display  of  deep  respect  for 
the  Holy  See,  and  sincere  in  his  profession  of  the 
Catholic  relii^non  ?     .     .     . 

''  And  within  the  limits  of  the  Kingdom  he  earnestly 
concurs  in  endeavourinir,  after  so  many  troubled 
years,  to  replace  the  Church  of  France  in  its  normal 
condition.  He  extends  a  benevolent  protection  to  all 
reli^nous  orders  in  general  and  in  particular  he  recalls 
the"^ Jesuits  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of  Parliament. 
...  He  shows  himself  zealous  for  the  return  of  the 
Hu^uienots  to  the  Church." 

Besides  the  testimony  of  Paul  V,  the  author  quotes 
the  Memorial  of  Pius  VH,  presented  to  Napoleon  I  : 

*'  The  solemn  profession  of  the  Catholic  religion  made 
by  Henry  IV,  head  of  the  fallen  dynasty  of  the  last 
Kini;s  of  P>ance,  a  religion  which  he  always  supported 
as  the  dominant  one,  not  omitting  however,  as  required 
by  the  circumstances,  to  guarantee  the  free  exercise  and 
the  privileges  of  the  Calvinistic  sect,  not  only  did  not 
detract,  but  added  to  the  glory  of  his  fame  and  to  the 
raptures  of  the  nation.  He  was  the  delight  of  France, 
was  proclaimed  its  Titus,  and  was  called  the  Great." 

All  this  shows  that  the  Roman  Church  has  accepted 
as  sincere  the  conversion  of  Henry. 

In  his  last  chapter,  the  Abbe  Feret,  alluding  to  the 
private  life  of  Henry,  quotes  the  following  passage  from 
the  life  of  his  confessor.  Father  Coton,  by  Father  d'Or- 
leans  (Paris,  1688): 

'*The  corruption  of  his  heart  never  extended  to  his 
mind.      He  was  at  times  weak,  but  remained  faithful  ; 


and  contrarily  to  what  generally  happens,  it  was  never 
found  that  his  passions  had  weakened  his  religion." 

The  curious  might  ask  what  kind  of  penance  this 
father  confessor  exacted  from  his  royal  and  constantly 
relapsing  penitent  and  sinner,  and  the  Abbe  himself 
says  : 

*'  Reason  certainly  demands  less  inconsistency  in  con- 
duct, and  the  Gospels  require  something  like  harmony 
between  all  the  different  stages  of  one's  moral  life  as 
also  between  the  mind  and  the  heart." 

The  Abbe  must  be  commended  for  these  brave  words. 
The    celebrated    Berthaut,    Bishop    of    Seez,    in    his 
funeral  oration,  speaks  thus  : 

''  Et  de  dire  que  c'etait  hypocrisie  ou  feintise,  I'humeur 
de  ce  prince  trop  eloignee  de  la  dissimulation,  tant  par 
la  nature  que  par  accoustumance,  rendroit  du  tout  ceste 
calomnie  incroyable." 

To  say  that  Henry  was  a  hypocrite,  is,  says  the 
Bishop,  pure  calumny. 

May  we  not  conclude  the  study  of  Abbe  Feret's  book 
by  expressing  an  opinion  that  if  Catholics  were  so  satis- 
fied with  the  doings  of  Henry  lY,  it  is  fair  to  suppose 
that  his  former  comrades  and  Protestant  allies,  whilst 
makin^'-  allowance  for  his  innumerable  difficulties,  could 
with  some  justice  complain  of  him  on  religious  and 
temporal  grounds. 

I  had  noticed  in  the  work  of  the  Abbe  Feret  and 
also  in  Motley,^  repeated  allusions  to  the  good  offices 

'  The  United  Netherlands.  Speaking  of  the  reception  by  Henry  of  the  Dutch 
envoys  (April,  1598),  Motley  says:  "  It  was  obvious  enough  to  the  envoys  that 
the  matter  of  peace  and  war  was  decided.  The  general  of  the  Franciscans,  sent 
by  the  pope,  had  been  flitting  very  busily  for  many  months  between  Rome, 
Madrid,  Brussels,  and  Paris,  and  there  could  be  little  doubt  that  every  detail  .  .  . 
had  been  arranged."  [Harper's  edition,  iii.,  480,  481.] 


38 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


for  the  peace  between  France  and  Spain  of  a  General  of 
the  Cordeliers  (strict  Franciscans),  named  Bonaventura 
Catalagirone.  It  occurred  to  me  that  the  correspond- 
ence of  this  monk-diplomatist  could  not  fail  to  prove 
interesting,  as  the  Peace  of  Vervins  was  signed  (May  2, 
1598)  very  shortly  after  the  promulgation  of  the  Edict 
of  Nantes.  Mr.  Alphonse  Goovaerts,  State  Archivist 
at  Brussels,  and  his  assistants,  have  helped  me  in  my 
researches  with  the  utmost  kindness  and  I  here  beg  to 

thank  them. 

If  we  have  not  been  successful  in  coming  across  this 
correspondence,  which  is  probably  at  the  Vatican,  the 
following  precious  manuscript  has  been  brought  to 
light : 

'*  Relation  de  pieces  et  de  tout  ce  qui  est  passe  de  la 
parte  d'Espagne  en  la  negociation  et  traicte  de  la  Paix 
conclue  h  Vervins  avec  les  ministres  de  France  en  I'an 
1598." 

I  have  made  copious  extracts  from  this  MS.,  but  shall 
content  myself  with  giving  the  following. 

Philip  had  given  power  to  treat  to  his  Captain-Gen- 
eral and  Governor  of  the  Netherlands,  the  Cardinal- 
Archduke  Albert,  and  the  latter  sent  as  his  deputies 
President  Richardot,  Count  Tassis,  and  Audiencier 
Verreyken. 

Henry  sent  as  his,  Bellievre,  Sillery,  and  Villeroy. 

The  Pope's  Legate,  the  Cardinal  of  Florence,  and 
the  General  of  the  Franciscans  were  present  and  acted 
as  peacemakers. 

In  the  Index  I  found  this  curious  summary  of  the 
*'  Maxims  observed  in  these  negotiations." 


"  In  dealing  of    peace  with  the  French  one    should 
remain  prepared  for  war." 


Events  that  led  to  the  Edict 


39 


8. 


••Avoid  meeting  the  [French]  deputies  at  mass  or 
when  going  to  see  or  leaving  the  mediators." 


II. 


'•  If  by  chance  Popes  are  selected  as  arbitrators,  they 
are  not  pleased  if  they  are  reminded  that  they  are 
mortal." 


12. 


••  Suspicion  is  of  the  nature  of  these  meetings 


it 


15- 

••  The  spiritual,  in  regard  to  this  treaty,  should  always 
be  uppermost." 

In  the  ample  powders  to  treat  given  the  Archduke  by 
the  King  as  far  back  as  August,  1597,  he  is  particularly 
enjoined  to  safeguard  the  interest  of  the  Church  "  y  de 
la  Republica  Cristiana." 

After  the  word  '•  Navarre  "  in  the  Index,  I  read  : 

••  How  the  deputies  smuggled  it  cleverly  in  amongst 
the  titles  of  King  Philip  II." 

The  Archduke  must  be  given  credit  for  being  solicitous 
for  ••  le  menu  peuple,"  as  on  several  occasions  and,  for 
instance,  when  the  consideration  of  the  separate  inter- 
ests of  the  Duke  of  Savoy,  son-in-law  to  Philip,  and  of 
Mercoeur,  Chief  of  the  League,  threatened  to  retard  the 
conclusion  of  the  peace,  Albert  pressed  the  deputies  to 
obtain  at  least  a  truce  ;  ''  so  that  peasants  and  labourers 
might  put  their  seed  in  the  ground  in  March  and  thus 
not  lose  a  whole  year." 


N 


40 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


Events  that  led  to  the  Edict 


41 


In  their  first  interview  with  the  Legate,  he  speaks  of 
PhiHp  as  a  pillar  of  the  Church  (First  letter  from  the 
deputies  to  the  Archduke,  February  10,  1598). 

As  to  Henry,  he  "  holds  him  to  be  a  orood  prince  and 
sincere  and  one  who  is  true  to  his  word,  but  easily 
resentful  when  he  thinks  that  he  is  not  treated  rightly." 

On  several  occasions,  the  French  deputies  express  a 
wish  that  Enirland  and  Holland  should  be  parties  to  the 

treaty. 

In'their  2d  letter  (Feb.  nth)  Richardot  and  his  col- 
leagues say  : 

'' Les  deputes  francois  repondirent  et  a  notre  advis 
assez  franchcment  que  la  dite  Royne  [dAngleterre] 
avoit  declare  estre  contente  de  traittcr,  mais  qu'avant  s'y 
embarquer,  elle  vouloit  y  veoir  clair  et  estre  asseuree 
qu'on  ne  veut  pas  ce  mocquer  d'elle,  adjoutant  quelle 
envoye  en  France  ceste  legation  a  cest  effect,  dont  est 
chief  Cecille  le  fils  de  milord  Borghelet  [Burghley]." 

Their  4th  letter  mentions  that  the  General  of  the 
Franciscans  had  called  to  say  that  the  difficulties  raised 
yesterday  by  the  French  deputies,  had  no  other  object 
than  to  keep  well  with  their  English  and  Dutch  allies, 
and  this  is  confirmed  by  the  Legate. 

^th  Letter  (Feb.  1 3th).  ''  Bellievre  has  taken  medicine 
this  morning  and  so  we  have  not  met." 

On  the  same  day  the  Archduke  replies  from  Brussels 
to  the  four  letters  to  hand  : 

He  is  satisfied  that  France  will  treat  independendy  of 
her  allies,  but 

''  they  ought  to  include  those  who  have  followed  the 
party  of  ti^e  Catholics  and  who  have  served  His  Majesty 
in  protecting  them,  for  instance  the  Duke  of  Mercosur 


[who  was  then  campaigning  in  Brittany]  and  those  who 
are  here  [Brussels]." 

In  his  letter  of  March  6th,  he  speaks  in  high  terms 
of  "le  pere  general  des  Courdelicrs','  and  Henry  in 
writing  to  his  deputies,  speaks  of  him  thus  :  '*  qu'il  est 
comme  le  Trucheman  des  deux  partyes,"  the  go-between 

or  interpreter. 

Henry  has  somewhat  relaxed  his  preparations  for  the 
siege  of  Nantes,  being  on  the  point  of  coming  to  terms 
with  the  Duke  of  Mercoeur  (often  called  Mercure). 
The  latter  insists  : 

'*  that  in  all  Brittany  there  shall  not  be  any  other  wor- 
ship  than  the  Catholic,  Apostolic,  and  Roman,  which 
shall  remain  undiminished." 

On  March  26th  the  deputies  of  the  Archduke  advise 
him  that  Nantes  is  taken  by  the  King  and  seem  out  of 
humor  with  the  Legate, 


''  who  has  the  word  of  mediator  constantly  on  the  lips, 
but  who  does  litde  to  mediate." 

They  think  him  a  Frenchman  at  heart. 

In  their  24th  letter,  March  27th,  they  say  the  Nuncio 
has  arrived  from  Brittany  with  news  of  the  treaty  with 
Mercoeur, 

-who  was  to  find  himself  on  the  25th  at  Angers,  there 
to  meet  Henry  and  conduct  him  to  Nantes,  where  the 
States  were  to  meet  on  the  15th  of  next  month  ;  that 
however  Henry  will  go  Rennes,  where  the  Parliament  is 
sittincr  ;  that  Don  Mendo,  who  commanded  the  Spanish 
garrison  of  Nantes,  had  withdrawn  and  that  the  King 
had  (^iven  him  a  safe-conduct  to  return  to  Spain." 


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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


As  for  the  Spanish  garrison  of  Blavet,  the  King 
wished  this  matter  to  be  settled  at  Vervins. 

Richardot   has   had  a  call    from   a    Scotch   merchant 

who   is  full   of   news  and   rumours   of  war.      Cecil   has 

arrived  at  the   Kini^^'s  Court  and  the  English 

25th  letter,  ,^j^j  Dutch  are  doing  their  utmost  to  prevent 

March  29.  ..  , 

our  peace,  offermg  men  and  money.  .  .  . 
Many  think  the  King  will  listen  to  them  and  that 
he  is  deceiving  the  Spanish  deputies.  .  .  .  The 
Princess  of  Orange  (Louise  de  Coligny)  has  arrived 
in  France  and  is  trying  to  get  the  King's  sister  for 
Count  Maurice.  Finally  the  Scot  offers  his  services 
provided  he  is  paid  :  "  moyenant  que  le  recompensions 
et  luy  donnions  seur  moyen  de  correspondre  avec  moi 
Richardot." 

Second  call  from  the  same.  He  gives  as  his  refer- 
ences,   Rivas   and  "a  Cordelier  named   Hofart,  who  is 

with  Father  Matheo."  He  offers  to  serve 
26th  letter,  ^.|^l^^. J.    j^^    France,    England,  or    Holland,    but 

March  3i-     ^^.    ,         ,  ,       •  1  "  i-  k  • 

Richardot  decides  upon  sending  him  as  a  spy 
to  Amiens  and  Rrittany  and  then  to  return  to  him 
and  report.  He  proposes  to  the  Archduke  to  employ 
him  for  a  month  "  and  if  his  Highness  so  decides,  will 
he  kindly  send  the  needful  (/  les  deniers '),  as  they  have 
no  means  of  raising  money  ('  pour  ce  que  nous  n'y  avons 
nul  credit ')." 

On  a  previous  occasion,  when  there  was  a  question  of 
sendini:  a  courier  direct  to  Spain  from  Vervins,  he  had 
also  asked  "  d'envoyer  les  ecus  "  from  Brussels,  as  he 
had  only  enough  money  for  his  personal  wants.  From 
Philip,  master  of  all  the  gold  and  silver  of  the  new 
world,  down  to  the  last  servant  of  his,  fighting  his 
battles  in  the  Netherlands,  there  was  ever  this  want  of 
*'  dinero." 


Events  that  led  to  the  Edict 


43 


A  Spanish  courier  has  arrived  with  powers  from 
Philip  to  treat  with  England  and  Holland  at  Ver- 
vins. He  also  brings  a  letter  to  the  Legate 
from  the  Nuncio  at  Madrid,  but  Richardot  ^'^^J^l^ll[ 
takes  upon  himself  to  withhold  delivery  till 
he  has  heard  from  the  Archduke  and  for  the  present 
he  will  not  tell  the  French  deputies  that  they  have 
received  these  powers.  They  were  adepts  at  dissimula- 
tion. 

His  Highness  writes  on  March  3 1  st  and  April  6th  anent 
the  Scot.  They  might  give  him  a  trial  and  if  money  is 
wanted  he  will  send  it.  Count  Tassis  has  been  on 
a  visit  to  him  and  returns  with  his  instructions.  Ri- 
chardot can  inform  the  French  deputies  of  the  powers 
received  and  hand  the  Legate  his  letter.  He  would 
like  Philip  himself  to  sign  the  treaty,  but  not  if  this  will 
delay  and  perhaps  imperil  it.  He  draws  a  distinction 
between  Holland  and  England  as  to  a  preliminary  truce. 
He  is  not  willing  to  grant  it  to  rebellious  Holland,  but 
as  to  England,  his  deputies  can  even  propose  it,  if  with 
some  chance  of  a  favorable  answer. 

They  need  not  raise  objections  to  the  King  of  France's 
adding  "  et  de  Navarre,"  nor  calling  him.self  "  le  roi 
tres  Chretien."  He  desires  the  Father  General  to  be 
mentioned  honorably  in  the  treaty. 

As  to  the  return  of  any  subject  having  fought  against 
his  sovereign,  there  should  be  reciprocity  as  stated  with- 
out specification  of  any  special  exclusion,  guarding, 
however,  against  the  inhabitants  of  the  rebel  country 
('*  precavant  cependant  les  inhabitans  des  Pays  rebelles." 
This  is  one  of  the  many  instances  of  a  French  word 
coined  from  a  Spanish  word,  i.  e.,  Precaver,  to  prevent, 
to  guard  against). 

The    courier  sent   by  the   French    deputies  to  their 


44 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


King,  eighteen  days  ago,  has  not  yet  returned.  They 
send  to   the   Archduke  a   copy  of  the  treaty 

Tn\\T'^  with  the  Duke  of  INIercci^ur,  who  has  given 
them  an  example  in  upholding  the  claims  of 

religion. 

On  April  15th  it  is  Richardot's  turn  for  a  trip  to  Brus- 
sels (he  leaves  Vervins  at  3  a.m.  and  arrives  the  same 

day  at  5  p.m.).  He  returns  on  the  i8th  and 
^P"^  '^'  on  the  19th  the  deputies  despatch  to  His  High- 
ness the  r^ather  General  himself  and  in  their  31st  letter 

they  say  that  the  Legate  is  in  despair  at 
Sistietter,     j       . ^^^^   ^^  ^  possible   rupture   of  the   nego- 

April  19.  '■  ^ 

tiations. 

The  Archduke,  urged  by  th(^  Reverend  General  and  the 

Legate,  gives  way  and  agrees  to  grant  the  Dutch  a  truce 

of  two  months,  being  tired  of  all  this  running  to  and  fro. 

Having  almost  concluded  their  labours,  the  deputies 

have  called  on  the  Cardinal   Legate  to  say  that  it  is  the 

express  desire  of  the  King  and  of  the  Arch- 

33d  letter,     j   j^^  ^j^,^^  ^j^^     should  ask  him  whether  he  can 

April  27.  -^  1   •    1  •     1       1  U 

suggest  any  sti|)ulation  which  might  be  to  the 
advantaire  of  true  religion.  The  Legate  was  profuse  in 
his  thanks. 

*'\Vhat  the  Pope  and  himself  are  anxious  about,  is, 
that  if  they  treat  with  luigland  and  Holland  care  should 
be  taken  to  advance  Religion  and  if  possible  have  it  re- 
instated in  those  places  where  it  existed  formerly  .  .  . 
but  as  regards  the  Kingdom  of  France,  he  thinks  we 
had  better  not  interfere,  as  it  might  offend  the  King 
and  we  might  leave  this  to  the  good  offices  of  the  pope 
as  being  more  within  his  province.  The  legate  admitted 
that  reUgion  was  not  in  France  on  such  a  footing  as  he 
might  w[sh  ;  (7?i(/  there  is  a  eertain  Edict  i.^hich  allwell- 
tlunking  people  must  zuish  to  see  abolished  {'  ni  qu'il  y  a 
un   edict   dont   tons  les   gens  de  bien   doivent    desirer 


Events  that  led  to  the  Edict 


45 


I'abolition'),  but  this  cannot  be  done  at  once,  and  in  his 
opinion,  if  we  mentioned  it,  w^e  would  do  more  harm 
than  good.  His  Catholic  Majesty  could  not  be  blamed 
for  keeping  silent,  when  even  the  Pope  had  not  alluded 
to  it  in  his  absolution. 

''  The  deputies  had  replied  that  he  could  be  sure  that 
if  they  treated  with  England  and  Holland,  they  would 
not  agree  to  anything  prejudicial  to  religion,  and  as  to 
France  they  w^ould  follow  his  advice,  being  assured 
that  he  would  do  all  he  possibly  could  during  his  visit 
there. 

On  April  29th,  the  Archduke  returns  the  draft  treaty 
and  says  the  deputies  can  sign  it.      He  commends  them 
for  their  visit  to  the  Legate  and  since  he  does      ^^^.^  ^^ 
not  wish  anything  added,  concerning  religion, 
he  himself  is  satisfied. 

On  April  30th  he  writes  again,  hopes  the  treaty  is 
signed  on  both  sides,  and  asks  if  their  letters  to  the 
Governors  of  the  frontier  towns  are  ready. 
The  treaty  was  not  to  be  made  public  for  a 
month. 

''  God  be  praised,"  write  the  deputies  exultantly,  ''  hav- 
ing worked  night  and  day,  since  the  day  before  yesterday, 
our  treaty  is  at  last  concluded,  signed,  and  yi^y  2, 
placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Legate,  so  that 
from  this  day  forward  Your  Highness  is  at  peace  with 
France,  and  may  repose  and  tranquillity  follow  for  His 
Hiehness  and  the  Infanta." 

On  May  3d  the  Archduke  replies,  thanking  his  depu- 
ties heartily  for  their  patient  and  successful  labours. 
''  Je  ne  puis  sinon  grandement  louer  et  rendre  j^^^  ^^ 
graces  a  Dieu  qu'il  ait  este  servy  d  avoir  mise- 
ricorde  de  tant  de  pauvres  peuples,"  and  as  a  friend  of 
peace  he  hopes  other  countries  will  follow.^ 

'  I  believe  that  in  this  the  Archduke  was  sincere,  but  he  had  to  wait  till  1604  for 
peace  with  England  and  till  1609  for  a  twelve  years'  truce  with  Holland. 


April  30. 


46 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


May  3-5. 


He  sends  them  his  trusty  courier,  Francis  Vanden 
Bercrhe,  "  qui  est  praticque  et  seait  les  chemins  "  and  he 
asks  them  to  let  him  proceed  on  his  journey  to  Spain 
with  the  first  fair  copy  ready,  he  being  content  with  the 

second. 

On  May  3d-5th  the  deputies  write  a  long  letter  in 
Spanish  to  Philip  in  which  they  give  a  sum- 
mary account  of  their  labours.      To  this  letter 

the  King  replied  on  June   3d,  thanking  them  for  their 

services. 

The  deputies    express    the  thanks  they  owe   to    the 

Legate  and  Father  General  "  who  really  has 
35th  letter,  ^         ^^^  ^^^^  ^^  ^^^^^  ^jj  ^^^  ^^  whom  much 

May  o. 

1  M 

IS  due. 
They  are  anxious  to  leave  this  Purgatory  (Vervins), 
where  they  have  been  three  months. 

They  badly  want  a  change  for  their  health,  but  fear 

they  will  not  be  able  to  leave  sooner  than  the 

36th  letter,        ^  ^^  ^|^^^  month  unless  the  King  of  France 

agrees  to  have  the  treaty  published  before.^ 
Verreyken  pays    a   visit    to    Brussels.     The    French 
deputies  have  called  and  read  a  letter  from   Henry  in 

which  he  requests  the  deputies  of  His  High- 
37th  letter,  ^^^  ^^   believe   what    has    been    said    of 

May  8.  i  i  •     i  • 

his  bad  faith,  '*  and  Your  Highness  is  at 
Liberty  and  this  with  his  consent,  to  do  them  [the 
English  and   DutchJ   all   the  harm  he  can  do,  if  he  has 

the  means." 

Verreyken  writes  from  Brussels,  to  his  two  colleagues, 
that  ''  he  has  been  so  busy  with  official  visiting 
and  other  frivolous  civilities,  that  he  has  not 
had  time  yet  to  visit  their  homes." 


May  12. 


'  On   May  25th,   it  was    agreed  all   round  to  publish   the   peace   on    Sunday, 
June  7th. 


Events  that  led  to  the  Edict 


47 


May  25. 


The  Dutch  decline  the  truce,  '*  so  that  Your  High- 
ness, as  the  saying  is,  has  paid  the  French  40th  letter, 
King  without  [disbursing]  money."  ^^^  ^3- 

The  rest  of  the  correspondence  has  mostly  reference  to 
the  hostages  who  were  to  be  exchanged  until  the  treaty 
was  sworn  to  by  the  King  and  the  Archduke,  and  Calais 
and  other  places  surrendered. 

In  their  45th  letter.  May  28th,  Verreyken  asks  for 
money,  "  pour  ce  que  de  celui  que  j'ai  eu  ne  me  reste 
une  seule  maille  et  est  la  verite  que  j  y  ai  mis  du  mien."  ^ 

On  May  25th  the  Archduke  writes  that  the  Council 
of  Luxembourg  complains  that,  in  spite  of  the  truce,  the 
Viscount  of  Turenne,  Lord  of  Sedan,  has  com- 
mitted raids  and  will  not  return  his  spoils, 
*•  and  what  is  worse,  there  is  a  rumour  that  he  does  not 
mean  to  be  included  in  the  treaty  between  the  two  kings, 
claiming  to  be  a  sovereign  ruler  and  as  such  to  raise 
men  and  continue  fighting  along  with  those  of  Holland 
who  are  of  his  faith  .  .  ."  and  as  the  humour  of  this 
lord  is  pretty  well  known  to  his  deputies,  the  Archduke 
wants  them  to  ascertain  what  has  been  settled  about  him 
and  whether  he  is  included  as  a  subject  of  the  Crown  or 
whether  he  is  at  liberty  to  enrol  all  the  riffraff  and  go 
on  molesting  his  subjects  :  ''  il  entendroit  pouvoir  guer- 
roier  et  recueillir  tous  les  debauchez  et  mechants  garne- 
ments  pour  molester  les  frontieres  et  se  joindre  avec 
les  rebelles,"  and  he  wished  this  matter  settled  to  his 
satisfaction. 

The  answer  to  this  came  on  in  a  letter  from  de  Bel- 

li-evre,  the  chief  French  deputy,  to  the  Spanish       june  3, 

J        ^'  1598. 

deputies  : 

He  writes  from  Amiens  that  the  King  has  decided  to 
go  to  Compiegne  instead  of  Amiens,  and  in  a  P.  S.  : 

>  Their  following  was  of  24  horses  and  as  many  men. 


48  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

''  I  foro-ot  to  tell  you  that  I  received  yesterday  a  letter 
from  the  Alarshall  de  Bouillon  [Turenne]  who  writes  that 
the  King  has  shown  him  a  letter  in  which  I  told  his 
Majesty'^hat  you  had  remonstrated  because  the  said 
Cardinal  [Albert  had  heard  from  Luxemburg  that  the 
said  Marshall  did  not  mean  to  be  a  party  to  the  peace 
nor  to  observe  it :  he  writes  that  he  is  wrongly  charged 
with  this  and  that  on  the  contrary  he  will  so  well  regu- 
late things  at  Sedan,  that  the  peace  shall  be  better 
observed  there  than  elsewhere.  To  this  effect  he  sends 
me  a  letter  for  his  commander  at  Sedan,  which  I  shall 
forward  by  express." 

In  many  of  the  original  letters  written  in  1597  and 
1598  from  the  provinces  to  Brussels,  there  are  complaints 
of  the  deplorable  state  of  the  finances  and  of  the  desola- 
tion of  the  land.  By  way  of  relief,  Luxemburg  asks  for 
the  departure  of  Stanley's  regiment,  as  he  continues  to 
levy  contributions  for  1200  men  when  he  has  only  600. 
Peace  and  security  for  the  tillers  of  the  soil  were  indeed 
an  imperious  necessity  for  all. 

I  conclude  this  paper  with  an  amusing  illustration 
of  the  religious  ways  of  that  period,  showing  that  the 
Cordeliers  were  not  only  promoters  of  international 
peace,  but  shielded  the  common  people  from  the  ex- 
actions  of  the  great. 

At  the  time  that  these  two  great  events  were  taking 
place,  the  Edict  of  Nantes  and  the  Peace  of  Yervins, 
*'  Lamoral,  Conte'de  Ligne,  Prince  d'Espinoy," 
w^as  Governor  of  Artois  for  the  Archduke,  with 
residence  at  Arras.  It  happened  that  during  Lent, 
a  certain  Cordelier  monk  had  preached  a  sermon  in 
which  he  praised  the  last  Governor,  the  Marquis  de 
Varambon,  who  was  taken  prisoner  by  the  French,  and 
abused  the  new  Governor. 


1598. 


f 


Events  that  led  to  the  Edict 


49 


Feb.  18. 


The  latter^  wTites  thus  to  Brussels:  The  "  Guardien 
des  Cordeliers "  at  Arras  has  been  bold  enough  to 
attack  him  openly  from  the  pulpit,  on  hearing 
which,  he  has  called  on  him  and  asked  him 
what  he  had  said. 

The  monk  replies  : 

**  J 'ay  dit  vrayement  comme  ie  suis  tenu  en  la  cheyere 
de  verite  que  depuis  que  M.  le  Marquis  de  Varambon 
nous  a  este  oste,  les  Gouverneurs  mis  en  sa  place  et  qui 
y  sont,  sont  touts  mechants." 

The  Prince  d'Espinoy  might  have  cared  little  about 
what  the  monk  thought  of  his  predecessors,  but  the 
words  *'et  qui  y  sont "  were  too  much  for  him. 

*'Lors  ostant  mon  chapeau  pour  reverence  et  me 
abaissant  (ors  qu'en  colere  avec  raison)  je  dis  que 
j'honorais  comme  de  tout  temps  se  coronne,  sa  dignite 
de  Phrestrise  et  superiorite  de  Guardien,  et  son  ordre 
auquel  toute  ma  vie  estoit  aff"^  [affectionne]  mais  que 
comme  humain  il  estoit  luymeme  un  impudent  et  me- 
schant  homme  et  que  sauf  sa  prestrise  il  en  avoit  fauce- 
ment  menty  et  que  plus  s'il  fust  lay  [lai'que]  il  lui  eusse 
prouve  de  la  daque  au  sein,  mais  que  ien  aurais  ma 
raison  et  que  ie  luy  ferois  desdire.  Sur  ce  me  retyrant, 
il  dit  de  loing  :  ce  n'est  pas  la  pmre  [premiere]  fois 
qu'ung  predicateur  est  appele  meschant  pour  avoir  dit 
verite. 

Thus,  impervious  alike  to  the  mock  reverence  of  the 
Governor  and  to  the  threatening  of  his  daeeer.  the 
bold  Cordelier  declined  to  swallow  his  words  and  re- 
peated them  as  a  parting  shot. 

In  a  detailed  report  annexed  to  his  letter  the  Prince 
adds  that  the  text  of  the  sermon  had  been  the  destruc- 
tion of  Jerusalem,  and  its  aggravating  conclusion  thus  : 

'From  whom  there  are  many  letters  in  liasse  (bundle)  No.  353  of  the  "  Papiers 
d'  Etat  et  de  1'  Audience." 


so 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


'*  Ne  voyons  nous  ce  jourduyle  mesme  que  depuis  que 
Dieu  a  perniis  la  captivitc  dc  Mr.  le  Marquis  de  Var- 
ambon,  un  Gouverncur  General  Icqucl  estoit  uni^  miroir 
et  exemple.  Ccux  (|ul  depuis  sont  venus  en  sa  place  et 
charge  ne  monstrent  [montrentj  le  mesme  zele  a  la  con- 
duite  des  affaires  de  ce  pauvre  pays,  ains  |  mais]  par 
failles  [impositions]  assietes  et  mauvaise  conduyte  met- 
tront  mettent  |  le  tout  en  confusion  et  opression  du 
pauvre  peuple,"  etc. 

The  Prince  told  the  Cordelier  that  if  he  had  failed  in 
anything,  he  might  have  told  him  in  private,  and  he  in- 
vited him  to  come  with  him  to  the  Bishop  to  have  it 
out,  but  the  monk  declined  to  move  till  he  was  ordered 
to  do  so  by  his  superior. 

Upon  this  the  Prince  wrote  to  the  Bishop  on  February 
i6th,  and  on  March  9th  had  the  annexed  copy  certified 
as  correct  by  a  notary. 

The  Bishop  had  referred  him  to  the  Provincial  or 
head  of  the  Cordeliers  at  Douay,  but  I  am  unable  to 
say  whether  or  not  he  blamed  the  bold  monk. 

F'our  years  later,  or  in  1602,  the  Archduke  created  the 
Count  de  Ligne  a  Prince  of  the  Netherlands,  and  the 
de  Lii^nes  have  ever  since  held  the  rank  of  Prince. 
This  Lamoral  was  also  styled  Prince  d'Espinoy  be- 
cause he  had  married  the  daughter  and  heiress  of  the 
Princesse  d'Espinoy,  daughter  of  Mary  de  Montmor- 
ency, the  Admiral's  sister. 

In  1 58 1,  in  the  absence  of  her  husband,  this  Princesse 
d'Espinoy  defended  Tournay  for  two  months  against 
the  Duke  of  Parma.  Motley  ^  says  that  she  had  to  sur- 
render the  town  because  it  was  undermined  from  with- 
out and  a  Dominican  friar.  Father  Gery,  "  had  been 
as  surely  sapping  the  fidelit}'  of  the  garrison  from 
within." 

*  Rise  of  the  Dutch  Republic.     [Harper's  ed,,  iii.,  526,] 


Events  that  led  to  the  Edict 


51 


In  the  same  bundle  I  have  found  letters  and  remon- 
strances to  the  Archduke  from  Artois  (February  5th) 
requiring  his  Highness  to  restrain  and  punish  the  out- 
rages of  his  own  horsemen, — ''  supplient  de  commander 
un  chatiment  exemplaire  et  faire  cesser  les  executions 
tortioneres  et  iniustes  que  commettent  les  Chlx  [che- 
vaux]  legiers  repartis  au  pays  d'Artois." 

There  is  a  minute  of  a  letter  from  the  Archduke  order- 
ing an  enquiry  and  punishment,  which  shows  there  was 
ground  for  the  attack  from  the  pulpit  of  the  brave  Cor- 
delier (February  13th).  Monks  w^ere  active  for  good 
or  evil  in  those  days. 


■-■ -»«.3H--*;^_^ 


;  ,i^,-.4s«4ifc-^'ai«t;'*='»-- 


THE  EDICT  OF  NANTES:  ITS  SCOPE  AND 
ITS  PLACE  IN  THE  DEVELOPMENT 
OF    RELIGIOUS   TOLERATION 

By  SAMUEL    MACAULEY   JACKSON, 

Professor   of   Church    History,    New   York    University 

WITH    A    COMPLETE    TRANSLATIOxN    OF    THE    EDICT 
AND    ITS    ACCOMPANYING    DOCUMENTS 

Revised  by  WILLIAM    KENDALL   GILLETT,    M.A., 
Professor  of  the  French  and  Spanish  Languages,  New  York  University 

THE  Edict  of  Nantes  was  signed  by  Henry  IV, 
King  of  France  and  Navarre,  on  Thursday, 
April  13,  1598.^  It  bore  the  significant  title,  "Edict 
of  the  King  for  the  Healing  of  the  Troubles  of  the 
Kingdom."  Its  object,  indeed,  was  to  pacify  the 
adherents  of  the  so-called  Reformed  Religion  by  grant- 
ing them  as  large  a  measure  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty  as  they  could  rsoeanably  have  expected.  The 
city  wherein  it  was  signed  was  the  former  capital  of 
Brittany  and  one  of  the  cities  of  the  League.  There 
John  Knox  had  been  a  galley  slave  fifty  years  before. 
It  had  only  just  surrendered  to  Henry.  It  lies  upon  the 
Loire,  near  its  mouth,  and  245  miles  W.  S.  W.  of  Paris. 
It  is  to-day  the  seventh  city  in  point  of  size  in  the 
country.  The  Maison  des  Tourelles,  No.  5  Quai  de  la 
Fosse,  is  pointed  out  as  the  house  in  which  the   Edict 

*This  paper  was  read  upon  W^ednesday,  April  13,  1898,  exactly  three  hundred 
years  later.     It  is  here  printed  as  read,  a  few  verbal  changes  excepted. 

52 


S(U?ntc/  Macaulcv  Jackson. 


Pfi'/cy'.-  ,   (  /lurc/i  11  i 


\'o)k  LmvLKSifv 


The  Edict  of  Nantes 


53 


was  signed.     Having  been    signed    in    due    form,    the 
Edict  was  sealed  with  the  great  seal  of  green  wax,  upon 
a  ground  of  red  and  green  silk,  to  signify  that  it  was 
perpetual  and  irrevocable.      It  was  registered  and  pub- 
lished by  all  the  parliaments,   even  by  that  of    Paris, 
which,  for  almost  a  year  (till  February  15,  1599),  refused 
to    do    so ;    and    obedience    to    it  was    sworn    by  all 
judges  and  magistrates,  by  the  governors  of  provinces, 
and    by    the    chief   inhabitants    of  the   different  cities. 
The  Edict  of  Nantes  is  a  very  long  document,  consist- 
ing of  a  Preamble  and   ninety-two   sections,   carefully 
drawn    up    and    expressed    in    simple    and    intelligible 
language,  as  the   King  intended  all  should  understand 
it.      It  is  written  in   French.     When    analyzed    it  falls 
into     these    parts :     The     Preamble,    or    Introductory 
Section,  apologizes  for  the  unavoidable  delay  in  issuing 
the   Edict   on   the  ground   that  peace   had   first  to  be 
restored,    and    invokes   the    blessing  of   God   upon   it. 
Articles    I.    and   II.   command  the  past   to    be    buried. 
Articles  III.-V.  reinstate  and  re-establish  the  Catholic 
religion.  Apostolic    and    Roman,    in    all    places   where 
it  had  been  intermitted,  and    command   the  surrender 
of  all  buildings  taken  from  the  Catholic   ecclesiastics. 
Articles    VI.-XVI.    permit    the     Reformed    *' to    live 
and   remain   in   all   the   cities  and    places    of    this    our 
kingdom,  and  countries    under  our  authority,    without 
being  questioned,  vexed,  molested,  or  constrained  to  do 
anything  with  regard  to  religion  contrary  to  their  con- 
sciences," provided  they  comport  themselves  properly  ; 
allow    their    religious    services    in   the   houses  of  their 
nobility,   and   in   the  places  where  such  services  were 
held  in  1596  and  1597,  and  also  in  1577,  provided  they 
are  not  in  the  hands  of  Catholics ;  allow  them  also  in 
the  suburbs  of  a  place  where  the  Reformed  religion  was 


> 


54 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


permitted  by  the  Edict.— a  very  important  provision, 
greatly  multiplying  the  places  of  Reformed  worship  ; 
but  prohibit  the  Reformed  services  in  all  other  localities, 
expressly  mentioning  that  they  were  excluded  from 
Paris  and  five  leagues  around.  Articles  XV 1 1. -XIX. 
relate  to  the  mutual  bearing  of  the  Reformed  and 
the  Catholics.  "We  forbid  all  preachers,  readers, 
and  others  who  speak  in  public,  from  using  any  word, 
discourse,  and  terms  tending  to  excite  the  people  to 
sedition  ;  but  we  have  enjoined,  and  do  enjoin,  them  to 
a  retiring  and  modest  carnage."  The  Reformed  are 
to  respect  the  feelings  of  the  Catholics  by  shutting  up 
their  shops  on  festival  days,  and  by  not  then  carrying 
on  a  trade  whose  noise  would  disturb  the  Catholic 
worshippers.  Their  religious  books  are  to  be  sold  only 
where  their  religion  is  permitted.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Catholics  are  not  to  molest  the  Reformed,  and  are 
required  to  restore  to  them  their  cemeteries.  Both 
Catholics  and  Reformed  are  not  to  baptize  the  children 
of  the  opposite  communion  against  the  wishes  of  the 
parents  of  such  children.  No  difference  or  distinction 
in  regard  to  religion  is  to  prevent  attendance  upon  the 
universities,  colleges,  and  schools,  or  admittance  into 
hospitals  and  charitable  institutions.  No  one  is  to  be 
disinherited  on  the  ground  of  religion.  Both  religion- 
ists are  to  be  treated  alike  and  to  have  equal 
opportunities  to  enter  the  public  service.  Article 
XXX.  establishes  a  "  Chamber  of  the  Edict,"  composed 
of  a  president  and  sixteen  councillors  of  the  Parliament 
of  Paris,  to  take  cognizance  of  causes  and  suits  of  the 
Reformed  living  within  the  jurisdiction  of  that  Parlia- 
ment and  those  of  Normandy  and  Brittany.  In  this 
Chamber  the  Reformed  are  to  be  represented.  Articles 
XXXI.-LVII.     order    that    outside    of    Paris    other 


The  Edict  of  Nantes 


55 


chambers  of  inquiry  shall  be  established  with  a  much 
more  liberal  representation  of  the  Reformed,  and  lay 
down  quite  minutely  their  course  of  procedure  in  cases 
arising  out  of  the  religious  differences,  so  as  to  secure 
absolutely  impartial  treatment.  Articles  LVIII.  and 
LIX.  annul  all  actions  arainst  the  Reformed  arising  out 
of  religion,  except  against  those  who  have  borne  arms. 
Articles  LX.-LXVIII.  contain  additional  provisions 
for  the  impartial  treatment  of  the  Reformed  and 
Catholics,  including  that  one  of  the  judges  in  all 
cases  shall  be  of  the  same  faith  as  the  defendant. 
Articles  LXIX.-LXXV.  order  the  return  to  their 
original  owners  of  all  papers  and  houses  taken  in  war, 
the  naturalization  of  children  of  French  parents  born 
out  of  France,  and  the  release  of  all  condemned  for 
religion,  even  in  the  galleys.  Articles  LXXVL- 
LXXXI.  regulate  the  money  matters  arising  out  of  the 
war.  Article  LXXXII.  disbands  and  prohibits  all 
future  assemblies  and  associations  ;  forbids  assessments 
and  warlike  measures,  Avithout  permission.  Article 
LXXXII  I.  confirms  the  right  to  all  prizes  on  sea  or 
land.  Articles  LXXXIV.-LXXXVII.  prohibit  prose- 
cution  of  the  Reformed  for  actions  in  war  under 
orders,  except  in  certain  specified  extreme  cases,  but 
order  punishment  for  crimes  and  offences  commit- 
ted between  persons  of  the  same  party.  Article 
LXXXVIII.  permits  the  repair  of  cities  dismantled  in 
war.  Articles  LXXXIX.  and  XC.  restore  to  the  Re- 
formed the  property  taken  from  them  by  the  opposite 
side,  and  order  the  restoration  by  the  Reformed  of  all 
property  belonging  to  the  Catholic  Church  which  they 
had  seized.  Articles  XCI.  and  XCII.  annul  all  con- 
trary edicts,  and  enjoin  the  obedience  of  the  present 
edict  upon  all  persons  concerned. 


/, 


56 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


So  much  for  the  Edict  proper.  It  is  accompanied 
by  a  brevet,  issued  Hkewise  on  April  13,  1598, 
promising  the  Reformed  an  annual  subsidy  of  45,000 
crowns  for  an  unspecified  purpose,  but  which  really  was 
for  their  ecclesiastical  expenses. 

On  April  30th  and  May  2d,  respectively,  the  King 
signed  at  Nantes  sets  of  secret  articles.  The  first 
promises  180,000  crowns  a  year  for  eight  years  for  the 
maintenance  of  the  garrisons  of  the  Reformed  in  the 
fortified  cities  guaranteed  to  them,  settles  some  matters 
relating  to  these  garrisons,  reaftirms  the  King's  inten- 
tion to  deal  impartially  with  all  his  subjects,  and  states 
definitely  what  he  intended  to  do  in  certain  places. 
The  second,  consisting  of  fifty-six  sections,  modifies 
the  Edict  both  favorably  and  unfavorably  for  the 
Reformed.  It  was  sealed  with  the  great  seal  of  yellow 
wax. 

The  Edict  of  Nantes  was  the  work  of  a  commission 
made  up  of  both  branches  of  the  Christian  Church,  and 
rests  upon  the  basis  of  the  pacification  edicts,  or, 
more  properly  speaking,  treaties,  issued  in  1563,  1570, 
and  1577.  But  the  composite  work  is  larger  and 
stronger  than  its  component  parts.  The  credit  of  pre- 
paring it  belongs  to  the  King,  and  is,  indeed,  his  title  to 
imperishable  fame. 

It  remains  now  to  speak  of  the  place  of  the  Edict  in 
the  development  of  religious  toleration.  At  the  outset 
the  distinction  must  be  drawn  between  religious  tolera- 
tion  and  religious  liberty.  The  former  is  a  concession, 
made,  perhaps,  upon  mere  expediency  and  reluctantly, 
and  implying  more  or  less  disapproval  or  censure. 
Religious  liberty,  on  the  other  hand,  is  a  right,  to  be 
frankly  acknowledged  as  part  of  human  freedom.  In 
the  history  of  the  race  toleration  precedes  liberty,  but 


The  Edict  of  Nantes 


57 


by  no  means  implies  it.  It  is  a  first  step,  but  may  not 
be  followed  by  any  second.  Religious  convictions  are 
apt  to  be  so  profound  that  they  are  exclusive.  What 
we  believe  appears  to  us  not  to  admit  of  question. 
Thus  to  many  in  the  past  those  who  held  opposite 
opinions  were  simply  wrong,  and  as  the  maintenance  and 
propagation  of  errors  in  religion  were  believed  to  have 
disastrous  temporal  or  eternal  consequences  or  both, 
these  opponents  were  considered  pernicious  errorists, 
for  whom  no  treatment  could  be  too  severe.  Hence, 
the  power  of  the  State  has  backed  up  the  religion 
of  the  State  and  punished  as  traitors  those  who 
denied  the  religion  of  the  State.  A  long  and  losing 
struggle  has  been  required  in  all  the  past  to  get  the 
State  even  to  tolerate  religious  dissent.  In  the  history 
of  Christianity  the  first  edict  of  toleration  came  from 
the  Roman  State  in  311,  when  the  dying  and  desperate 
Emperor  Galerius  made  Christianity  a  religio  licita,  not 
because  it  seemed  to  him  a  true  religion,  but  because 
three  centuries  of  sporadic  and  two  terrible  general  per- 
secutions had  failed  to  exterminate  it.  This  was  tolera- 
tion, pure  and  simple,  but  it  was  not  liberty.  In  313 
the  Emperor  Constantine,  having  won  a  notable  victory 
in  consequence,  as  he  believed,  of  the  help  of  the  God 
of  the  Christians,  and  under  the  symbol  of  the  Christian 
faith,  issued  the  famous  Edict  of  Milan,  in  which  he 
stated  that  it  was  proper  to  "give  to  the  Christians  as 
well  as  to  all  others,  the  riorht  to  follow  that  reliofion 
which  to  each  of  them  appeared  best."  This  was  a 
great  advance  toward  religious  liberty.  Christianity 
became  a  little  later  the  religion  of  the  Roman  State, 
and  then,  alas !  trampled  upon  the  rights  of  pagans 
and  forbade  them  to  exercise  their  religion  on  pain  of 
death.      When     paganism     had     been     exterminated, 


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Christians    turned    upon    fellow     Christians.      Heresy 
was   punished  as  paganism   had  been,   and  for   many 
weary  centuries  there  was  no  religious  toleration.     The 
Reformation  did  not  bring  it.     Roman  Catholics  and 
Protestants  in  that  period  showed  equal  intolerance  of 
opposing  opinion.     The  creed  they  drew  up  must  be 
unconditionally   accepted    on    penalty  of   death.     The 
Religious    Peace   of    Augsburg   of    1555   is  not   to  be 
quoted  as  any  real  advance  toward  religious  toleration, 
because  it  was  only  a  futile  political  expedient  to  settle 
the  strife  between  Roman  Catholics  and  Lutherans  by 
requiring  that  the  religion  of  the  people  of  the  German 
states  should  be  as  the  religion  of  their  rulers,  respec- 
tively. 

But  in  1598  a  great  light  arose  in  the  spiritual  dark- 
ness.    Out  of  Brittany  it  shot  across  the  sky.     A  King 
who  was  at  heart  a  Protestant,  but  who,  from  motives 
of  policy,    had  accepted  Roman  Catholicism,  a    virile, 
clear-headed,  determined  monarch,  declared  that  Catho- 
lics and  Reformed  alike  had  religious  rights  which  must 
be  mutually  respected,  and  that  they  must  live  together 
in  peace.     This  was  the  heaven-sent    message  to  two 
jarring  branches  of  the  Christian  Church,  each  denying 
that  the  other  was  a  true  branch.     It  was  not  addressed 
to  all  the  branches  of  the  Church.     The  time  was  not 
ripe  for  that.      Nor  did  it  go  as  far  as  religious  liberty, 
for  it  did  not  acknowledge  the  absolute  equality  of  both 
as  a  matter  of  legal  right.     The   Reformed  was  not  the 
equal  of  the  Catholic.     But  it  went  a  long  way  toward 
that  complete  impartiality.     What    though  it  was  not 
received  on  either  side  as  it  should  have  been,   what 
though,  after  it  had  been  interpreted  out  of  all  cogni- 
zance by  Roman  Catholic  jurists,  it  was  ninety  years 
later  revoked  ?     It  was  a  sixteenth-century  adumbratioa 


The  Edict  of  Nantes 


59 


i 


of  the  nineteenth-century  doctrine,  and  because  it  was, 
we  Americans  who  enjoy  religious  liberty  as  no  other 
people  do,  celebrate  to-day  the  Tercentenary  of  the 
Promulgation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 

EDICT    OF    NANTES,    WITH     ITS    BREVET,    AND 

SECRET  ARTICLES 

The  translation  is  that  in  the  American  edition  of  the  English  translation  of 
Charles  Weiss's  History  of  the  French  Protestant  Refugees  (New  York  btringer  & 
Townsend,  1S54,  2  vols.),  vol.  ii.,  335-378,  revised  and  much  improved  by  WiHiam 
Kendall  Gillett,  M.A.,  Professor  of  the  French  and  Spanish  languages,  New  York 
University  The  text  he  used  was  that  given  in  Elie  Benoit  (Benoist),  Histoire  de 
V^dit  de  Nantes  (Delft.  1693-5,  3  vols.,  the  3d  in  3  parts),  i..  Appendix  Recueil 
d'edits.  etc..  pp.  62-9S,  compared  with  that  in  Leonce  Anquez,  IHstorredes  assem. 
blees  politiquesdes  R^formes  de  France  (Paris.  1859).  PP-  456-502,  which  is.  Anquez 
says  (p.  99),  the  text  of  the  Edict  as  signed  by  Henry,  whereas  the  Benoit  text  is 
that  as  registered  by  the  Parliament  of  Paris.  The  two  differ  widely  in  places,  but 
the  latter  is  really  the  Edict  under  which  the  Huguenots  lived,  and  therefore  may 
properly  underlie  the  translation  given  here. 

I.     EDICT  PROPER 

Henry,  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  France  and  Navarre.  To 
all  to  whom  these  presents  come,  or  shall  come,  greeting.  Among 
the  infinite  graces  it  has  pleased  God  to  bestow  on  us,  this  is  the 
most  signal  and  remarkable,  that  He  has  given  us  virtue  and 
strength  to  withstand  the  frightful  troubles,  confusions,  and  dis- 
orders which  attended  our  accession  to  the  throne,  the  country 
being  torn  into  parties  and  factions,  the  least  numerous  of  which 
was  as  it  were  the  most  legitimate  ;  and  for  having  so  strength- 
ened us  against  this  difficulty  that  we  have  at  length  surmounted 
it,  and  reached  a  harbor  of  safety  and  repose  for  the  State.  To 
Him  alone  be  all  the  glory,  and  to  us  the  honor  and  obligation, 
that  He  has  made  use  of  our  labor  to  accomplish  this  good  work,  which 
has  been  visible  to  all,  if  we  have  performed  what  was  not  only  of 
our  duty  and  ability,  but  something  more  beside,  which  might  not 
have  been  at  any  other  time  proper  to  the  dignity  we  hold,  which  we 
have  no  fear  of  exposing  here,  seeing  that  we  have  so  freely  exposed 
our  own  life.  And  in  this  remarkable  concurrence  of  so  great  and 
perilous  affairs,  it  not  being  in  our  power  to  settle  everything  at  one 
and  the  same  time,  it  has  been  necessary  for  us  to  follow  this  order, 
namely,  to  undertake  first  those  things  which  could  be  settled  only 


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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


by  force,  and  the  rather  to  remit  and  lay  aside  till  some  other  time 
such  as  could  and  should  be  settled  by  reason  and  justice  ;  such  as 
the  different  views  of  our  good  subjects,  and  the  particular  diseases 
of  the  more  healthy  parts  of  the  State,  which  we  deemed  easily  cur- 
able,  after  the  principal  cause  had  been  taken  away,  namely,  the 
continuance  of  civil  war.  In  which  having  (by  the  grace  of  God) 
well  and  happily  succeeded,  and  both  arms  and  hostilities  having 
ceased  within  the  entire  kingdom,  we  hope  for  an  equally  prosperous 
issue  in  what  remains  to  be  settled,  and  that  by  this  means  we  shall 
attain  to  the  establishment  of  a  good  peace  and  tranquil  repose, 
which  has  always  been  the  object  of  our  wishes  and  prayers,  and  the 
reward  that  we  desire  for  so  many  sufferings  and  labors  through 
which  we  have  passed  in  the  course  of  our  life.  Of  the  above-men- 
tioned affairs  in  which  we  have  needed  to  exercise  patience,  one  of  the 
principal  has  been  the  complaints  made  by  divers  of  our  provinces 
and  Catholic  cities,  that  the  exercise  of  the  Catholic  religion  was  not 
universally  re-established,  as  ordered  by  the  edicts  hitherto  made  for 
the  pacification  of  troubles  on  account  of  religion.  As  also  the  sup- 
plications and  remonstrances  which  have  been  made  by  our  subjects 
of  the  so-called '  Reformed  religion,  partly  in  regard  to  the  non-ful- 
filment of  what  had  been  granted  them  by  these  edicts,  and  partly 
in  regard  to  what  they  deemed  should  be  added  thereto,  touching 
the  exercise  of  their  above-mentioned  religion,  liberty  of  conscience, 
and  the  safety  of  their  persons  and  property  ;  presuming  themselves 
in  possession  of  just  cause  for  new  and  yet  greater  apprehensions, 
by  reason  of  these  late  troubles  and  commotions,  whose  principal 
pretext  and  foundation  has  been  their  ruin.  In  regard  to  which, 
that  too  great  a  press  of  matters  might  not  be  laid  on  us  at  once,  and 

'  The  ^vord  pretendne  has  been  thus  rendered  because  "pretended,"  which  is  the 
common  translation,  implies  falsity,  while  the  French  does  not  necessarily.  It  is  true 
the  Huguenots  requested  in  1611  that  they  be  relieved  of  the  necessity  of  employ- 
ing it  in  their  public  documents  (Baird,  Ilw^uenots  and  the  Revocation,  i.,  50),  but 
that  probably  was  because  they  resented  the  imputation  that  their  faith  was  a  whit 
less  a  religion  than  the  Roman  Catholic.  It  is  difficult  to  see  what  term  could 
have  been  employed  to  express  better  the  idea  that  the  Huguenots  claimed  that 
their  religion  was  the  true  Christian  faith  reformed  from  Roman  Catholic  error. 
The  initials  R.  P.  R.  — /a  religicm  pretendtie  ri'/tJrw/t'— passed  into  general  cur 
rency  as  indicative  of  the  Huguenot  faith.  Surely  Henry  would  not  insult  his  for- 
mer co-religionists  at  the  very  moment  when  he  was  doing  them  a  great  service,  by 
employing  any  phrase  which  was  necessarily  offensive  ;  at  the  same  time  he  could 
not,  as  a  pretended  Roman  Catholic,  concede  the  Huguenots'  claim  to  have  the 
true  religion. — Ed. 


The  Edict  of  Nantes 


61 


also  that  the  rage  of  armies  might  not  interfere  with  the  establishment 
of  the  laws,  such  as  they  were,  we  have  always  postponed  this  mat- 
ter. But  now  that  it  has  pleased  God  to  give  us  a  beginning  of  quiet 
and  repose,  we  esteem  it  the  best  employment  in  our  power  to  apply 
ourselves  to  what  concerns  His  holy  name  and  service,  and  to  bring 
it  about  that  He  should  be  worshipped  and  adored  by  all  our  sub- 
jects :  and  if  it  has  not  pleased  Him  that  there  should  be  one  and  the 
same  form  of  religion,  yet  there  should  be  the  same  intention,  and 
under  such  regulations  that  there  should  arise  no  tumult  or  disturb- 
ance on  account  of  it  among  you  :  and  that  both  we  and  this  king- 
dom may  ever  merit  and  preserve  the  glorious  title  of  Very  Christian^ 
which  was  acquired  so  long  since,'  and  by  so  many  merits  :  and  by 
the  same  means  to  take  away  the  cause  of  evil  and  trouble  which  can 
befall  the  cause  of  religion,  which  is  ever  the  most  supple  and 
penetrating  of  all.  On  this  occasion,  considering  the  affair  as  one 
of  very  great  importance,  and  worthy  of  the  very  gravest  consider- 
ation, after  receiving  the  complaints  of  our  Catholic  subjects,  having 
also  permitted  our  subjects  of  the  so-called  Reformed  religion  to 
assemble  by  deputies  and  draw  up  theirs,  and  to  bring  together  all 
their  remonstrances,  and  having  conferred  with  them  at  divers 
times  in  regard  to  the  matter,  and  having  read  over  the  preceding 
edicts,  we  have  thought  it  necessary,  at  this  time,  to  give  to  all  our 
subjects  a  general  law,  clear,  concise,  and  absolute,  by  which  they 
may  govern  themselves  with  regard  to  all  differences  which  have 
hitherto  sprung  up,  or  may  hereafter  arise,  among  them,  and  with 
which  both  may  have  cause  to  be  satisfied,  as  the  temper  of  the  times 
may  be.  We  have  on  our  part,  entered  on  the  deliberation  only 
through  the  zeal  we  have  for  the  service  of  God,  and  that  it  may  be 
offered  and  rendered  by  all  our  subjects,  and  to  establish  among 
them  a  true  and  lasting  peace.  For  which  we  implore  and  await 
from  His  divine  goodness  the  same  protection  and  favor  that  he  has 
ever  visibly  bestowed  on  this  kingdom  from  its  birth,  and  during  the 
entire  period  it  has  passed  through,  and  that  he  may  give  grace  to 
our  subjects  to  well  comprehend,  that  in  the  observance  of  this 
ordinance  consists  (  next  to  their  duty  to  God  and  their  fellows  )  the 
principal  foundation  of  their  union,  concord,  tranquillity,  and  repose, 
and  of  the  re-establishment  of  this  whole  State  in  its  first  splendor, 
opulence,  and  strength.  On  our  part,  we  engage  its  strict  observance, 


'  This  title  was  first  given  to  Pepin  by  Pope  Stephen  III  in  754  for  his  services 
against  the  Lombards. — Ed. 


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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


suffering  no  infringement  thereof.  For  these  reasons,  having,  with 
the  advice  of  the  princes  of  our  blood,  other  princes  and  officers  of 
the  crown,  and  other  great  and  notable  personages  of  our  Council 
of  State,  being  near  us,  well  and  diligently  weighed  and  considered 
the  entire  affair,  we  have,  by  this  perpetual  and  irrevocable  Edict, 
said,  declared,  and  ordered,  do  say,  declare,  and  order  : 

I.  First,  that  the  memory  of  all  past  transactions,  both  on 
the  one  part  and  the  other,  since  the  beginning  of  the  month  of 
March,  1585,  up  to  our  accession  to  the  crown,  and  during  the  pre- 
ceding troubles,  and  on  account  of  them,  shall  remain  extinct  and 
dormant  as  though  they  had  never  happened.  And  it  shall  not  be 
allowed  or  permitted  to  our  procureurs-general,  or  any  other  person 
whatever,  public  or  private,  at  any  time,  or  on  any  occasion  what- 
ever, to  make  mention  thereof,  or  institute  a  suit  or  prosecution  in 
any  courts  or  jurisdictions  whatever. 

II.  We  forbid  all  our  subjects,  of  whatever  state  or  quality, 
from  perpetuating  the  memory  [of  those  past  transactions],  attack- 
ing, resenting,  injuring,  or  provoking  the  one  the  other  by  reproaches 
for  what  has  passed,  under  any  cause  and  pretext  whatever,  from 
disputing,  contesting,  quarrelling,  or  outraging  or  offending  by  word 
or  deed  :  but  to  restrain  themselves  and  to  live  peaceably  together 
like  brothers,  friends,  and  citizens,  under  pain  of  being  punished  as 
breakers  of  the  peace  and  disturbers  of  public  order. 

III.  We  command  that  the  Catholic  religion.  Apostolic  and 
Roman,  shall  be  reinstated  and  re-established  in  all  places  and 
parts  of  this  our  kingdom,  and  within  the  bounds  of  our  authority, 
where  its  exercise  has  been  intermitted,  that  it  may  be  peaceably 
and  freely  exercised  without  any  disturbance  or  impediment.  Ex- 
pressly forbidding  any  person  of  any  state,  quality,  or  condition 
whatever,  under  the  above-mentioned  penalties,  from  troubling,  dis- 
turbing, or  molesting  the  ecclesiastics  in  the  celebration  of  divine 
service,  from  the  enjoyment  and  receipt  of  the  tithes,  fruits,  and 
revenues  of  their  benefices,  and  all  other  rights  and  duties  apper- 
taining thereto  :  and  that  all  those  who  during  the  troubles  have 
taken  possession  of  churches,  houses,  properties,  and  revenues 
belonging  to  said  ecclesiastics,  and  who  still  hold  and  occupy  them, 
^hall  yield  to  them  their  entire  possession  and  peaceful  enjoyment, 
with  such  rights,  liberties,  and  sureties  as  they  had  before  they 
were  seized.  Forbidding  very  expressly  those  of  the  said  so-called 
Reformed  religion  from  preaching  or  any  exercise  of  their  religion  in 
the  churches,  houses,  and  habitations  of  the  said  ecclesiastics. 


The  Edict  of  Nantes 


63 


IV.  The  said  ecclesiastics  may,  if  they  choose,  purchase  the 
houses  and  buildings  raised  on  profane  places,  wrested  from  them 
during  the  commotions,  or  constrain  the  possessors  of  the  said 
buildings  to  purchase  the  ground,  all  according  to  a  valuation 
made  by  experts  agreed  on  by  the  parties.  And  if  the  parties  cannot 
agree  on  them,  they  shall  be  provided  by  local  judges,  provided 
the  said  possessors  are  not  included  therein.  And  if  said  ecclesi- 
astics constrain  the  holders  to  purchase  the  ground,  the  sum  agreed 
on  shall  not  come  into  their  hands  ;  but  the  holders  shall  retain  it 
in  their  hands,  drawing  interest  at  the  rate  of  five  per  cent.,  till  it 
becomes  profitable  to  the  Church  ;  which  shall  be  deemed  a  year. 
And  when  the  said  time  shall  have  elapsed,  should  the  acquirer  be 
unwilling  to  continue  the  said  rent,  he  shall  be  discharged  there- 
from by  consigning  the  moneys  into  the  hands  of  a  solvent  person 
with  the  consent  of  the  judges.  And  with  regard  to  the  sacred 
places,  the  views  of  the  commissioners  appointed  by  us  lor  the  execu- 
tion of  the  present  Edict  shall  be  followed,  as  by  us  provided. 

V.  Nevertheless  the  places  and  sites  occupied  for  repairs  and 
fortifications  of  our  cities  and  places  of  our  kingdom,  and  the 
materials  used  therein,  shall  not  be  taken  possession  of  or  claimed 
by  the  ecclesiastics  or  other  persons,  either  public  or  private,  unless 
the  said  repairs  and  fortifications  shall  be  demolished  by  our 
ordinances. 

VI.  And  that  all  occasion  of  troubles  and  differences  among 
our  subjects  may  be  taken  away,  we  have  and  do  permit  persons  of 
the  so-called  Reformed  religion  to  live  and  remain  in  all  the  cities 
and  places  of  this  our  kingdom,  and  countries  under  our  authority, 
without  being  questioned,  vexed,  molested,  or  constrained  to  do  any- 
thing with  regard  to  religion  contrary  to  their  consciences,  nor  on 
account  of  it  shall  they  be  searched  in  their  houses  and  places  where 
they  desire  to  dwell,  provided  they  comport  themselves  in  accord- 
ance with  the  provisions  of  our  present  Edict.  • 

VII.  We  have  also  given  permission  to  all  seigneurs,  gentlemen, 
and  other  persons,  denizens  or  otherwise,  making  a  profession  of  the 
so-called  Reformed  religion,  holding  within  our  kingdom  and 
•country  under  our  authority,  high  judicial  office,  or  a  full  fief  of 
knighthood  (as  in  Normandy)  whether  as  property  or  usufruct,  in 
whole  or  in  half,  or  even  in  third  part,  to  have,  in  such  of  the  houses 
of  the  said  high  justices,  or  said  knights,  as  they  shall  hold  them- 
selves ready  to  name  to  our  bailiffs  or  seneschals,  each  in  his  own 
right,  as  his  chief  place  of  residence,  the  exercise  of  the  said  religion, 


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i 


f    I 


!'<!      I 


as  long  as  they  reside  therein  ;  and  in  their  absence,  their  wives^ 
their  family,  or  a  part  of  it  ;  anctJf  the  title  of  either  justice  or 
knight  shall  be  questioned,  still  the  exercise  of  said  religion  shall 
be  allowed,  provided  the  above-mejitioned  persons  have  actual  pos- 
session of  said  offices,  although  the  procureur-general  be  a  party 
in  the  case.  We  also  permit  the  said  worship  to  be  held  in  other 
houses  belonging  to  those  high  functionaries,  or  knights,  as  long  as 
they  are  present  and  not  otherwise,  with  all  who  belong  to  them^ 
their  families,  and  subjects,  as  well  as  such  others  as  may  wish  to 

attend. 

VIII.  In  the  houses  of  tenants,  or  persons  of  the  said  religion 
who  are  not  high  functionaries  or  knights,  the  said  worship  can  be 
for  their  families  alone.  However,  this  is  not  to  be  understood  as 
allowing  a  search  in  cases  where  other  persons,  to  the  number  of 
thirty,  chance  to  arrive,  or  friends  come  to  visit  them  :  provided^ 
also,  said  houses  are  not  within  cities,  towns,  or  villages  belonging 
to  high  Catholic  lords,  other  than  ourselves,  in  which  said  Catholic 
lords  have  houses  ;  in  which  case,  those  of  the  said  religion  cannot, 
in  said  cities,  towns,  or  villages,  have  religious  services,  unless  by 
permission  and  consent  of  the  said  Catholic  lords,  and  not  otherwise. 

IX.  We  also  permit  members  of  the  said  religion  to  do  and  con- 
tinue the  exercise  of  it  in  all  villages  and  places  under  our  authority 
where  it  has  been  established  by  them,  and  publicly  performed  at 
several  and  divers  times  in  the  year  1596,  and  in  the  year  1597, 
until  the  end  of  the  month  of  August,  all  decrees  and  judgments  to 
the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

X.  Likewise  the  said  worship  may  be  established  and  re-estab- 
lished in  all  villages  and  places  where  it  has  been  introduced,  or 
should  have  been,  by  the  Edict  of  Pacification,  made  in  the  year 
1577,  by  the  private  articles  and  conferences  of  Nerac  [1578]  and 
Fleix  [1580],  without  the  possibility  of  the  said  establishment  being 
prevented  in  the  places  and  situations  granted  by  the  said  edict, 
articles,  and  conferences,  as  places  for  bailiwicks,  or  which  will  be 
henceforth,  though  they  have  been  alienated  to  Catholic  persons,  or 
will  be  hereafter.  It  is  not  to  be  understood,  however,  that  the  said 
worship  may  be  re-established  in  places  and  situations  of  the  said 
domain,  which  have  been  heretofore  possessed  by  persons  of  the 
so-called  Reformed  religion,  to  whom  it  might  have  been  granted 
for  personal  considerations,  or  on  account  of  feudal  privileges,  if 
the  said  fiefs  are  at  present  in  the  possession  of  persons  of  the 
Catholic,  Apostolic,  and  Roman  religion. 


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"JP 


The  Edict  of  Nantes 


6s 


XI.  Besides  in  each  of  the  ancient  bailiwicks,  seneschalships  and 
governments  holding  the  place  of  bailiwicks,  being  plainly  under 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  courts  of  parliament,  we  order  that  in  the 
suburbs  of  a  city,  excepting  those  which  have  been  granted  by  the 
said  Edict  to  them,  as  also  by  special  articles  and  conferences,  and 
where  there  are  no  cities,  in  a  burgh  or  village,  the  exercise  of  the 
so-called  Reformed  religion  may  be  made  publicly  by  all  those  who 
wish  to  go  there,  although  in  the  said  bailiwicks,  seneschalships,  and 
governments  there  may  be  several  places  in  which  the  said  exercise 
maybe  at  present  established,  [save  and  excepting  for  the  said 
places  of  bailiwicks  newly  granted,  by  the  present  Edict,  the  cities 
in  which  there  is  an  archbishop  or  bishop,  although  the  members  of 
the  so-called  Reformed  religion  have  the  power  to  ask  for  and 
name,  for  the  said  place  of  their  worship,  the  boroughs  and  villages 
in  the  neighborhood  of  those  cities  ;  excepting  also  the  places  and 
seigneurships  belonging  to  ecclesiastics,  in  the  which  we  must  not 
be  understood  as  allowing  the  establishment  of  the  said  second  place 
of  the  bailiwick,  these  being  excepted  and  reserved  by  special  favor.]  * 
We  mean  and  understand  by  the  name  ancient  bailiwicks  those 
which  in  the  time  of  the  late  King  Henry,  our  very  honored  lord 
and  father-in-law,  were  held  for  bailiwicks,  seneschalships,  and 
governments,  being  clearly  under  the  jurisdiction  of  our  courts. 

XII.  The  present  Edict  must  not  be  understood  as  doing  away 
aught  of  the  edicts  and  agreements  heretofore  made  for  the  winning 
back  of  any  princes,  lords,  gentlemen,  and  Catholic  cities  to  our 
authority,  as  it  respects  the  exercise  of  the  said  religion,  which 
edicts  and  agreements  shall  be  held  and  observed  as  it  regards  this 
matter,  as  it  shall  be  determined  by  the  instructions  of  the  com- 
missioners, who  shall  be  appointed  for  the  execution  of  the  present 
edict. 

XIII.  All  persons  of  the  said  religion  are  very  expressly  for- 
bidden from  making  any  exercise  of  it,  either  of  ministry,  regulation, 
discipline,  or  public  instruction  of  children,  and  other  matters  in  this 
our  kingdom,  and  in  countries  under  our  authority,  in  what  concerns 
religion,  except  in  those  places  permitted  and  allowed  in  the  present 
edict. 

XIV.  Also  from  performing  any  exercise  of  said  religion  in  our 
court  and  suite,  and  also  in  our  lands  and  countries  which  are 
beyond  the  mountains,  and  also  in  our  city  of  Paris,  or  within  five 
leagues  of  said  city  ;  howbeit,  the  members  of  said  religion,  dwelling 

'  The  part  in  brackets  omitted  in  Anquez. 


66 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Edict  of  Nantes 


67 


in  said  lands  and  countries  beyond  the  mountains,  and  in  our  said 
city,  and  within  five  leagues  around  it,  shall  not  have  their  houses 
searched,  nor  be  compelled  to  do  anything  in  regard  to  their  religion 
contrary  to  their  consciences,  provided  they  comport  themselves  as 
it  is  commanded  in  the  present  Edict. 

XV.  Nor  shall  a  public  exercise  of  said  religion  be  allowed 
among  the  armies,  except  at  the  quarters  of  the  chiefs  who  make  a 
profession  thereof,  excepting  the  quarter  which  shall  contain  our 
person. 

XVI.  In  accordance  with  the  second  article  of  the  Conference 
of  Nerac,  permission  is  hereby  given  to  those  holding  said  religion 
to  build  places  for  the  exercise  of  it  in  such  villages  and  i)laces  as 
are  granted  to  them,  and  those  shall  be  restored  to  them  that  they 
have  hitherto  built,  or  the  site  of  them,  in  such  state  as  they  maybe 
in  at  present,  even  in  those  places  where  the  exercise  of  their 
worship  is  not  allowed,  except  they  have  been  changed  into  other 
kinds  of  edifices  ;  in  whicli  case  there  shall  be  given  to  them,  by 
the  i)ossessors  of  said  edifices,  places  and  situations  of  the  same 
value  and  price  which  they  had  before  they  were  built  on,  or  the 
proper  value  of  them,  to  be  determined  by  experts  :  but  the  said 
proprietors  and  possessors  may  have  recourse  against  whom  of  right 
they  may. 

XVII.  We  forbid  all  preachers,  readers,  and  others  who  speak 
in  public,  from  using  any  word,  discourse,  and  terms  tending  to 
excite  the  people  to  sedition  ;  but  we  have  enjoined,  and  do  enjoin, 
them  to  a  retiring  and  modest  carriage,  and  to  say  nothing  that  is 
not  calculated  for  the  edification  and  instruction  of  their  auditors, 
and  for  the  maintenance  of  the  repose  and  tranquillity  by  us  estab- 
lished in  this  our  kingdom,  under  pain  of  the  penalties  mentioned 
in  preceding  edicts.  Enjoining  very  expressly  our  prosecuting 
officers  and  their  deputies  to  inform  officially  against  those  who 
contravene  them,  under  pain  of  answering  in  their  own  persons, 
and  by  privation  of  their  office. 

XVIII.  We  forbid  all  our  subjects,  of  whatever  quality  or  condi- 
tion soever,  from  bearing  away  by  force  or  stratagem,  against  the 
consent  of  their  parents,  children  of  the  said  religion,  in  order  to 
have  them  baptized  or  confirmed  in  the  Church  Catholic,  Apostolic, 
and  Roman.  The  members  of  the  said  so-called  Reformed  reliirion 
are  under  the  same  prohibition,  under  pain  of  being  severely 
punished. 

XIX.  Persons  belonging  to  the  said  so-called  Reformed  religion 


shall  be  in  no  manner  constrained,  or  considered  bound  by  reason  of 
abjurations,  promises,  and  oaths  that  they  have  hitherto  made,  or 
sureties  by  them  given,  in  regard  to  said  religion,  and  shall  not 
be   molested    or   disturbed   on    account    thereof,    in    any   manner 

whatsoever. 

XX.  They  shall  be  bound  to  guard  and  observe  the  festivals  in 
use  in  the  Church  Catholic,  Apostolic,  and  Roman,  and  shall  not  on 
such  days  labor,  sell,  or  display  for  sale,  in  open  shops,  nor  in  like 
manner  shall  artisans  labor  without  their  shops,  and  in  chambers  and 
closed  houses,  on  the  said  festival  days,  and  other  days  forbidden, 
at  any  trade,  the  noise  of  which  can  be  heard  by  passers-by  or 
neighbors  ;  nevertheless  no  search  shall  be  made,  except  by  the 

officers  of  justice. 

XXI.  Books  concerning  the  said  so-called  Reformed  religion 
shall  be  printed  and  sold  publicly  only  in  the  cities  and  places  where 
the  public  exercise  of  said  religion  is  permitted  ;  and  in  regard  to  the 
other  books,  which  shall  be  printed  in  other  cities,  they  shall  be  seen 
and  visited,  as  well  by  our  officers  as  by  theologians,  as  it  is  com- 
manded by  our  ordinances.  We  very  expressly  forbid  the  printing, 
publication,  and  sale  of  all  books,  libels,  and  defamatory  writings, 
under  the  penalities  contained  in  our  ordinances,  enjoining  all  our 
judges  and  officers  to  see  to  their  execution. 

XXII.  We  order  that  there  shall  be  no  difference  or  distinction 
made  with  regard  to  said  religion,  in  receiving  scholars  to  be  in- 
structed in  the  universities,  colleges,  and  schools,  as  well  as  the  sick 
and  poor  in  the  hospitals,  lazarettos,  and  charitable  institutions. 

XXIII.  Those  belonging  to  the  so-called  Reformed  religion 
shall  be  bound  to  respect  the  laws  of  the  Catholic  Church,  Aposto- 
lic and  Roman,  which  are  received  in  this  our  kingdom,  in  regard  to 
marriages  contracted,  and  to  be  contracted,  within  the  degrees  of 
consanguinity  and  affinity. 

XXIV.  In  like  manner  the  members  of  the  said  religion  shall 
pay  the  entrance  fees,  as  is  the  custom,  for  the  employments  and 
offices  with  which  they  are  provided,  without  being  constrained  to 
be  present  at  any  ceremonies  contrary  to  their  religion  ;  and  when 
about  to  be  sworn  shall  be  bound  only  to  raise  the  hand,  swear,  and 
promise  God  to  tell  the  truth  ;  and  may  also  dispense  with  the  oath 
by  them  to  be  taken  in  passing  contracts  and  obligations. 

XXV.  We  will  and  order  that  all  members  of  the  said  so-called 
Reformed  religion,  and  others  who  have  followed  their  party,  of 
whatever  state,  quality,  or  condition  they  may  be,  shall  be  bound 


\ 


68 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Edict  of  Nantes 


69 


and  holden  by  all  due  and  reasonable  ways,  and  under  the  penalities 
contained  in  the  edicts  on  these  matters,  to  pay  and  discharge  tithes 
to  the  curates  and  other  ecclesiastics,  and  to  all  others  to  whom  they 
may  belong,  according  to  local  usage  and  custom. 

XXVI.  No  one  of  our  subjects  shall  be  disinherited  or  deprived 
of  his  property,  either  in  the  past  or  future,  by  will  or  otherwise, 
made  only  from  hatred,  or  on  account  of  religion. 

XXVII.  In  order  that  we  may  as  far  as  possible  reunite  our 
subjects  in  friendly  feelings,  as  is  our  wish,  and  to  remove  all  com- 
plaints in  future,  we  declare  all  those  who  have  made,  or  shall  make, 
a  profession  of  the  said  so-called  Reformed  religion,  capable  of 
holding  and  exercising  all  employments,  dignities,  offices,  and  public 
employments  of  whatever  kind,  royal,  seigneurial,  or  those  of  the 
cities,  of  this  our  kingdom,  countries,  lands,  and  manors  under  our 
authority,  notwithstanding  all  oaths  to  the  contrary,  and  [capable] 
of  being  admitted  and  received  without  distinction  in  them  ;  and 
our  courts  of  parliament  and  other  judges  shall  learn  and  inquire  of 
the  life,  manners,  and  religion  and  chaste  conversation  of  those  who 
are  or  shall  be  candidates  for  office,  as  well  of  one  religion  as  the 
other,  taking  of  them  no  oath  except  to  serve  the  king  well  and 
faithfully  in  the  exercise  of  their  employments,  and  to  see  that  the 
ordinances  are  observed,  as  it  has  been  done  from  all  time.  Should 
vacancies  arise  in  these  situations,  emj)loyments,  and  offices,  as 
regards  the  filling  of  them,  this  shall  be  done  indifferently,  and 
without  distinction,  from  capable  persons,  as  a  matter  that  regards 
the  union  of  our  subjects.  Let  it  also  be  admitted  and  understood 
that  members  of  the  so-called  Reformed  religion  are  to  be  admitted 
to,  and  received  in,  all  councils,  deliberations,  assemblies,  and  func- 
tions, which  depend  on  the  above-mentioned  things,  and  are  not  to 
be  rejected  on  account  of  their  religion,  or  prevented  from  enjoying 
them. 

XXVIII.  We  order,  in  regard  to  the  interment  of  the  dead  of 
persons  of  the  said  religion,  for  all  the  cities  and  places  of  this 
kingdom,  that  there  be  promptly  provided  in  each  place,  by  our 
officers  and  magistrates,  and  by  the  commissioners  we  shall  appoint 
for  the  execution  of  the  present  edict,  a  })lace  as  commodious  as 
possible  ;  and  the  cemeteries  hitherto  held  by  them,  and  of  which 
they  have  been  deprived  by  the  troubles,  shall  be  returned  to  them  ; 
but  if  they  should  be  found  to  be  occupied,  at  the  present  time,  by 
edifices  and  buildings  of  whatever  sort,  they  shall  be  provided  with 
others  gratuitously  in  their  place. 


? 


XXIX.  We  expressly  command  our  officers  to  see  to  it,  that  at 
the  said  interments  no  scandal  be  committed  ;  and  they  shall  be 
bound,  within  fifteen  days  after  a  requisition  shall  have  been  made, 
to  provide  the  members  of  the  said  religion  a  place  proper  for  said 
burial,  without  any  delays,  under  penalty  of  a  fine  of  five  hundred 
crowns  :  and  the  said  officers,  as  well  as  all  others,  are  forbidden  to 
exact  anything  for  services  to  these  dead  bodies,  under  penalty  of 
being  punished  for  extortion. 

XXX.  To  the  end  that  justice  may  be  rendered  and  adminis- 
tered to  our  subjects,  without  any  suspicion,  hatred,  or  favor,  as 
being  one  of  the  principal  means  of  preserving  them  in  peace  and 
concord,    we  have  ordered    and    do   order,  that   in    our   court  of 
parliament  of  Paris  shall  be  established  a  chamber,  composed  of  a 
president  and  sixteen  councillors  of  said  parliament,  which  shall  be 
called  and  entitled  the  Chamber  of  the  Edict,  and  shall  have  cog- 
nizance not  only  of  causes  and  suits   of  persons   of  the  so-called 
Reformed  religion,  who  shall  be  within  the  jurisdiction  of  said  court, 
but  also  of  suits  of  our  parliaments  of  Normandy    and  Brittany,' 
according   to   the  jurisdiction  which   shall   be   given   to   it  by  this 
Edict,  until  such  time  as  in  each  of  the  said  parliaments  there  shall 
have  been  established  a  chamber  to  render  justice  in  those  places. 
We   order,  also,  that  of  the  four  offices  of   councillors  in  our  said 
parliament,  remaining  from  the  last  appointments  made  by  us,  there 
shall  be  chosen  and  received  into  this  parliament  four  of  this  so- 
called  Reformed  religion,  competent  and  capable  men,  who  shall  be 
distributed  thus  :  the  first  to  the  Chamber  of  the  Edict,   and  the 
other  three,  as   they  shall  be  selected,  to  three  of  the  Chambers  of 
Incpiiry.     And  beside,  the  first  two  offices  of  lay  councillors  of  said 
court,  which  shall  become  vacant  by  death,  shall  be  filled  by  two 
persons  of  the  said  religion  ;  and  these  shall  be  distributed  among 
the  other  two  Chambers  of  Inquiry.' 

XXXI.  Beside  the  chamber  heretofore  established  at  Castres, 
for  the  jurisdiction  of  our  court  of  parliament  of  Toulouse,  which 
shall  be  continued  in  the  state  in  which  it  now  is,  we  have,  from  the 
same  considerations,  ordered  and  do  order,  that  in  each  of  our 
courts  of  parliament  of  Grenoble  and  Bourdeaux  shall  be  likewise 
established  a  chamber,  composed  of  two  presidents,  the  one  a 
Catholic,  and  the  other  of  the  so-called  Reformed  religion,  and  of 
twelve  councillors,  of  which  six  shall  be  Catholic,  and  the  other  six 
of  the   said   religion  ;  whose    Catholic    presidents    and    councillors 

'  Anquez's  text  differs  widely  here. 


■JO 


IIuLTUcnot  Society  of  America 


shall  be  by  us  chosen  and  taken  from  the  bodies  of  the  said  courts. 
And,  as  to  those  of  the  said  religion,  there  shall  be  anew  creation  of 
a  president  and  six  councillors  for  the  parliament  of  Bourdeaux,  and 
of  a  president  and  three  councillors  for  that  of  "Irenoble,  which, 
with  the  three  councillors  of  said  religion,  who  are  at  present  in  said 
parliament,  shall  be  employed  in  the  said  Cliamber  of  Dauphiny. 
And  the  said  officers  of  new  creation  shall  be  entitled  to  the  same 
salary,  honors,  authority,  and  pre-eminence  as  others  of  the  said 
courts.  And  the  said  sitting  of  the  said  court  of  Bourdeaux  shall 
be  at  the  said  Bourdeaux,  or  at  Nerac  ;  and  that  of  Dauphiny,  at 
Grenoble. 

XXXII.  The  said  Chamber  of  Dauphiny  shall  have  cognizance 
of  the  suits  of  members  of  the  said  so-called  Reformed  religion, 
within  the  jurisdiction  of  our  parliament  of  Provence,  without  the 
necessity  of  taking  letters  of  appeal,  nor  other  i)rovisions,  except  in 
our  chancery  of  Dauphiny.  vSn,  also,  persons  of  that  religion  in 
Normandy  and  Brittany  shall  not  be  compelled  to  take  out  letters  of 
apj)eal,  nor  other  provisions,  except  in  our  chancery  of  Paris. 

XXXIII.  Our  subjects  of  the  same  religion  in  the  parliament  of 
Bourgogne  shall  have  the  choice  and  option  to  plead  in  the 
chamber  ordered  at  Paris,  or  in  that  of  Dauphiny.  And  shall  not 
be  bound  to  take  letters  of  appeal,  nor  other  provisions  than 
from  the  chanceries  of  Paris  and  Dauphiny,  according  to  the  choice 
they  make. 

XXXIV.  All  the  said  chambers,  composed  as  above,  shall  have 
jurisdiction,  and  give  final  judgment  by  decree,  to  the  exclusion  of 
all  others,  of  suits  begun  and  to  be  begun,  in  which  persons  of  the 
said  so-called  Reformed  religion  shall  be  principal  parties  or 
securities,  whether  plaintiff  or  defendant,  in  all  matters  civil  or 
criminal,  whether  the  said  suits  be  by  writing  or  verbal  summons. 
And  this,  if  it  seem  good  to  the  said  parties,  and  one  of  them  shall 
re([uire  it  before  joining  suit,  as  it  regards  causes  yet  to  be  com- 
menced :  excepting,  however,  all  matters  respecting  benefices  and 
the  possession  of  tithts  not  in  fee,  ecclesiastical  advowsons,  and 
suits  which  concern  the  rights  and  duties,  or  the  domain  of  the 
Church,  which  shall  all  be  treated  and  judged  of  in  courts  of  parlia- 
ment, so  tliat  the  said  Chambers  of  the  Edict  shall  not  have  juris- 
diction. So,  also,  we  desire,  as  it  regards  the  judging  and  deciding 
of  criminal  suits  arising  between  the  said  ecclesiastics  and  persons 
of  the  said  so-called  Reformed  religion,  if  the  ecclesiastic  be  the 
defendant,  in  that  case  the  jurisdiction  and  judgment  shall  belong  to 


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71 


i) 


our  sovereign  courts,  to  the  exclusion  of  the  said  chambers  ;  but  if 
the  ecclesiastic  be  plaintiff,  and  the  defendant  be  of  said  religion, 
the  jurisdiction  and  judgment  shall  belong  by  appeal,  and  as  a  last 
resort,  to  the  said  established  chambers.  Also,  the  said  chambers 
in  times  of  vacation  shall  take  cognizance  of  matters  attributed  by 
the  edicts  and  ordinances  to  chambers  established  in  times  of 
vacation,  each  in  its  own  sphere. 

XXXV.  The  said  Chamber  of  Grenoble  shall  be,  at  once,  united 
and  incorporated  with  the  body  of  the  said  court  of  parliament,  and 
the  presidents  and  councillors  of  the  said  so-called  Reformed  religion 
shall  be  named  presidents  and  councillors  of  the  said  court,  and  held 
to  be  of  the  same  rank  and  number  ;  and,  for  these  ends,  they  shall 
at  first  be  distributed  among  the  other  chambers,  then  selected  and 
drawn  from  them,  to  be  employed  and  used  in  those  that  we  order 
anew,  with  this  understanding,  however,  that  they  shall  sit  with,  and 
have  a  voice  in,  all  the  deliberations  which  the  assembled  chambers 
shall  make,  shall  receive  the  same  salary,  authority,  and  pre-eminence 
as  the  other  presidents  and  councillors  of  the  said  court. 

XXXVI.  We  will  and  intend  that  the  said  Chambers  of  Castres 
and  Bourdeaux  shall  be  reunited  and  incorporated  with  parliaments 
in  the  same  manner  as  the  others,  when  it  shall  be  necessary,  and 
when  the  causes  which  have  moved  us  to  establish  them  shall  cease, 
and  have  no  place  among  our  subjects  :  the  president  and  coun- 
cillors of  them,  of  the  said  religion,  shall,  to  these  ends,  be  nominated 
for  presidents  and  councillors  of  said  courts. 

XXXVII.  There  shall  also  be  created  and  erected  anew,  in  the 
chamber  ordered  for  the  parliament  of  Bourdeaux,  two  substitutes 
for  our  procureur  and  advocate-general,  of  which  the  substitute  for 
procureur  shall  be  Catholic,  and  the  other  of  the  said  religion,  who 
shall  be  a])pointed  to  said  offices  at  cash  salaries.' 

XXXVI II.  Nor  shall  the  said  substitutes  have  any  other  duties 
than  as  substitutes  ;  and  when  the  chambers  ordered  for  the  parlia- 
ments of  Toulouse  and  Bourdeaux  shall  be  united  and  incorporated 
with  the  said  parliaments,  the  said  substitutes  shall  be  appointed  to 
the  offices  of  councillors  in  them. 

XXXIX.  The  decisions  of  the  Chancery  of  Bourdeaux  shall  be 
drafted  in  the  presence  of  two  councillors  of  this  chamber,  the  one 
being  a  Catholic,  and  the  other  of  the  said  so-called  Reformed 
religion,  in  the  absence  of  one  of  the  masters  of  requests  of  our 
palace  ;  and  one  of  the  notaries  and  secretaries  of  the  said  court  of 

'  Omitted  in  Anquez. 


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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


parliament  of  Bourdeaux  shall  „,ake  his  residence  at  the  place 
where  the  said  chamber  shall  be  established,  or  one  of  the  ordinary 
secretaries  of  the  chancery,  to  sign  the  decisions  of  the  said  chancery 

,u  \  T.  '""  ^"'^  "'''"  "'^^  '"  '^^  ^^'^  Chamber  of  Bourdeaux 
there  shall  be  two  registry  clerks  to  the  said  parliament,  the  one  for 
c.vil  and  the  other  for  criminal  suits,  who  shall  exercise  those  offices 
by  commission  from  us.  and  shall  be  called  clerks  of  the  civil  and 
cnmmal  registry,  and  yet  they  shall  not  be  deprived  of  office  by  the 
sa.d  registers  of  parliament  :  however,  thev  shall  be  bound  to  render 
the  emoluments  of  the  said  registries  to  the  said  registers,  whose 
clerks  sha I    be  paid  by  the  said  registers,  as  it  shall  be  determined 

nli'Tr    r,''  ''.'  ''"^  '^'"''"''-     '■'^•^'^^'   ^''^^«-   ^'^^■'  ^^  ap- 
pointed Catholic  ushers,  who  shall   be  taken   from  said  court    or 

elsewhere,  according  to  our  good  pleasure,  besides  whom  there  shall 
be  appointed,  for  the  first  time,  two  also  of  said  religion,  and  ap- 
pomted  gratuitously  :  and  all  the  said  ushers  shall  be  regulated  bv  the 
said  chamber,  as  well  in  regard  to  the  exercise  and  discharge  of 'their 
office,  as  the  emoluments  they  ought  to  derive  from  it      \  com- 
tn.ssion  shall  also  be  appointed  for  ,.aying  the  salaries  and  receiving 
he  penalties  of  said  chamber,  to  be  appointed  in  such  manner  as 
shall  p  ease  us,  if  the  said  chamber  is  established  elsewhere  than  in 
said  city  ;  arid  the  commission  heretofore  accorded  for  pavin.-  the 
salaries  o    the  chamber  of  Castres,  shall   take  full   and   com;iete 
effect,  and  shall  be  joined  to  the  said  commission  for  the  rece'p    If 
penalities  for  the  said  chaml)er. 

XLI.     Good  and  sufficient  assignments  shall  be  provided  for  the 
salaries  of  the  officers  of  the  chambers  ordered  by  this  edict 

,h:      i'  .      ,'  P'"'^*-'"'^-  ^""ncillors.  and  other  Catholic  officers  of 
the  sa.d  chamber  shall  continue  as  long  as  possible,  and  as  we  shall  see 
useful  for  our  service,  and  for  the  good  of  our  subjects  ;  and  i     1„ 
of   hem  are  to  be  retired,  others  shall  be  provided  in  their   pa" 

their   service,   depart    or   absent   themselves    from    said    chambers 
-Uhout  permission  from   the  chambers,  which   shall  judge  on     he 
causes  of  the  ordinance.  ^ 

XI.III      The    said    chambers    shall    be    established    within    six 
mon,   s.  during  which  (  if  such  establishment  remains  to  be  nlde^ 

rTp  :.?:"•  'V  \'  ''■'""■ "  """^'^  '"--^^""^  °^ "-  ^-'  -  -  . 

are  paitie.,  within  the  jurisdiction  of  our  parliaments  of  Paris 
Rouen.  Dijon.  and  Rennes.  shall  be  heard  in  the  chamber  establ  s  d 
at  Pans,  m  virtue  of  the  edict  of  r5".  or  at  the  Great  Council,  at  1  e 


The  Edict  of  Nantes 


choice  and  option  of  persons  of  the  said  religion,  if  they  require  it  • 
those  ot  the  parliament  of  Bourdeaux  in  the  chamber  established 
at  Castres,  or  at  the  aforesaid  Great  Council,  at  their  choice,  and 
those  who  shall  be  of  Provence,  at  the  parliament  of  Grenoble  ;  and 
If  the  said  courts  are  not  established  within  three  months  after  the 
presentation  of  our  Edict,  such  of  our  parliaments  as  shall  have  re- 
fused so  to  do,  shall  be  interdicted  from  having  jurisdiction  and 
judging  causes  of  persons  of  said  religion. 

XLIV.  Suits  not  yet  decided,  pending  in  the  said  courts  of 
parliament  and  Great  Council,  of  the  quality  aforesaid,  shall  be  re- 
turned  in  whatever  state  they  may  be  to  the  said  chambers,  each  in 
Its  own  jurisdiction,  if  one  of  the  parties  of  the  said  religion  require 
It,  within  four  months  after  the  establishment  of  said  courts  •  and  as 
to  those  which  shall  be  discontinued,  and  not  in  a  state  to  judge 
the  said  persons  of  the  said  religion  shall  be  bound  to  make  a  declar^ 
ation  at  the  first  intimation  and  signification  which  shall  be  made  to 
then,  of  a  prosecution,  and  the  said  time  being  passed,  they  shall  not 
be  allowed  to  demand  a  return. 

XLV.  The  said  Chambers  of  Grenoble  and  Bourdeaux,  as  well 
as  that  of  Castres,  shall  follow  the  forms  and  style  of  the  parlia- 
ments, within  whose  jurisdiction  they  shall  be  established,  and  shall 
s.t  in  equal  numbers  of  either  religion,  if  the  parties  do  not  consent 
to  the  contrary. 

XLVI.  All  the  judges  whose  duty  it  is  to  see  to  the  execution 
of  the  judgments,  commissions  of  said  chambers,  and  letters  obtained 
in  the  chanceries,  with  all  bailiffs  and  sergeants,  are  bound  to  see  to 
their  execution,  and  the  said  bailiffs  and  sergeants  shall  serve  their 
summons  in  all  parts  of  our  kingdom,  without  petition  or  writ  of 
chancery,  under  penalty  of  suspension  from   office,  and  of  charges 

stid  parties"''  '"'""'  °^  "''  ''"''"  '"^""  cognizance  belongs  to  the 
XLVII.     No  appeal  shall  be  allowed  where  cognizance  is  given  to 
said  chambers,  except  in  the  case  of  ordinances,  whose  return  shall 
be  made  to  the  nearest  chamber  established  by  our  Edict,  and  the 
distributions  of  suits  of  said  chambers  shall  be  judged  in  the  nearest 
observing  the  proportion  and  forms  of  said   chambers,  whose  suits 
shall  be  prosecuted  ,n  course  of  law;  excepting  the  Chamber  of  the 
t^dict  in  our  parliament  of  Paris,  where  the  separate  suits  shall  be  as- 
signed ,n  the  same  chamber  by  judges,  who  shall  be  named  by  our 
special  letters  for  that  purpose,  if  the  parties  prefer  to  wait  the  re- 
organization of  such  chamber.    And  provided  the  same  suit  shall  be 


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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


returnable  in  all  the  mixed  chambers,  recourse  may  be  had  to  the 
said  chamber  of  Paris. 

XLVIII.  The  challenges  that  shall  be  made  against  the  presi- 
dents and  councillors  of  the  mixed  courts  shall  be  limited  to  the 
number  of  six,  to  which  number  tlie  parties  shall  be  limited,  other- 
wise no  regard  shall  be  made  to  these  challenges. 

XLIX.  The  examination  of  presidents  and  councillors  lately  in- 
stituted for  said  mixed  courts,  shall  be  made  in  our  privy  council,  or 
by  the  said  courts,  each  in  its  own  right,  when  they  shall  amount  to 
a  sufficient  number  ;  nevertheless  the  usual  oath  shall  be  taken  by 
them  in  the  courts  where  the  said  chambers  shall  be  established,  and 
on  their  refusal,  in  our  privy  council,  excepting  the  members  of  our 
Chamber  of  Languedoc,  who  shall  take  the  oath  before  our  chancel- 
lor, or  in  that  chamber. 

L.  ^Ve  wish  and  order  that  the  reception  of  our  officers  of  the 
said  religion  be  decided  in  the  said  mixed  courts  by  plurality  of 
voices,  as  is  usual  in  other  judgments,  so  that  there  may  be  no 
necessity  that  the  opinions  should  surpass  two  thirds,  according  to 
the  ordinance,  which  as  it  regards  this  matter  is  abrogated. 

LI.  'Hiere  shall  be  made  in  the  same  mixed  courts,  propositions, 
deliberations,  and  resolutions,  which  ai)pertain  to  the  public  cjuiet 
and  to  the  particular  state  and  police  of  the  cities  in  which  the  said 
courts  shall  be. 

LII.  The  article  of  jurisdiction  of  the  said  courts  ordered  by  the 
present  Edict  shall  be  followed  and  observed,  according  to  its  form 
and  tenor,  even  in  what  concerns  the  execution,  or  want  of  execu- 
tion, or  infraction  of  our  edicts,  when  those  of  the  said  religion  shall 
be  parties. 

LII  I.  The  subaltern  officers,  royal  or  otherwise,  whose  admit- 
tance appertains  to  our  courts  of  i)arliament,  if  they  are  of  the  said 
so-called  Reformed  religion,  shall  be  examined  and  received  in 
the  said  courts,  viz.  :  Those  in  the  jurisdiction  of  the  parliaments 
of  Paris,  Normandy,  and  P.rittany,  in  the  said  Chamber  of  Paris  ; 
those  of  Dauphiny  and  Provence,  in  the  Chamber  of  Crenoble  ; 
those  of  Purgundy,  in  the  said  Chamber  of  Paris,  or  of  Dauphiny, 
at  their  choice  ;  those  in  the  jurisdiction  of  Toulouse,  in  the 
Chamber  of  Castres  ;  and  those  of  the  parliament  of  Rourdeaux,  in 
the  Chamber  of  Guyenne  ;  but  no  others  shall  oppose  their 
admittance  and  right  to  become  parties  except  our  procureurs- 
general,  and  their  deputies.  However,  the  usual  oath  shall  be  by 
them   taken  in  the  courts  of  parliament,  v/hich  shall  have  no  cog- 


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The  Edict  of  Nantes  75 

nizance  of  their  said  admittance  ;  and  on  the  refusal  of  the  said  parlia- 
ments, the  said  officers  shall  take  the  oath  in  the  the  said  chambers  ; 
which  being  taken,  they  shall  be  bound  to  present  by  a  bailiff  or 
notary  the  act  of  their  admittance  to  the  registers  of  the  said  courts 
of  parliament,  and  to  leave  a  collated  copy  with  the  said  notaries  ; 
on  whom  it  is  enjoined  to  register  said  acts,  under  pain  of  being 
liable  for  all  charges,  damages,  and  interests  of  the  parties,  and,  in 
case  the  said  register  shall  refuse  to  do  so,  it  shall  suffice  for  said 
officers  to  report  the  act  of  the  said  summation,  sent  by  said 
bailiffs  or  notaries,  and  the  same  shall  be  registered  in  the  registry 
of  their  said  jurisdictions,  that  recourse  may  be  had  to  it,  if  need  be, 
under  penalty  of  nullifying  their  procedures  and  judgments.  And, 
in  respect  to  the  officers  whose  reception  is  usually  made  in  our  said 
parliaments,  in  case  that  those  to  whom  it  belongs  shall  refuse  to  pro- 
ceed to  such  examination  and  reception,  the  said  officers  shall  with- 
draw from  said  chambers,  to  be  provided  for  as  it  shall  seem  proi)er. 

LIV.  The  officers  of  the  said  so-called  Reformed  religion  who 
shall  be  admitted  as  above,  to  serve  in  the  bodies  of  our  said  courts 
of  parliaments,  great  council,  chambers  of  accounts,  courts  of  aids, 
departments  of  the  treasury,  and  other  officers  of  finance,  shall  be 
examined  and  received  in  such  places  as  is  usual  ;  and  in  case  of 
refusal  or  denial  of  justice,  shall  be  admitted  in  our  ])rivy  council. 

LV.  The  reception  of  our  officers,  made  in  the  chamber  hereto- 
fore established  at  Castres,  shall  be  deemed  valid,  notwithstanding 
all  decrees  and  ordinances  to  the  contrary.  Also  shall  be  valid  the 
receptions  of  judges,  councillors,  assessors  of  subsidies,  and  other 
officers  of  the  said  religion,  made  in  our  privy  council,  or  by  com- 
missioners by  us  ordered,  through  the  refusal  of  our  courts  of  parlia- 
ment, courts  of  aids,  and  chambers  of  accounts,  as  if  they  had  been 
made  in  such  courts  and  chambers,  and  by  the  other  judges  to 
whom  the  reception  belonged.  And  their  salaries  shall  be  allowed 
by  the  chambers  of  accounts,  without  question  :  and,  if  any  have 
been  erased,  they  shall  be  reinstated  without  other  order  than  the 
present  Edict,  and  without  being  obliged  to  show  any  other 
admittance,  notwithstanding  all  decrees  to  the  contrary,  which  shall 
remain  null,  and  of  none  effect. 

LVL  Lentil  the  means  of  meeting  the  expenses  of  justice  of  said 
courts  shall  be  furnished  by  the  moneys  derived  from  penalties,  a 
valid  and  sufficient  assignment  shall  be  provided  by  us  to  defray  the 
expenses,  provided  that  penalties  shall  not  be  levied  again  on  the 
property  of  the  condemned. 


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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


LVII.  The  president  and  councillors  of  the  said  religion,  here- 
tofore admitted  to  our  court  of  the  parliament  of  Dauphiny,  and  in 
\.\\^  Chamber  of  the  Edict  incorporated  with  it,  shall  continue,  and 
have  their  sessions  in  the  same  ;  that  is  to  say,  the  presidents  as  they 
now  do,  and  the  councillors,  according  to  the  decrees  and  provis- 
ions that  they  have  obtained  in  our  privy  council. 

LVIII.     We  declare  that  all  sentences,  decrees,  procedures,  seiz- 
ures,  sales,    and  decrees  made   and   given   against   persons  of  the 
so-called  Reformed  religion,  living  or  dead,  since  the  decree  of  the 
late   King  Henry  the  Second,  our  very  honored  lord  and  father-in- 
law,   on   account  of  said  religious  tumults  and  disturbances  since 
arising,  with  the  judgments  and  decrees,  from  the  present  time  are 
revoked  and  annulled.     We   order  that   they  shall  be  erased  and 
taken  from  the  registries  of   the  courts,  whether  higher  or  inferior  ; 
we   will,  also,  that  all   marks,  vestiges,  and  monuments  of   the  said 
executions,  libels,  and  defamatory  acts  against  their  persons,  mem- 
ory and  posterity,    shall  be    defaced   and  destroyed  ;  and  that  the 
places  in  which  demolitions  and  razements  have  been  made  on  such 
occasion,  shall   be   returned   in  such  state  as  they  are  to   the  i)ro- 
prietors  of  the  same,  to  enjoy  and  dispose  of  them  as  they  please  : 
and  generally  we  have  erased,  annulled,  and  revoked,  all  procedures 
and  informations  made  for  whatever  enterprise,  pretended  causes  of 
high  treason,  etc.  ;  notwithstanding  which  procedures,  decrees,  and 
judgments   concerning  assemblies,  incorporation,  and  confiscation, 
we    will   that   the   persons   of   said   religion,  and   others   who   have 
followed  their  party,  and  their  heirs,  shall  enter  into  possession,  real 
and  actual,  of  all  and  each  of  their  property. 

LIX.  All  procedures  made,  judgments  and  decrees  given, 
against  persons  of  the  said  religion,  who  have  borne  arms,  or  have 
withdrawn  from  our  kingdom,  or  within  the  same,  into  cities  and 
districts  held  by  them,  as  it  respects  all  matters  except  those  of 
religion  and  disturbances,  together  with  limitations,  legal  as  well  as 
conventional  and  customary,  and  feudal  seizures,  forfeited  during 
the  said  troubles,  or  legitimate  impediments  derived  from  them, 
and  whose  cognizance  shall  remain  to  our  judges,  shall  be  consid- 
ered as  though  they  had  not  been  made  or  given.  And  such  we  have 
declared  and  do  declare  them  ;  and  the  same  shall  be  of  no  validity, 
so  that  no  one  can  make  use  of  them,  but  they  shall  be  put  back 
into  the  state  they  were  in  before,  notwithstanding  the  said  decrees 
and  their  execution.  The  same  shall  also  hold  with  regard  to 
others,  who   have  followed  the  party  of  the  said  religion,   or  have 


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77 


been  absent  from  our  kingdom  in  the  midst  of  the  troubles.  And, 
as  it  regards  minors,  children  of  those  of  the  above-named  quality, 
who  have  died  during  the  troubles,  we  put  the  parties  back  into 
the  same  state  they  were  in  before,  without  refunding  the  charges, 
or  being  bound  to  return  the  fines,  not  meaning  that  the  judgments 
given  by  the  presidial  judges,  or  other  inferior  judges,  against  those 
of  the  said  religion,  or  who  have  followed  their  party,  shall  be  null, 
if  they  have  been  given  by  judges  in  cities  held  by  them,  and  which 
have  been  of  free  access  to  them. 

LX.     The  decrees  given  in  our  courts  of  parliament,   in  matters 
where  jurisdiction  belongs  to  the  courts  instituted  by  the  Edict  of 
the  year  1577,  and  the  articles  of  Nerac  and  Fleix,  in  w^hich  courts  the 
parties  have  not  proceeded  voluntarily,  that  is  to  say,  have  alleged 
and  i)roposed  official  exceptions  to  the  jurisdictions  or  which  have 
been  given  by  default  or  foreclosure,  whether  the  matter  be  civil  or 
criminal,   notwithstanding  which  exceptions   the  said  parties  have 
been  compelled  to  go  on,  shall,  in  like  manner,  be  null  and  of  no 
effect  ;  and  with   regard  to   decrees  rendered  against  those  of  the 
said    religion,    who    have   proceeded   voluntarily,    without    offering 
exceptions,  said  decrees  shall   remain   in   force.     However,  without 
l)rejudice  to  the  execution  of  the  same,  they  can,  if  it  seems  good, 
institute  an  examination  by  civil  inquiry  before  the  chambers  ordered 
by  the  present  Edict,  and  the  time  allowed  by  the  ordinances  shall 
not  have  passed  to  their  prejudice,  and  until  the  said  chamber  and 
chanceries  of  the  same  shall  be  established,  verbal  or  written  sum- 
mons offered  by  persons  of  said  religion  before  the  judges,  registers, 
or  commissioners,  executors  of  decrees  and  judgments,  shall  have 
like  effect  as  if  they  had  been  released  by  royal  letters. 

LXI.  In  all  inquiries  which  shall  be  made  for  whatever  cause  in 
civil  matters,  if  the  examiner  or  commissioner  is  a  Catholic,  the  par- 
ties shall  be  bound  to  choose  an  adjunct,  and  if  they  cannot  agree 
on  one,  one  shall  be  furnished  by  the  said  examiner  or  commis- 
sioner, who  shall  be  of  the  said  so-called  Reformed  religion  ;  and 
the  practice  shall  be  the  same  when  the  examiner  or  commissioner 
shall  be  of  the  said  religion,  an  adjunct  shall  be  chosen  who  shall 
be  a  Catholic. 

LXn.  We  will  and  order  that  our  judges  recognize  the  validity 
of  wills,  in  which  persons  of  -the  said  religion  have  an  interest,  if 
they  require  it  :  and  the  appeals  from  the  said  judgments  can  be 
made  by  persons  of  the  said  religion,  notwithstanding  all  customs 
to  the  contrary,  even  those  of  Brittany. 


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LXIII.  In  order  to  obviate  all  differences  which  might  arise 
between  our  parliamentary  courts  and  the  chambers  of  said  courts 
ordered  by  our  present  Edict,  there  shall  be  made  by  us  a  good  and 
sufficient  regulation  between  said  courts  and  chambers,  and  such, 
that  persons  of  the  said  religion  shall  have  the  full  benefit  of  this 
Edict  ;  which  regulation  shall  be  verified  in  our  courts  of  parliament, 
and  guarded  and  observed  without  regard  to  precedents. 

LXIV.  We  inhibit  and  forbid  all  our  sovereign  courts,  and  others 
of  this  kingdom,  from  taking  cognizance  of  and  judging  civil  or 
criminal  suits  of  persons  of  the  said  religion,  whose  jurisdiction  is 
given  by  our  edict  to  the  said  chambers,  unless  a  reference  be 
demanded  by  them,  as  is  provided  for  them  in  the  40th  article  above. 

LXV.     We   desire  also,  be  it   now  provisionally,  and  until  it  may 
be  otherwise  ordered,  that  in  all  suits  begun  and  to  be  commenced, 
in  which   persons   of  the   said   religion  shall   be  either  plaintiffs  or 
defendants,  principals  or  sureties,  in  civil  cases  in  which  ourofticers 
and  presidial   courts  have   power  to  give  final  judgment,  it  shall  be 
allowed  them  to  demand  that  two  members  of  the  court,  where  the 
suit  is  to  be  tried,  shall  abstain  from  giving  judgment,  which  with- 
out cause  being  given,  they  shall  be  bound  to  do  notwithstanding 
the  ordmanceby  which  the  judges  are   not  bound  to  comply   with 
excei)tions  without  cause  given,  there  remaining  besides,  this  excep- 
tion  of  right  against  the  rest  :    And  in  criminal  cases,  in   which  the 
said  presidial  and  other  judges  give  final  judgment,  those  charged 
with  crime  being  of  the  said  religion,  may  demand  that  three  of  the 
said  judges  shall  abstain  from  passing  judgment  on  their  case,  with- 
out giving  them  reasons  therefor.    And  the  provosts  of  the  marshals 
of    France,    vice-bailiffs,   vice-seneschals,   lieutenants   of  the   short 
robe,  and  other  officers  of  like  quality,  shall  judge  according  to  the 
ordinances  and   regulations  heretofore  given  in  regard  to  vagrants, 
and  as  to  those  being  householders,  accused  of  crime,  to  be  tried  in 
prevotal  courts;  if    said    persons    are    of    said  religion,    they  can 
demand    that   three   of   the  said  judges  having  jurisdiction,    shall 
abstain  from  giving  judgment  in  their  suit,  and  they  shall  be  bound 
to  abstain,  without  cause  given  therefor,  except  there  be  in  the  num- 
ber to  judge  the  matter,  in  civil   cases,  two  judges,  and  in  criminal 
three  judges,  who  are  members  of  said  religion,  in  which  case  excep' 
tions  shall  not  be  taken  without  giving  reasons  therefor.     And  this 
shall    be    equally    allowable    to    Catholics  in   the  above-mentioned 
cases,  regarding  the  said  exceptions  to  judges,  where  members  of 
the  said  so-called  Reformed  religion  are  in  a  majority.     We  do  not 


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79 


intend,  however,  that  the  said  presidial  courts,  provosts  of  marshals, 
vice-bailiffs,  vice-seneschals,  and  others  who  give  final  judgment, 
shall,  in  consequence  of  what  is  now  said,  take  cognizance  of  past 
disturbances  ;  and  as  to  crimes  and  excesses  arising  from  other 
causes  than  said  troubles,  since  the  commencement  of  the  month  of 
March,  1585,  until  the  end  of  the  year  1597,  in  cases  where  they 
have  jurisdiction,  we  desire  that  there  shall  be  an  appeal  from  their 
judgments  to  the  chambers  ordered  by  this  Edict,  likewise  for 
Catholic  persons  charged  with  crime,  and  when  persons  of  the  so- 
called  Reformed  religion  shall  be  parties. 

LXVI.  We  also  will  and  order  that  henceforth  in  all  instructions 
other  than  in  criminal  suits,  in  the  seneschalships  of  Toulouse,  Car- 
cassonne, Rouergue,  Laraguais,  Beziers,  Montpelier,  and  Nismes, 
that  the  magistrate  or  commissioner  for  said  instruction,  if  he  be  a 
Catholic,  shall  be  bound  to  take  an  adjunct  who  shall  be  of  the  said 
so-called  Reformed  religion,  on  whom  the  parties  shail  agree,  and 
when  they  cannot  agree,  one  of  the  said  religion  shall  be  selected 
for  the  office  by  the  said  magistrate  or  commissioner.  So,  in  like 
manner,  if  the  said  magistrate  or  commissioner  is  of  the  said, 
religion,  he  shall  be  bound  in  the  same  form  above  spoken  of  to 
take  a  Catholic  adjunct. 

LXVII.  In  case  criminal  process  is  is  be  served  by  the  pro- 
vosts of  marshals,  or  their  lieutenants,  on  any  one  of  the  said 
religion,  being  a  householder,  who  shall  be  accused  of  a  prevotal 
crime,  the  said  provosts,  or  their  lieutenants,  if  they  are  Catholics, 
shall  be  bound  to  call  in  to  the  instruction  of  said  process  an  adjunct 
of  the  said  religion  :  which  adjunct  shall  assist  in  the  judgment  of 
jurisdiction,  and  in  the  final  judgment  of  said  process:  said  jurisdic- 
tion shall  be  decided  at  the  next  sitting  of  the  presidial  court, 
in  full  bench  of  the  principal  officers  of  said  court,  who  shall  be 
present  under  penalty  of  having  their  proceedings  declared  null, 
except  the  accused  demand  that  the  jurisdiction  be  judged  of  in 
said  chambers,  ordained  in  the  present  Edict.  In  which  case,  in 
regard  to  those  domiciled  in  the  provinces  of  Guyenne,  Languedoc, 
Provence,  and  Dauphiny,  the  deputies  of  our  procureurs-general  in 
the  said  chambers,  shall,  at  their  request,  report  the  charges  and  ac- 
cusations made  against  them,  in  order  to  decide  whether  the  cases 
are  prevotal  or  not  ;  so  that,  according  to  the  quality  of  the 
crimes,  they  shall  be  sent  by  said  chambers  for  judgment  to  the 
ordinary  or  prevotal  courts,  as  they  shall  see  to  be  proper,  by 
observing  the  contents  of  this  Edict.     And    the  presidial  judges, 


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provosts  of  marshals,  vice-bailiffs,  vice-seneschals,  and  others  who 
give  final  sentence,  shall  be  bound  respectively  to  obey  and  fulfil 
the  commands  made  by  the  said  chambers,  as  they  have  been 
accustomed  to  do  in  the  said  parliaments,  under  penalty  of  being 
deprived  of  their  offices. 

LXVIII.  The  proclamations,  post-bills,  and  sales  of  inheritances 
in  consequence  of  judgment,  shall  be  made  at  the  usual  places  and 
hours  if  possible,  according  to  our  ordinances,  or  in  public  markets, 
if  in  the  places  where  the  said  inheritances  are  situated,  there  is  a 
market,  and  when  not,  they  shall  be  made  at  the  nearest  market  to 
the  court  in  which  the  matter  is  to  be  adjudicated,  and  the  bills 
shall  be  posted  in  the  most  public  places  of  said  market,  and  also  in 
the  entrance  to  the  session-house  of  said  place,  and  by  this  means, 
the  said  proclamations  shall  be  deemed  good  and  valid,  and  not 
subject  to  arrest  by  the  flaws  which  can  be  alleged  against  them. 

LXIX.  All  papers,  titles,  vouchers,  and  documents  which  have 
been  taken,  shall  be  returned  and  restored,  by  both  parties,  to  those 
to  whom  they  belong  ;  though  said  papers,  or  the  castles  and  houses 
m  which  they  were  kept,  have  been  taken  and  seized,  whether  by 
special  commissions  of  the  late  King  last  deceased,  our  very  honored 
lord  and  brother-in-law,  or  our  own,  or  by  the  commands  of  the 
governors  and  lieutenant-generals  of  our  provinces,  or  by  authority 
of  the  chiefs  of  either  party,  or  under  any  other  pretext  whatever. 

LXX.  The  children  of  those  who  have  withdrawn  from  our 
kingdom  since  the  death  of  the  late  King  Henry  the  Second,  our 
very  honored  lord  and  father-in-law,  on  account  of  religion  and  the 
troubles,  though  the  said  children  have  been  born  out  of  this  king- 
dom, shall  be  considered  as  true  Frenchmen  and  citizens  ;  and  suc'h 
we  declare  them,  so  that  they  shall  not  be  under  the  necessity  of 
taking  out  letters  of  naturalization,  or  other  provisions  than  our  pres- 
ent edict;  notwithstanding  all  ordinances  to  the  contrary,  which  we 
have  and  do  abrogate  ;  provided  the  said  children  born  in  foreign 
countries  shall  be  bound,  within  ten  years  after  the  publication  of 
the  present  edict,  to  take  up  their  residence  in  this  kingdom. 

LXXI.  Those  of  the  said  so-called  Reformed  religion,  and  others 
who  may  have  followed  their  party,  who  may  have  a  lease,  previous 
to  the  troubles,  of  registry-fees  or  other  public  property,  tax,  foreig.i 
imposts,  and  other  rights  to  us  appertaining,  which  they  have  been 
unable  to  enjoy  the  use  of  on  account  of  the  troubles,  shall  remain 
discharged,  as  we  now  discharge  them,  from  payment  of  all  thev  may 
have  received  of  said  finances  or  that  they  have  paid  without  fraud, 


The  Edict  of  Nantes 


8i 

same  privileges,  i,.:„unities.  liberties  and  tnchise"'^ 
jurisdictions,  and  courts  of  justice  as  thev  '  '""''"=' 

previous  to  the  troubles  .hicVt^ir.n'th    ^h^frrT";/ 
and  other  preceding  troubles,  notwithstanding  all  letters  to  th'. 
trary  and  the  transferences  of  some  nf  th.        ,,  """"^ 

places  where  they  were  originally      '^  "'''"'^'^^'^  '"  '^e  cities  and 

of  ™'o r  othl';:,se\7n^fr^^T''°  "'  ^''"  '^'^  ^r  -'•'ority 

1«.  or  of  said  religion  'tirs"lbe'frT'  °^  "'^°""'  °'  "^^  '-"''- 
LXXrv      P„       ""'/"fy  s"a"  be  freed  and  set  at  full  liberty 

taxed  ad  bu'drdwilT"  1'-""°"  ^"^"  "°^ '^""f'-  '^-ver- 
-re   than  tif  CatXs  Z  T ^LtL^lnL""^^^  '''''-' 

and  'all  our  s        c  f  ^l  e    IfoVo::  7  •""  ^""''''^''°"  ''^'-^^  ■ 
indifferently  discharged  "':::  ^  rS^' :hic:  l^'T'  .^^^"  '' 

by  the  one  party  on  the  other  during  S'et  o  ,   ,1  ^        ru™''°'''^ 
sent ;  with  debts  contracted  h,„      !  '"^.tf°"''les,  against  their  con- 

t..eir  consent,  withour      tev     1  ^i  '/^""^  ""'''  ^'"'°"' 

">tl.  payment  of  said  charges  to' bl^tlaiLd^   "°"^^^  '""'''''' 

LXXV.     U  e  do  not  mean,  however,  that  those  of  th^       'a      ,• 

::i:n\vrtiti:ie^-L^:r  j^t  ■^""-  -  " -- -° 

and  who  have  co^t Hbut:',  ^Ifa T^^p    L^^ [Jth^"''  '^^"•■"^'^• 

taxes,  aids,  octrois,  and  other  impositLs  and  subsidies   STh'  °' 

expired,  imposed  during  the  troubles  previous  and     „;  '" 

sion  to  the  crown,  whether  bv  edict-  ^7  ^   °  °"'"  ^""- 

,  »vucujcr  Dy  eaicts  and  commands  ni  lo^o  i-- 

our  predecessors,  or  by  the  advice  and  deliberat  orof  th.  ^"^' 

and  estates  of  the  provinces   co-,rt=  ^f         .°"^"°"  ^^  the  governors 

which  we  have  an'd  d^dTcharg'  h L'^brrrSdT'  "T'  '''"' 
treasurers  of   France  and  of  nnr  fi  ^  forbidding  the  general 

ceivers,  their  commiLiTner    anragn^TlITl"'  ^"'  'r^'  '^■ 
commissioners  of  our  finance   frnm         \  -ntendants  and 

ing  them,  directly  or  ^:::^;:z ::'^:!^r '''''''  -  ^'^'-^■ 

LXXVI.     All  chiefs,  lords,  chevaliers,  noblemen,  officers,  corpora- 


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tions  of  cities  and  communities,  and  all  others,  who  have  aided  and 
succored  them,  their  widows,  heirs,  and  successors,  shall  be  quit  of 
the  payment  of  all  moneys,  which  have  been   by  them   and   their 
ordinances  taken  and  levied,  as  well  of  royal  moneys,  whatever  the 
amount  as  of  cities  and  communities,  and  private  individuals,  rents, 
revenue's  plate,  sales  of  furniture,  ecclesiastical  or  otherwise,  forests 
of  full  growth,  whether  of  public  property  or  otherwise,  fines,  booty 
ransoms,  or  other  kind  of  property,  taken  by   them  on  account  of 
the  troubles  begun  in  the  month  of  March,  1585,  and  other  troubles 
antedating  our  accession  to  the  crown,  though  those  who  have  been 
commissioned  by  them  for  the  levy  of  the  said  moneys,  or  who  have 
given  or  furnished  them,  by  these  ordinances  shall  be  in  no  manner 
disturbed  therefor,  either  now  or  hereafter,  and  shall  be  quit,  both 
they  and  their  commissioners,  of  all  the  management  and  adminis- 
tration of  the  said  moneys,  by  bringing  in,  within  four  months  after 
the  publication  of  the  present  Edict,  made  in  our  court  of  parliament 
of  Paris,  their  acquittances  duly  expedited  by  the  chiefs  of  the  said 
relii^ion,  or  by  those   who   have   been   commissioned  to  audit  and 
close  the  accounts,  or  by  the  commanders  of  the  cities  which  have 
been  commanded  and  charged  during  the  said  troubles. 

1  ikewise  thev  shall  be  acipiittcd  and  discharged  for  all  acts  of 
hostility  levy  and  conduct  of  troops,  the  fabrication  and  valuation 
of  money  made  according   to   the  ordinances  of    said    chiefs,  the 
casting  and  seizure  of  artillery  and  munitions,  the  making  of  powder 
and  saltpetre,  seizures,  fortifications,  dismantling  and  demolition  of 
cities   castles,  towns,  and  villages,  attacks  upon   the  same,  burning 
and  destroying  of  churches  and    houses,  establishment  of  courts 
judgments  and  executions  of  the  same,  whether  of  civil  or  criminal 
cases     police    and    their    regulation,    travels    and    understandings 
negotiations,    treaties,    and    contracts  made    with    all    princes  and 
foreign  communities,   and  the  introduction   of  the   said  foreigners 
into  cities  and  other  places  of  our  kingdom,  and  generally  for  all 
that  has  been   done,   undertaken,   and    negotiated  during  the  said 
troubles,  since  the  death  of  the   late   King   Henry  the  Second,  our 
very  honored  lord   and  father-in-law,  by  those  of  the  said   religion 
and  others  who  have  followed  their  party,  though  it  may  not  be 
particularlv  expressed  and  specified. 

I  XXVII  Persons  of  the  said  religion  shall  also  be  held  harmless 
for^Ilf  general  and  provincial  assemblies  l)y  them  made  and  held, 
as  well  at  Mantes  as  at  other  places,  up  to  the  present  time,  together 
with  councils  by  them   established  and   ordered  in  the  provinces, 


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83 


deliberations,  ordinances,  and  regulations  made  at  the  said   assem- 
blies  and   councils,  establishment   and  augmentation  of  garrisons, 
assemblage  of  troops,  levy  on  and  taking  possession  of  our  prop' 
erty,  whether  in  the  hands  of  receivers-general  or  private  persons, 
parish  collectors  or  otherwise,  in  whatever  manner  soever,  seizures 
of  salt,   continuation   or  erection  anew  of  customs,  tolls,' and  the 
receipts  from   them,  even   at  Royan,   and   upon  the  banks  of  the 
Charente,    Garonne,    the    Rhone,   and    Dordogne,   armaments    and 
battles  by  sea,  and  all  accidents  and  excesses  happening,  to  derive 
funds  from  the  said  customs,  tolls,  and  other  moneys,  fortifications 
of  cities,  castles,  and  places,  exactions  of  money  and  labor,  receipts 
of  the  said  money,  removal  of  our  receivers  and  tax-collectors,  and 
other   officers,   establishment  of  others  in  their   place,  and  of   all 
reviews,  despatches,  and  negotiations  made,  as  well  within  as  with- 
out our  kingdom,  and  generally  of  everything  that  has  been  done 
deliberated,  written,  and  ordered  by  the  said  assemblies  and  coun- 
cils ;  so  that  those  who  have  given  their  advice,  signed,  executed 
caused  to  be  signed  and  executed,  the  said  ordinances,  regulations' 
and  deliberations,  shall  not  be  molested  therefor,  nor  their  widows,' 
heirs,  and  successors,  now  or  hereafter,  although  the  full  particulars 
are  not  here  fully  declared.     And  especially  shall  perpetual  silence 
be  imposed  on  our  procureurs-general  and  their  substitutes,  and  on 
all  those  who  are  interested  therein  in  what  manner  soeJer,  not- 
withstanding   all  decrees,   sentences,   judgments,  informations',  and 
procedures  made  to  the  contrary. 

LXXVIII.  We  approve,  besides,  and  render  valid,  and  authorize 
the  accounts,  which  have  been  heard  and  closed,  and  examined  by  the 
deputies  of  the  said  assembly  ;  we  wish  that  these,  with  the  acquit- 
tances  and  papers  which  have  been  returned  to  the  accountants 
should  be  carried  to  our  chamber  of  accounts  at  Paris,  three  months 
after  the  publication  of  the  present  edict,  and  placed  in  the  hands 
of  the  procureur-general,  to  be  delivered  to  the  guardian  of  books 
and  registers  of  our  chamber,  to  be  consulted  whenever  it  shall  be 
necessary,  but  the  said  accounts  shall  not  be  reviewed,  nor  those 
rendering  them  bound  to  any  appearance  or  correction  except  in 
case  of  omission,  or  false  acquittances  ;  imposing  silence  on  our 
said  procureur-general,  with  regard  to  the  surplus  which  may  be 
thought  to  be  defective,  and  in  regard  to  the  formalities  which  may 
not  have  been  observed  ;  forbidding  our  officers  of  account,  as  well 
at  Pans  as  m  the  other  provinces  where  they  are  established,  from 
taking  any  cognizance  thereof  in  any  manner  whatsoever. 


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85 


LXXIX.  And  in  regard  to  the  accounts  which  have  not  been 
returned,  we  wish  the  same  to  be  heard,  closed,  and  examined  by  com- 
missioners, who  shall  be  appointed  by  us,  who  shall  without  difficulty 
pass  and  allow  the  accounts  paid  by  the  said  accountants,  in  virtue 
of  ordinances  of  the  said  assembly,  or  others  having  power. 

LXXX.  All  collectors,  receivers,  farmers,"  and  all  others,  shall  be 
well'and  duly  discharged  for  all  sums  of  money  that  they  have  paid 
to  the  said  commissioners  of  the  said  assembly,  of  whatsoever 
nature,  even  until  the  last  day  of  this  month.  We  wish  the  whole  to 
be  passed  and  allowed  in  the  accounts  which  shall  be  rendered  at 
our  chamber  of  accounts,  purely  and  simply,  in  virtue  of  the 
quittances  which  shall  be  brought  in  ;  and  if  any  shall  be  brought 
in  hereafter,  they  shall  continue  null,  and  those  who  accept  or  pass 
them  shall  be  fined  for  false  use  ;  and  if  there  should  be  any  accounts 
already  rendered,  on  which  are  found  any  erasures  or  changes,  we 
have  and  do  establish  said  papers  entirely  in  virtue  of  these  presents, 
so  that  there  will  be  no  necessity  of  particular  letters,  nor  anything 
else,  except  an  extract  from  the  present  article. 

LXXXI.     Governors,  captains,  consuls,  and  persons  commissioned 
to  recover  property,  to  pay  the  garrisons  of  places  held  by  the  party 
of  the  said  religion,  whom  our  receivers  and  parish  collectors  may 
have   supplied   by  loan   upon  their  notes  of  hand   and   obligations, 
whether  through  constraint,  or  in  obedience  to  the  commands  of  the 
treasurers-general,   with  moneys   required   for   the   support  of  said 
garrisons  until  their  regulation   by  the  State  allowance  which  we 
caused  to  be  granted    in    the  year    1596.  and  the    augmentation, 
since  granted  by  us,  shall  be  held  acquitted  and  discharged  by  us  of 
all   payments  made  for   the    above    purpose,   although   no    express 
mention  thereof  is  made  in  the  said  notes  and  obligations,  the  same 
shall  be  returned  as  null.     And  to  make  the   matter   satisfactory, 
our  treasurers-general  in  each  district  shall  furnish  by  the   special 
receivers  their  cpiittances  to  the   said  collectors  ;    and  by   the  re- 
ceivers-general  their  cpiittances  to  the  special  receivers.     For  the 
discharge  of  the  said  receivers-general,  there  shall  be  sums  of  which 
they  shall  keep  account,  as  is  directed,  indorsed  on  the  orders  levied 
by  the  royal  treasurer,  under  the  authority  of  the  treasurers-general 
extraordinary  of  our  wars,  for  the  payment  of  the  said  garrisons  ; 
and  where  the  said  charges  shall  not  amount   to  so  much  as  our 
said  allowance  granted  in  the  year  1596,  and  the  said  augmenta- 
tion, we  order,  that  it  may  be  supplied,  that  new  orders  shall  be  granted 

'  /.  ^.,  of  the  revenue. 


t 


r 


for  what  may  be  necessary  for  the  discharge  of  those  who  are  re- 
sponsible, and  the  restitution  of  the  said  promises  and  obligations, 
so  that  there  shall  be  no  demand  for  the  future  on  those  who  have 
made  them  ;  and  that  all  writings  necessary  to  render  legal  the  dis- 
charge of  those  responsible,  shall  be  granted,  in  virtue  of  the  present 
article. 

LXXXII.  Also,  the  persons  of  the  said  religion  shall  depart  and 
desist  from  all  practices,  negotiations,  and  intelligences,  as  well  with- 
in, as  without  our  kingdom  ;  and  the  said  assemblies  and  councils, 
established  in  the  provinces,  shall  separate  promptly,  and  all  leagues 
and  associations  made,  and  to  be  made,  under  whatsoever  pretext,  to 
the  prejudice  of  our  present  Edict,  shall  be  broken  and  annulled,  as  we 
now  break  and  annul  them  ;  forbidding,  very  expressly,  our  subjects 
from  making  without  our  permission  hereafter  any  assessments  and 
levies  of  moneys,  fortifications,  enrolments  of  men,  congregations, 
and  assemblies,  other  than  those  permitted  by  our  present  Edict,  and 
without  arms  :  which  we  now  prohibit  and  forbid,  under  pain  of 
being  rigorously  punished,  as  contemners  and  infractors  of  our 
commands  and  ordinances. 

LXXXIII.  All  captures  made  at  sea  during  the  troubles,  in 
virtue  of  permission  and  consent  given,  and  such  as  have  been  made 
by  land  from  those  of  the  contrary  party,  and  which  have  been 
approved  of  by  judges  and  commissioners  of  the  admiralty,  or  by 
the  leaders  of  the  party  of  the  said  religion  or  their  council,  shall 
remain  undisturbed,  under  the  benefit  of  our  present  Edict,  so  that 
there  shall  be  no  prosecution  ;  nor  shall  the  captains,  and  others 
who  have  made  the  said  prizes,  their  sureties,  and  the  said  judges, 
officers,  their  widows  and  heirs,  be  disturbed  or  molested  in  any 
manner  whatever,  notwithstanding  all  decrees  of  our  privy  council, 
and  parliaments  ;  and  all  letters  of  marque,  and  seizures  pending 
and  not  decided,  we  wish  to  have  fully  and  entirely  replevied. 

LXXXIV.  Nor  shall  persons  of  the  said  religion  be  disturbed  in 
like  manner  for  the  opposition  and  impediment  they  may  have  made 
heretofore,  even  since  the  troubles,  to  the  execution  of  the  decrees 
and  judgments  given  for  the  re-establishment  of  the  Catholic 
religion.  Apostolic  and  Roman,  in  divers  places  of  this  kingdom. 

LXXXV.  And,  as  it  regards  whatever  has  been  done  or  taken 
during  the  troubles  beyond  the  regular  course  of  hostilities,  or  by 
hostilities  contrary  to  the  public  or  private  regulations  of  the 
leaders,  or  of  corporations  of  the  provinces  which  have  power,  the 
same  may  be  prosecuted  by  the  ordinary  course  of  justice. 


I 


86 


Huj^uenot  Society  of  America 


T. XXXVI.  Nevertheless,  if  what  was  done  by  both  parties  con- 
trary to  the  regulations,  were,  without  any  difference,  excepted  and 
reserved  from  the  general  amnesty  contained  in  our  present  edict, 
and  were  liable  to  (inquiry)  prosecution,  every  soldier  could  be 
prosecuted  ;  in  consequence    of    which    a   renewal   of  disturbance 

could  happen. 

On  that  account,  we  will  and  order  that  only  the  extreme  cases 
shall  be  exempt  from  the  said  abolition  :  as  ravishing  and  rapes 
of  women  and  girls,  burnings,  murders,  and  robberies  made  by 
treachery  and  ambuscade,  out  of  the  course  of  hostility,  and  to 
satisfy  private  vengeance,  contrary  to  the  rights  of  war,  infractions 
of  passports,  and  safeguards,  with  murder  and  pillage  without  com- 
mand, in  regard  to  those  of  the  said  religion  and  others,  who  have 
followed  the  party  of  the  chiefs  who  had  authority  over  them, 
founded  on  particular  occasions,  which  have  led  them  to  command 
and  order  the  above. 

LXXXVII.  We  also  order  that  punishment  shall  be  made  for 
crimes  and  offences  committed  between  persons  of  the  same  party, 
if  the  said  acts  are  not  ordered  by  the  leaders  of  either  party,  from 
the  necessity,  law,  and  order  of  war.  And  the  levying  and  exacting 
of  money,  licenses  to  carry  arms,  and  other  exploits  of  war  made  by 
private  authority,  and  without  permission,  shall  be  subject  to  the 
usual  course  of  justice. 

LXXXVllI.  In  the  cities  dismantled  during  the  troubles,  the 
ruins  and  injuries  of  the  same  may,  by  our  permission,  be  re-edified 
and  rei)aired  by  the  inhabitants,  at  their  cost  and  expense,  and  the 
provisions   made  heretofore  in   regard  to  this  matter,  shall  hold  in 

this  case. 

LXXXIX.  We  order,  will,  and  it  pleases  us,  that  all  lords, 
chevaliers,  noblemen,  and  others,  of  whatever  quality  and  condition, 
of  the  said  so-called  Reformed  religion,  and  others  who  have  fol- 
lowed their  party,  shall  enter  upon,  and  be  effectually  guarded  in, 
the  enjoyment  of  all  and  each  of  their  possessions,  rights,  names, 
considerations,  and  actions,  notwithstanding  the  judgments  ren- 
dered against  them  during  the  troubles,  and  on  account  of  them, 
which  decrees,  seizures,  and  judgments,  we  to  that  end  have,  and 
do  declare  null  and  void,  and  of  no  force  and  effect. 

XC.  The  acquisitions  that  those  of  the  said  so-called  Reformed 
religion,  and  others  who  have  followed  their  party,  have  made,  by 
the  authority  of  others  than  the  late  Kings  our  predecessors,  from 
the  lands  or  houses  belonging  to  the  Church,  shall  have   no   force 


The  Edict  of  Nantes 


87 


and  effect  :  but  we  order,  will,  and  it  is  pleasing  to  us,  that  the 
ecclesiastics  shall  recover  directly,  and  without  delay,  and  be  pro- 
tected in,  the  possession  and  enjoyment,  real  and  actual,  of  the  said 
properties  thus  alienated,  without  being  bound  to  return  the  price 
of  said  sales,  and  that,  notwithstanding  the  said  contracts  of  sale, 
which  for  that  purpose  we  have  annulled  and  revoked  :  nor  shall 
the  said  purchasers  have  any  claim  on  the  chiefs,  by  whose  authority 
the  said  sales  have  been  made.  Nevertheless,  for  the  reimburse- 
ment of  the  money,  by  them  truly  and  faithfully  paid  out,  letters 
patent  of  permission  shall  be  granted  to  persons  of  the  said  religion, 
to  impose  and  equalize  on  themselves  the  sums  to  which  said  sales 
have  amounted,  but  the  said  purchasers  shall  bring  no  action  for 
damages  to,  and  interest  upon,  that  of  which  they  have  been 
deprived,  but  shall  content  themselves  with  the  reimbursement  of 
moneys  by  them  furnished  for  the  purchase  of  such  acquisitions  ; 
deducting  therefrom  the  worth  of  the  revenues  by  them  received^ 
in  case  the  said  sale  shall  be  found  to  have  been  made  at  a  low  and 
unjust  price. 

XCI.  And  in  order  that  our  justices,  officers,  as  well  as  others 
our  subjects,  may  clearly  and  with  all  certitude  be  informed  of  our 
will  and  intention,  and,  in  order  to  take  away  all  ambiguities  and 
doubts  which  might  arise  by  means  of  preceding  edicts,  from  their 
diversity,  we  have  and  do  declare  all  other  preceding  edicts,  secret 
articles,  letters,  declarations,  modifications,  restrictions,  interpreta- 
tions, decrees  and  registers,  secret  deliberations,  or  otherwise,  here- 
tofore by  us  or  our  predecessors  made  in  our  courts  of  parliament 
or  otherwise,  concerning  the  said  religion,  and  the  troubles  arising 
in  our  kingdom,  to  be  null  and  of  no  effect;  which,  and  the  derogatory 
clauses  therein  contained,  we  have,  by  this  our  Edict,  derogated,  and 
do  derogate  them,  and  from  the  present  time  do  destroy,  revoke 
and  annul  them  ;  declaring  expressly,  that  we  wish  this  our  edict  to 
be  firm  and  inviolable,  guarded  and  observed,  as  well  by  our  judges, 
ofticers,  as  others  our  subjects,  without  its  being  impeded,  or  any 
regard  being  had  to  anything  to  the  contrary,  or  derogatory  thereto. 

XCII.  And  for  the  greater  assurance  of  its  preservation  and 
observance,  we  will,  order,  and  it  pleases  us,  that  all  the  governors 
and  lieutenants-general  of  our  provinces,  bailiffs,  seneschals,  and 
ordinary  judges  of  cities  of  our  kingdom,  shall,  directly  after  the 
reception  of  this  edict,  swear  to  guard  and  observe  it  each  in  his 
own  jurisdiction,  as  well  as  the  mayors,  sheriffs,  capitouls,'  consuls, 

^  Municipal  officers,  as  at  Toulouse.— Ed. 


88 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Edict  of  Nantes 


89 


and  aldermen  of  cities,  annual  or  perpetual.  We  enjoin  it  also  on 
our  bailiffs,  seneschals,  or  their  lieutenants,  and  other  judges,  to 
have  the  principal  inhabitants  of  the  said  cities,  as  well  of  one  as 
the  other  religion,  swear  to  support  the  present  Edict,  immediately 
after  the  publication  of  the  same.  Placing  all  those  of  the  said 
cities  under  our  protection  and  safeguard,  and  the  one  under  the 
protection  of  the  other,  charging  them  resi)ectively,  and  by  public 
acts,  to  respond  by  the  ordinary  courts  to  infractions  which  may  be 
made  to  this  our  Edict,  in  the  said  cities,  by  the  inhabitants  of  the 
same,  or  to  represent  and  })lace  the  matter  in  the  hands  of  justice. 
We  command  our  true  and  liege  people  holding  our  courts  of  par- 
liament, chambers  of  accounts,  and  courts  of  aids,  bailiffs,  sene- 
schals, provosts,  and  other  court  officers  upon  whom  the  duty  may 
devolve,  and  their  deputies,  that  directly  after  the  reception  of  the 
present  Edict,  they  shall,  all  things  ceasing,  under  pain  of  rendering 
their  other  acts  null,  take  the  same  oath  as  above,  and  cause  this 
our  said  Edict  to  be  registered  and  published  in  our  courts,  ac- 
cording to  the  form  and  tenor  thereof,  purely  and  simply,  without 
using  any  modificaiions,  restrictions,  declarations,  and  secret  regis- 
tries, nor  wait  for  any  other  order  or  command  from  us  ;  and  we 
order  our  procureurs-general  to  require  and  forward  without  delay 
the  said  publication. 

Given  at  Nantes,  in  the  month  of  April,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
one  thousand  five  hundred  and  ninetv-ei^ht  ;  and  of  our  reie:n  the 
ninth.  Signed,  Henry  ;  and  beneath,  "  by  the  King,  being  in  his 
council," 

Forget. 
And  sealed  with  the  great  seal  of  green  wax,  upon  a  ground  of 
red  and  green  silk.     Read,  published,  and  registered,  etc.     Signed, 

VOYSIN. 
2.     BREVET  AND  >ECRET  ARTICLES 

Private  articles  extracted  from  the  general,  which  the  King  has 
accorded  to  those  of  the  so-called  reformed  religion,  and  which 
His  Majesty  has  not  wished  to  be  included  in  the  general  edicts,  or 
in  the  edict  which  was  made  and  drawn  up,  based  on  the  general 
edicts,  and  given  at  Nantes  in  the  month  of  April  last  ;  nevertheless, 
his  aforesaid  Majesty  has  accorded  that  they  shall  be  entirely  ac- 
complished and  observed  just  like  those  contained  in  the  afore- 
mentioned Edict.  And  to  this  effect  they  shall  be  registered  in  his 
courts   of  parliament,  and  elsewhere  where  need  shall  be  ;  and  all 


\ 


' 


declarations,    provisions,    and    letters    necessary    thereto    shall    be 
expedited. 

I.      Brevet.     On  this  the  thirteenth  day  of  April,  1598,  the  King 
being  at  Nantes,  and  wishing  to   gratify  his  subjects   of   the   said 
so-called  Reformed  religion,  and  in  order  to  aid  them  in  meeting 
some  heavy   expenses   they   have  to    bear,   has    ordered   and   does 
order  for  the  future,   beginning  with  the  first  day  of  the  present 
month,   that  there  shall  be   placed  in   the   hands   of    Monsieur  de 
Vierse,   commissioned   by   His   Majesty    for    that   purpose,   by   the 
royal    treasurers,    each    in    its    year,    rescriptions    for   the    sum    of 
45,000    crowns,    to    be    employed    in    certain    secret    affairs    which 
concern   them,   which   His   Majesty   does  not  wish  to    have  speci- 
fied or    declared,   which  sum  of  45,000    crowns  shall   be  assigned 
on    the    general    receipts    which    follow,    to    wit  :    Paris,   six    thou- 
sand crowns  ;   Rouen,  six  thousand  crowns  ;    Caen,  three  thousand 
crowns  ;    Orleans,   four    thousand    crowns  ;    Tours,   four   thousand 
crowns  ;   Poitiers,  eight  thousand   crowns  ;    Limoges,  six  thousand 
crowns  ;  Bourdeaux,  eight  thousand  crowns  ;  the  whole  amounting 
to  the  said  sum  of  45,000  crowns  ;  payable  in  the  four  quarters  of 
the  said  year,  in  the  first  and  most  clear  moneys  of  the  said  general 
receipts,    without    there    being    anything    deducted    therefrom    on 
account  of  any  deficiency  of  the  tax  or  otherwise.     For  this  sum 
of  45,000  crowns,  a  receipt  of  ready  money  shall  be  given,  which 
shall    be    placed  in    the    hands    of    our    treasurer    to    serve  as    an 
acquittance   for  him,  in   giving  the  said   entire  rescriptions  for  the 
said  sum  of  45,000  crowns,  upon  the  said  communities,  at  the  begin- 
ning of  each  year.     And  if  for  the  convenience  of  the  above-men- 
tioned places,  a  part  of  the  said  assignations  should  be  required  to 
be  paid  to  private  receivers  who  have  been  appointed,  the  treasurers- 
general  of  France  and  the  receivers-general  of  said  communities  are 
ordered  to   do  it,  by  drawing  the  said   rescriptions   from   the   said 
royal  treasurers.     These  rescriptions  shall  then  be  delivered  by  the 
said  Sieur  de  Vierse  to  those  who  shall  be  named  to  him  by  those 
of  the  said  religion,  at  the  beginning  of  the  year,  to  receive  and  pay 
out  the  moneys  which  are  to  be  received  in  virtue  of  the  rescriptions, 
of  which  they  shall  be  bound  to  report  to  the  said  Sieur  de  Vierse, 
at  the  end  of  the  year,  a  true  statement,  with  the  quittances  of  the 
parties  taking,  that  His  Majesty  may  be  informed  of  the  use  of  said 
moneys  :  but   neither  the   said  Sieur  de  Vierse  nor  those  commis- 
sioned by  those  of  the  said   religion   shall  be  bound  to  render  an 
account  in  any  chamber.     For  this,  and  all  that  depends  on  it,  His 


90 


Hu^ruenot  Society  of  America 


The  Edict  of  Nantes 


91 


Majesty  has  ordered  all  letters  and  despatches  necessary  to  be 
granted,  in  virtue  of  this  present  brevet,  that  he  has  signed  with  his 
own  hand,  and  countersigned  by  his  councillor,  in  his  council  of 
state,  and  his  secretary  of  commands.  Signed,  Henry,  and  still 
lower,  De  Neufville. 

2.     Secret  Articles.     A.— On  this  last  day  of  April,  159S,  the  King 
being  at  Nantes,   wishing  to   give  all  the  contentment  possible  to 
his  subjects  of  the  so-called  Reformed  religion,  with  regard  to  the 
demands  and   requests   which  have  been    made    to    him    on    their 
part,  as  to  what  they  think  to  be  necessary,  as  well  for  the  liberty 
of  their  consciences,  as  for  the  safety  of  their  persons,  fortunes,  and 
properties,  and  from  the  assurance  he  has  of  their  fidelity  and  sin- 
cere affection  to  his  service,  with  many  other  considerations  import- 
ant for  the  good  and  repose  of  the  state  ;   His  Majesty,  in  addition 
to  what  is  contained  in  said   Edict  that  he  has  lately  resolved  on, 
and  which  will  be   published  for  the  regulation  of  what  concerns 
them,  has  granted  and  promised  to  them  that  all  the  places,  cities, 
and  castles,  held  by  them   up   to  the  end  of  the  month  of  August 
last,  in  which  there  are  garrisons,  by  the  order  which  shall  be  drawn 
up  and  signed  by  His  Majesty,  shall  remain  in  their  keeping  under 
the  authority  of,  and  in  obedience  to,  his  said  Majesty  for  the  space 
of  eight  years,  reckoning  from  the   day  of  the  publication  of  said 
edict  :  and  in  regard  to  others  held  by  them,  in  the  which  there  are 
no  garrisons,  there  shall  be  neither  alteration  nor  innovation.     His 
Majesty  does  not  mean,  however,  that  the  cities  and  castles  of  Ven- 
dome  and  Pontorson  shall  be  comprised  in  the  number  of  the  said 
places  left  in  the  care  of  those  of  the  said  religion.     Nor  does  he 
intend  that  the  city,   castle,   and  citadel  of    Aubenas  be  compre- 
hended in  the  safd  number  ;  of  which  he  desires  to  dispose  at  his 
will,  except  it  be  now  in  the  hands  of  one  of  the  said  religion  ;  this 
makes  it  necessary  that  it  should  be  bestowed  on  a  person  of  the 
said  religion,  like  other  cities  which  have  been  given  them.     And  as 
to  Chauvigny,  it  shall  be  restored  to  the  Bishop  of  Poitiers,  lord  of 
the  said  place,  and  the  new  fortifications  made  there  shall  be  razed 
and  demolished.     And  as  to  the  provisioning  of  the  garrisons  which 
are  to  be  kept  in  said  cities,  places,  and  castles,  his  said  M  ajesty  grants 
a  sum  of  180,000  crowns  therefor,  without  including  those  of  the  prov- 
ince of  Dauphiny,  which  shall  be  provided  from  other  sources  than 
the  said  sum  of  180,000  crowns  in  each  year  :  he  promises  to  give 
orders  good  and  valid,  upon  the  most  certain  revenues,  where  the 
said  garrisons  shall  be  formed.     And  where  the  said  sums  are  insuf- 


ficient, and  there  is  not  in  the  same  enough  funds,  the  surplus  shall 
be  furnished  from  the  nearest  revenues  thereto,  but  the  moneys  shall 
not  be  diverted  from  the  said  revenues,  until  the  said  sum  has  been 
entirely  furnished  and  paid  out.     In  addition,  His  Majesty  promises 
and  agrees,  that  whenever  the  state  of  the  said  garrisons  is  to  be 
altered,  members  of  the  said  religion  shall  be  called  in,  to  take  their 
advice  and  to  hear  their  remonstrances,  to  the  end  that  such  orders 
shall  be  given  as  shall  be  the  most  satisfactory  to  them.     And  if 
during  the  time  of  the  said  eight  years,  there  shall  be  occasion  to 
make   any  change  in  regard  to  the  matter,  whether  the  change  is 
sought  for  by  His   Majesty,  or  through  their  requisition,  the  same 
course  will  be  pursued,  as  though  the  matter  came  up  for  the  first 
time.     As  to  the  garrisons  of  Dauphiny,  His   Majesty,  in  preparing 
their  state,  will  take  counsel  of  the  Sieur  de  Lesdiguieres.     And  in 
case  of  vacancies  in  the  positions  of  governors  or  captains  of  the 
said  places,  His  Majesty  wills  and  agrees  that  such  vacancies  shall 
be   filled  by   persons  of  the   said  religion,  properly  attested  by  the 
conferences  to  which  they  belong,  as  being  members  of  the  said 
religion  and  persons  of  standing.     He  will  be  satisfied,  however  if 
the  person  who  is  to  be  the  candidate  by  the  brevet,  which  is  to  be 
granted,  shall  be  bound,  previous  to  obtaining  the  situation,  to  bring 
the  attestation  of  the  conference  to  which  he  belongs,  which  the 
said  conference  shall  be  bound  to  give  him  promptly,  and  without 
any  delay,  or  in  case   of  refusal,  shall  present  to   his  said   Majesty 
the  causes  of  the   delay.     And  the  said  term  of  eight   years  being 
passed.  His  Majesty  shall  be  quit  of  his  promise  in   reference  to 
said  cities,  and  they  obliged  to  give  them  over  to  him  :  however,  he 
promises  and  agrees,  that  if  in  the  said  cities  he  continue,  after  that 
time,  to  have  garrisons  or  a  governor  in  command  over  'them,  that 
he  will  not  dispossess   the  person  in  command,  in  order  to  give  the 
place  to  another.     So,  in  like  manner,  he  declares  his  intention,  as 
well  during  the  said  eight  years  as  thereafter,  to  gratify  those  of 
the  said  religion,  and  to  give   them  a  share  of  the  offices,  govern- 
ments,  and  other  honors,  to  be  distributed,  and  to  dispense  them 
impartially  and   without   exception   according  to    the    quality  and 
merit  of  the  persons,  as  well  as  to  his  other  Catholic  subjects  ;  with 
the  exception   that  the   cities  and  places,  which   shall  hereafter  be 
placed    under  their   charge,  other  than    those  at  present  in   their 
hands,  may   not  for   that   reason   be   hereafter  well  affected   to  the 
party  of  the  said   religion.     And  further,   his  said   Majesty  grants 
that  such  persons  as  have   been   selected  by  the  party  of  the  said 


n 


92  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

religion  to  guard  the  magazines,  munitions,  powder,  and  cannon  of 
said  cities,  or  such  as  shall  be  appointed  to  guard  them  shall  be 
continued  in  such  charges,  by  taking  commissions  from  the  Grand 
Master  of  Artillery  and  Commissary-Cxeneral.  Which  letters  shall 
be  given  them  gratuitously,  placing  m  their  hands,  signed  m  good 
and  due  form,  a  regular  statement  of  the  said  magazmes,  munitions, 
powder,  and  cannon,  but  they  shall  not  on  account  of  said  commis- 
sions,  claim  any  immunities  or  privileges. 

And  inasmuch  as  the  members  of    said   religion  have    implored 
His  Majesty  to  give  a  clear  understanding   of   what  he  has  been 
pleased  to  ordain  in  regard  to  the  exercise  of  said  religion  m  the  city 
of  Metz,  as  it  is  not  clearly  expressed  in  his  Edict  and  secret  articles 
His  Majesty  declares  that  he  has  granted  letters  patent,  m  which  it 
is  ordered  •       That  the  temple  '  hitherto  built  in  the  said  city  by  the 
inhabitants  of  the  same  shall  be  restored  to  them,  in  order  that  they 
may  carry   away  the   materials,   or  otherwise  dispose    of  them    as 
they  shall    think  best  ;  but   there  shall  be   no   preaching  or  other 
exercise  of  the  said  religion  therein  ;  yet  nevertheless  a  proper  place 
shall  be  furnished  within   the  walls  of  the  city,  where  they  can  have 
public  religious  services,  without  having  it  expressly  ordered  by  this 
edict       His    Majestv    also    agrees,    that    notwithstanding    the   pro- 
hibition of   the  said   religion  at   the  court  and  its  suite,  the  dukes, 
peers  of  France,  officers  of  the  crown,  marciuises,  counts,  governors 
and  lieutenants-general,  field-marshals,  and  captains  of  the  guard  of 
his  said  Majesty,  who  shall  be  of  his  suite,  shall    be  unmolested  for 
what  is  done  in  their  houses,  provided  it  be  done  in  their  family 
privately   with  closed  doors,  and  without  loud  singing,  or  the  doing 
of  anything  to  make  known  that  the  exercise  of  the  said  religion  is 
going  on  ;  and  if  his  said  Majesty  shall  remain  more  than  three  days 
in  the  cities  and  places  where  the  said  exercise  is  allowed,  the  said 
exercise  after  the  expiration  of  the  said  time  shall  be  contmued  as 
before  his  arrival.     His  Majesty  declares  that  in  the  present  posture 
of  his  affairs,  he  is  unable  to  comprehend  his  countries  beyond  the 
mountains,  Brest  and  Barcelona,  in  the  permission  by  him  granted 
for    the    exercise    of   the    said    so-called    Reformed    religion.     His 
Majesty    promises,  however,  that  when  the    said  countries  are  re- 
duced to  his  authority,  his  subjects  in  the  same,  as  it  regards  religion, 
and  other  points  granted  by  his  Edict,  shall  be  placed  upon  the  same 
1  The  houses  of  worship  of  Protestants  in  France  are  commonly  called  temples, 
the  word  church  being  applied  to  the  Roman  Catholic— Ed. 


The  Edict  of  Nantes 


93 


footing  as  his  other  subjects,  notwithstanding  what  is  ordered  by 
said  Edict,  and  meanwhile  that  they  shall  be  maintained  in  the  same 
state  as  at  present.     His  Majesty  allows  that  those  persons  of  the 
said    so-called    Reformed   religion,    who    shall    be    chosen    for    the 
offices  of  presidents  and   councillors,  created  to  serve  in  the  cham- 
bers ordered  anew  by  this  edict,  shall  take  the  said  offices  without 
fee,  for  the  first  time,  upon  the  statement  which  shall  be  presented 
to  His  Majesty  by  the  deputies  of  the  Assembly  of  Chatelleraut ; 
and    also  the  substitutes  of  our  attorneys-general,  created   by  the 
same  edict  in  the  chamber  of  Bourdeaux,  and  until  the  incorporation 
of  the  said  chamber  of  Bourdeaux,  and  of  that  of  Toulouse  with  the 
said   parliaments,  the   said  substitutes   shall  be  provided  with   the 
offices  of  councillors  in  the  same,  also  gratuitously.     His  Majesty  in- 
vests the  honorable  Francis  Pithou  with  the  office  of  substitute  of  the 
attorney-general  in   the  court  of  parliament  of  Paris  ;  and  for  these 
ends  a  new  establishment  of  the  office  shall  be  made  ;  and  on  the 
death  of  the  said  Pithou,  a  successor  to  him  shall  be  appointed  of  the 
said  religion.     And  in  case  of  vacancy  by  death  of  the  two  offices 
of  masters  of  requests  of  the  royal  palace,  the  first  vacancies  shall  be 
filled  by  His  Majesty  from  persons  of  the  said  religion,  whom   His 
Majesty  shall  see  to  be  proper  and  capable  for  the  good  of  the  state, 
and  at  the  expense  of  the  Board  of  Escheats.     Nevertheless,  it  shall 
be  ordered  that  in   each    quarter   there    shall    be    two   masters    of 
requests,  whose  duty  it  shall  be  to  report  the  petitions  of  persons  of 
the  said  religion.     Besides,  His  Majesty  permits  the  deputies  of  the 
said  religion  assembled  in  the  said  city  of  Chatelleraut,  to  remain 
together  to   the  number  of  ten  in  the  city   of  Saumur  to  see  to  the 
execution  of  his  said  Edict,  until  it  shall  be  verified  in  his  court  of 
parliament  of  Paris,   notwithstanding  they  are  commanded  by  the 
said  Edict  to  separate  promptly  ;  however,  they  shall  not  in  the  name 
of   the  said  assembly  make  any  new  demands,  nor  meddle  except 
with  solicitations  concerning  the  said  execution,  deputation,  and  in- 
troduction of  the  commissioners,  who  shall  be  ordered  for  that  pur- 
pose.     And  for  all  the  above,  His  Majesty  gives  his  faith  and  word 
by  the  present  brevet,  which  he  has  signed  with  his  own  hand,  and 
had  countersigned  by  us,  his  secretaries  of  state,  willing  that'  this 
brevet  should  have  the  same  value  and  effect  as  if  its  contents  were 
comprised  in  an  edict  verified  in  his  courts  of  parliament  :  Those  of 
the  said  religion  being  content,  for  the  good  of  his  service  and  the 
state  of  his  affairs,  not  to  urge  that  this  ordinance  be  put  in  a  form 
more  authentic,  bestowing  this  confidence  on  the  word  and  goodness 


94 


Hu<jucnot  Socictv  of  America 


of  His  Majesty,  that  he  will  allow  them  the  full  enjoyment  of  the 
same.  Having,  for  that  purpose,  given  orders  that  all  papers  and  des- 
patches necessary  to  the  execution  of  the  above  shall  be  granted  to 
them.     (Signed)  Henry,  and  lower,  Forget.' 

4.  Secret  Articles  B.  I.  The  sixth  article  of  the  said  edict,  touch- 
ing liberty  of  conscience,  and  permission  to  all  our  subjects  to  dwell 
and  live  in  this  kingdom,  and  countries  under  our  authority,  shall 
have  place,  and  be  observed  according  to  its  form  and  tenor,  even 
in  regard  to  ministers  and  schoolmasters,  and  all  others  who  are,  or 
shall  be,  of  the  said  religion,  whether  citizens  or  otherwise,  whilst 
conforming  to  the  provisions  of  said  edict. 

II.  Nor  shall  persons  of  the  said  religion  be  constrained  to 
contribute  to  the  repairs  or  construction  of  churches,  chapels,  or  par- 
sonages, nor  for  the  purchase  of  sacerdotal  ornaments,  lights,  cast- 
ing of  bells,  holy  bread,  rights  of  confraternities,  the  hire  of  houses 
for  tlie  residence  of  the  ])riests  or  monks,  and  other  like  things, 
unless  they  may  be  obliged  by  the  foundations,  endowments,  or 
other  dispositions  made  by  them,  or  their  authors  and  predecessors. 

HI.  Also,  they  shall  not  be  constrained  to  tapestry  and  adorn 
the  front  of  their  houses  on  festival  days,  but  only  allow  that  they 
may  be  adorned  and  prepared  by  the  authority  of  the  officers  of  the 
places  ;   but  those  of   the  said   religion  shall   contribute  nothing  for 

that  purpose. 

IV.  Nor  shall  members  of  said  religion  be  bound  to  receive 
exhortation  when  they  shall  be  sick  or  near  death,  whether  by  con- 
demnation of  justice  or  otherwise,  from  others  than  those  of  the 
same  religion  ;  but  may  be  visited  and  consoled  by  their  ministers 
without  being  disturbed  ;  and  as  to  those  who  shall  be  condemned 
by  justice,  the  said  ministers  shall  likewise  be  able  to  visit  and  con- 
sole them,  without  making  public  prayers,  except  in  places  where 
the  said  public  exercise  is  allowed  them  by  the  said  Edict. 

V.  Members  of  the  said  religion  shall  be  allowed  to  have  public 
worship  at  Pimpoul,  and  for  Dieppe  in  the  Faubourg  du  Paulct,  and 
the  said  places  of  Pimpoul  and  Paulet  shall  be  considered  as  baili- 
wicks. As  to  Sancerre,  the  said  worship  shall  be  continued  tliere  as 
at  present,  provided,  in  the  establishment  of  it  in  the  said  city,  the 
consent  of  the  lord  of  the  place  be  made  apparent  by  the  inhabi- 
tants, for  whom  provision  shall  be  made  by  the  commissioners  whom 

'  This  r.revet  Aiviuez  divides  into  24  articles,  without,  however,  printing  the 
paragraphs  separately. — Ed. 


I 


The  Edict  of  Nantes 


95 

His  Majesty  shall  appoint  for  the  execution  of  the  Edict."  The  said 
«^rsh,p  shall  a  so  be  free  and  publicly  re-established  in  the  c  ty  of 
Montagnac,  m  Languedoc.  ^ 

VI.     As  to  the  article  making  mention  of  bailiwicks,  what  follows 
IS  declared  and  agreed  upon  :    First,  with  regard  to  the  estabbsh 
men.  of  the  worship  of  the  said  religion  in  t^o  places  gra  ted    or" 

that  purpose  in  each  bailiwick   senesrhnlc^ir.        a 

'  ^^^"^scnaisnip,  and  irovernm^nf  \\^a. 

members  of  the  said  religion  shall  name  two  cities'       tleTl' 
estpoi    eVb'' Jrv"'  ^'^^''  ""'  ^^'^^'-^-^  ^y  ^^^  commissi:  ! 

r.f   fU         -1       1-   •  ,     J^^fe^Q    pioper     by    them,    the    members 

o     th     saul   rehg,on   shall   name  two   or  three  burghs  or  vil    "e 
n  a     he  sa.d  ct.es,  and  from   each  of  them  one  sLll  be  c  ofen 
by    the   comm.ss.oners ;  and    if    through    contagion,    hostility     o^ 
other  egtfmate  impediment,  the  worship  cannot  be  c^nti^u  d  i^'  rZ 

tinue':      r       r  '''"  '"^"""^^  "^^">  "■''"« 'he  in,...d,ren    con 
t.nues.     Secondly,  as  to  the  government  of   Picardy.  there  shallTe 
provded  but  two  cities,  in  the  suburbs  of  which  th     ,er  ons  of  the 
s  .d  rel,g,on  can  exercise  the  same  for  all  the  bailiwicks  seneschal 

deemed  ^"^^""^"'^  ^^'^-'^  ^^P-^  on  it  ;  and  if  it  ha  "not  be 
deemed  proper  to  establish  it  in  the  said  cities,  two  burX  or 
v.llages  convenient   therefor   shall   be  allowed   them      ThSlv  on 

TV       ,u  '^"Otlier  for  the  island  of  Oleron. 

the  said  r^Jir'T  '""'"'  '^  ""  ''^J^^'>-  '"'  "^«  ^--i^e  of 
ne  said      l,g  on  ,n  the  cty  of  Metz  shall  have  their  full  effect 

■  HereVh^A    ^'"''   ""'"  "'  '"'^"'^  '''''  ^^''^'^  XXVII.  of  his 

as  place.  wte^eTe^KlCrrdi '''°"^""^-''^.^"^'  ''^'''  '"'  ^''-X-'e-Fran,ois, 
uic  Keiormed  rehgion  was  permitted.— Ed. 


4 


96 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


Edict,  touching  the  admission  of  persons  of  the  said  so-called 
Reformed  religion  to  offices  and  dignities,  should  be  observed  and 
followed  according  to  its  form  and  tenor,  notwithstanding  the  edicts 
and  agreements  hitherto  made  for  the  return  of  some  princes,  lords, 
gentlemen,  and  Catholic  cities  to  his  obedience,  which  shall  not 
hold  to  the  prejudice  of  persons  of  said  religion,  as  it  regards  the 
exercise  of  the  same.  And  the  said  exercise  shall  be  regulated 
according  to,  and  as  it  is  commanded  by,  the  articles  which  follow, 
in  accordance  with  which  shall  be  drawn  up  the  instructions  of  the 
commissioners  whom  His  Majesty  shall  deputize  for  the  execution 
of  said  edict,  as  it  is  directed  therein. 

XI.  By  the  edict  made  by  His  Majesty  to  win  over  the  Duke  of 
Guise,  the  exercise  of  the  said  so-called  Reformed  religion  shall 
be  neither  made  nor  established  in  the  cities  and  suburbs  of  Rheims, 
Rocroy,  St.  Dizier,  Guise,  Joinville,  Fismes,  and  Moncornet-in- 
Ardennes. 

XII.  Nor  shall  the  exercise  thereof  be  allowed  in  other  places 
in  the  environs  of  said  cities  and  places  forbidden  by  the  edict  of 

the  year  1577. 

XIII.  And  in  order  to  remove  all  ambiguity,  which  might  arise 
in  regard  to  the  expression  ''  inthc  environs,''  His  Majesty  declares 
that  he  means  such  places  as  are  within  the  banlieue  *  of  said  cities, 
within  which  places  the  exercise  of  the  said  religion  shall  not  be 
established,  unless  permitted  by  the  edict  of  1577. 

XIV.  And  inasmuch  as  the  said  exercise  was  generally  permitted 
in  fiefs  held  by  persons  of  the  said  religion,  without  excepting  the 
aforesaid  banlieue,  His  Majesty  declares  that  the  same  permission 
shall  be  allowed  even  in  fiefs  which  are  situated  within  the 
precincts  above  spoken  of,  if  held  by  persons  of  the  said  religion,  as 
is  allowed  by  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 

XV.  By  the  edict  made  to  win  back  the  Lord  Marshal  de  la 
Chatre,  in  each  of  the  bailiwicks  of  Orleans  and  Bourges  there  shall 
be  allowed  but  one  place  for  the  exercise  of  the  said  religion,  which, 
however,  may  be  continued  in  places  where  it  is  permitted  to 
continue  by  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 

XVI.  The  concession  to  preach  in  fiefs  shall  likewise  hold  in  the 
said  bailiwicks,  in  the  form  allowed  by  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 

XVII.  The  edict  granted  for  the  winning  back  of  the  Lord 
Marshal   de    Bois    Dauphin    shall    likewise  be  observed,   and   the 

» Ground  beyond  the  walls  or  fortifications  of  a  city  or  town,  but  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  the  same. — Ed. 


/ 


The  Edict  of  Nantes  97 

worship  of  the  said   religion   shall  not  be  allowed  in  the  cities 
suburbs,  and  places  brought   back   by  him  to  the  service  of  Hii 
Majesty  ;  and  as  to  the  environs  or  banlieue  of  the  same,  the  edict 
of   77  shall  be  observed,  even  in  houses  of  fiefs,  as  ordered  by  the 

Edict  of  Nantes.  ' 

XVIIL     There  shall  be  no  exercise  of  the  said  religion  in  the 
to         tTl  "' f'"'  °'  ''°^'"'''  ""°^'^'"g  '°  'he  edict  issued 

witriTth".  ;  T  ."''^  '"'  '""^  '"'"'  °^  '77  ^•^^"  t'e  observed 
w.th,n  the  hm.ts  of  the  same,  even  of  fiefs,  as  ordered  by  the  Edict 
of  Nantes.  ^  ^^uici 

XIX.  In  consequence  of  the  edict  for  the  subjugation  of  Quin- 
per-Corant,n,  there  shall  be  no  exercise  of  the  said  religion  in  the 
entire  bishopric  of  Cornouaille. 

XX.  Also  according  to  the  edict  m^t^t-  fr^r-  fU^       u- 

•D  •    .1  .      '^  cuicr  maae  tor  the  subjugation  of 

B  auva.s.  the  exercse  of  the  said  religion  shall  not  be  alliwed  in  the 
sa,d  cty  of  Beauva,s,  nor  within  three  leagues  around  it  ;  however 
.t  may  be  performed  and  allowed  without  the  limits  of  the  bailiwick' 
.n  places  permuted  by  the  edict  of  '77,  even  in  fiefs,  as  ordered  by 
the  said  Edict  of  Nantes.  ■' 

I  ^A\A^^^  inasmuch  as  the  edict  made  to  win  back  the  late 
Lord  Admiral  de  Villiers  is  only  provisional,  and  only  unt  1  Z 
K  ng  Shan  otherwise  order,  His  Majesty  wills  and  order  ,  that  not 
withstanding  the  same,  his  Edict  of  Nantes  shall  be  obser;ed  within 
the  cities  and  provinces  brought  back  to  obedience  to  His  Maies  y 
by  the  Lord  Admiral,  as  in  other  places  in  our  kingdom.  '      ' 

the  I  orH  ^"  "°"^^''"^""  '^f  'he  edict  made  for  the  subjection  of 
iotb      n        .  •  •^\J°>:^"=^'  'he  exercise  of  the  said  religion  shall 
nm  be  allowed  ,n  the  city  of  Toulouse,  the  suburbs  of  the  5ame.  and 
within  four  leagues  around  it.  nearer  than  the  cities  of  Villemur 
Carmain,  and  Isle  en  Jourdan.  "cmur, 

XXIII.  i\or  shall  it  be  allowed  in  the  cities  of  Alet  Fiac 
Auriac,  and  Montesquieu,  provided,  however,  that  if  there  Ire  any' 
persons  m  the  said  cities  who  shall  desire  a  place  for  the  exercTse 
of  the  same,  a  place  proper,  and  of  sure  access,  and  not  farther  off 
than  a  league  from  the  said  cities,  shall  be  assigned  them  by  the 
commissioners  whom  His  Majesty  shall  appoint  for  the  execution  ol 
his  edict,  or  by  the  officers  of  the  places. 

XXIV      The  said  worship  shall  be  established,  so  and  as  it  is 
ordered  by  the  said  Edict  of  Nantes,  within  the  juHsdiction "f    h 
court  of  parliament  of  Toulouse,  excepting,  however,  the  bailiwick, 
seneschalships,  and  their  jurisdictions,  which   have  been  brlugh; 


98  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

into  obedience  to  the  King  by  the  said  Lord  Duke  de  Joyeuse  in 
which  places  the  edict  of  '77  shall  be  in  force  :  however,  His 
Majesty  means  that  the  said  exercise  may  be  continued  in  the 
places  of  the  said  bailiwicks  and  seneschalships  where  it  was  al- 
lowed at  the  time  of  the  said  subjugation,  and  that  the  allowance 
of  the  same  in  the  houses  of  fiefs,  shall  be  allowed  in  the  said  baili- 
wicks and  seneschalships,  as  is  stated  in  said  edict. 

XXV  The  edict  made  for  the  subjugation  of  the  city  of  Dijon, 
shall  be  observed  ;  and  according  to  it,  no  other  exercise  of  religion 
but  that  of  the  Catholic,  Apostolic,  and  Roman  shall  be  allowed  in 
the  said  city,   and  in  the  suburbs  of  the  same,  nor   within  four 

leagues  around.  .  r^  1       t 

XXVI  The  edict  made  for  the  subjugation  of  the  Lord  Duke  ot 
Mayence,  shall  in  like  manner  be  observed,  according  to  which  there 
shall  be  no  exercise  of  the  said  so-called  Reformed  religion  in  the 
city  of  Chalons,  and  within  two  leagues  of  the  environs  of  Soissons, 
for  the  space  of  six  years,  beginning  with  the  month  of  January, 
,596  ;  after  the  lapse  of  said  time  the  Edict  of  Nantes  shall  be  ob- 
served there  as  in  other  places  in  the  kingdom. 

XXVI I  Persons  of  the  said  religion  are  allowed,  of  whatsoever 
quality  they  may  be,  to  live  in,  go  to,  and  return  from,  the  city  of 
Lyons  and  other  cities  and  places  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Lyons, 
notwithstanding  all  prohibitions  made  to  the  contrary  by  the 
syndics  and  aldermen  of  the  said  city   of  Lyons,  and  confirmed  by 

His  Majesty.  . 

XXVIII  But  one  bailiwick  shall  be  allowed  for  the  exercise  of 
said  religion  in  the  entire  seneschalsliip  of  Poitiers,  except  those  in 
which  it  is  at  present  established  ;  and  as  to  the  fiefs,  the  Edict  of 
Nantes  shall  be  followed.  Tlie  exercise  of  said  religion  shall  be 
continued  also  in  the  city  of  Chauvigny  :  and  the  said  exercise  shall 
not  be  established  again  in  the  cities  of  Agen  and  Pengueux. 
although  that  were  possible  by  the  edict  of  '77. 

XXIX  But  two  bailiwicks  shall  be  allowed  for  the  exercise  of 
the  said  religion  in  the  entire  jurisdiction  of  Picardy,  as  has  been 
said  above,  and  the  said  two  places  shall  not  be  given  witlun  the 
bounds  of  the  bailiwicks  and  governments  reserved  by  the  edict 
made  for  the  subjugation  of  Amiens,  Peronne,  and  Abbeville. 
However,  the  said  exercise  of  said  religion  is  allowed  in  the  houses 
of  fiefs,  throughout  the  entire  government  of  Picardy,  as  ordered  by 

the  Edict  of  Nantes. 

XXX.     No  exercise  of  the  said  religion  shall  be  allowed  in  the 


The  Edict  of  Nantes  99 

city  and  suburbs  of  Sens,  and  but  one  place  of  worship  shall  be 
allowed  within  the  limits  of  the  bailiwick,  without  prejudice  how- 
ever, to  the  permission  granted  to  houses  of  fiefs,  which  shall  stand 
according  to  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 

XXXL     Nor  in  like  manner  shall  there  be  any  exercise  of  said 
religion  in  the  city  and  suburbs  of  Nantes,  and  no  place  for  the  said 
exercise  shall  be  allowed  within  three  leagues   of  said  city   except 
ing,  however,  the  houses  of  fiefs,  according  to  the  Edict  of'  Nantes 

XXXII.  His  Majesty  wishes  and  intends  that  his  Edict  of  Nantes 
shall  be  observed  from  this  time  forward,  in  all  that  concerns  the 
exercise  of  the  said  religion  in  places  where,  by  edicts  and  agree- 
ments for  the  winning  back  of  some  princes,  lords,  noblemen,\nd 
Catholic  cities,  it  has  been  prohibited  provisionally  only,  and  until 
otherwise  ordered  ;  and  to  such  as  have  a  limited  prohibition  the 
limit  being  passed,  the  prohibition  shall  cease. 

XXXIII.  One  place  for  the  city  of  Paris  shall  be  granted  to  the 
party  of  the  said  religion,  within  five  leagues,  at  the  most,  from  said 
city,  in  which  they  may  perform  a  public  exercise  of  the  same 

•    ^u^^T  ,   ^"  ^"  P'""'  ^^^'^  ""^  P"''"'^  «^""se  of  said  religion 
IS  a  lowed,  the  people  may  assemble  even  by  the  sound  of  bells  and 
perform  all  acts  and  functions  appertaining,  as  well  to  the  religious 
exercises  of  the  said  religion,  as  to  its  regulation  and  discipline 
such  as  holding  consistories,  conferences,  and  provincial  and  nationa 
synods,  by  permission  of  His  Majesty. 

n^^^^'  7^^  ™'"i^'e«'  elders,  and  deacons  of  said  religion,  shall 
not  be  constrained  to  answer  in  the  courts,  as  witnesses,  for  things 
which  shall  have  been  revealed  in  their  consistories,  whenever  the 
tnatter  relates  to  censure,  unless  the  matter  relates  to  the  person  of 
tiie  King  or  the  preservation  of  the  State. 

^'^XVI.  It  shall  be  allowed  those  of  the  said  religion,  who  live 
.n  the  country,  to  attend  worship  in  cities  and  suburbs,  and  in  other 
places,  where  it  shall  be  publicly  established 

exc^enM!"'v  ^^''Tf  ""'  '"''^  ''"sion  shall  have  no  public  schools, 
except  in  cities  and  places  where  the  public  exercise  of  their  wor- 
ship IS  allowed  :  and  the  provisions  which  have  been  heretofore 
whe"n  H,  ";'''°"  ""^  '"PP°"  °f  ^°"^ees,  shall  be  confirmed 

VVYvmt'  "'"^'  '"*^  '*''"  ^'^''^  '^^"  f""  «"d  entire  effect 
allo>«.d  1  ^/""u"  "'^'''"^  ^  profession  of  said  religion,  shall  be 

them   and  T"''  ''"'^'"  "'"^  "'^'^  '"^'^^^  ^^  =««">  best  to 

dec  lain  ° ''^°'"';"'  °'  '"'"''"'  ""  ^"'^"'^"''  '=°dicil,  or  other 
declaration  passed  before  notaries,  or  written  and  signed  with  their 


I 


♦ 


lOO 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Edict  of  Nantes 


hands  ;  provided  the  laws  received  in  this  kingdom,  local  ordinances, 
and  customs,  are  not  infringed  in  regard  to  the  bequests  to,  and 
provisions  for.  tutors  and  curators. 

XXXIX.     In  regard  to  the  marriages  of  priests  and  nuns,  which 
have  been  heretofore  contracted,  his  said  Majesty  neither  wills  nor  in- 
tends for  many  good  reasons,  that  they  shall  be  disturbed  or  molested, 
and  our  procureurs-general  shall  be  silent  with  regard  to  such  cases[ 
as  well  as  other  officers.     His  said  Majesty  declares  moreover,  that 
he  intends  that  the  children  issuing  from  such  marriages  shall  succeed 
only  to  the  personal  property,  houses,  and  lands,  the  joint  properties 
acquired  by  their  fathers  and  mothers,  and  in  default  of  said  chil- 
dren, the  nearest   relatives  shall  succeed  :  and  the  wills,  donations, 
and  other  dispositions  made  or  to  be  made  by  persons  of  the  said 
quality  of   the  said   properties,  personal,  as  well  as  the  said  joint 
acquisitions,    are   declared    to  be  good  and  valid.      However.   His 
Majesty  does  not  wish  that  the  said  professed  priests  and  nuns'shall 
come  to  any  succession,  direct  or  collateral  ;  but  only  to  take  the 
properties,  which  have  been,  or  shall  be,  left  them  by  will,  donations, 
or  other  dispositions,  except,  however,  those  of  the  said  successions,' 
direct  and  collateral  :  and  in  regard  to  those  who  mav  have  made  a 
profession  before  the  age  prescribed  by  the  ordinances  of  Orleans 
and  Blois,  the  tenor  of  the  said  ordinances,  each  for  the  time  they 
refer   to,  shall    be    followed    and    observed  in    regard    to    the    said 
successions. 

XL.  His  said  Majesty  does  not  wish  that  the  members  of  the  said 
religion,  who  have  heretofore  contracted  or  shall  hereafter  contract 
marriages  within  the  third  or  fourth  degree,  shall  be  molested,  nor 
the  validity  of  such  marriages  called  in  ciuestion  ;  nor  shall  the 
right  of  inheritance  of  children,  already,  or  to  be,  born  of  such 
marriages,  be  taken  away  or  disputed  :  and  as  to  marriages  which 
have  been  already  contracted  in  the  second  degree,  or  from  the 
second  to  the  third,  among  persons  of  the  said  religion,  seeking  re- 
dress from  his  said  Majesty,  persons  who  are  of  such  quality^'and 
have  contracted  marriage  in  such  degree,  shall  be  allowed '  such 
provisions  as  shall  be  necessary  for  them,  to  the  end  that  they  may 
not  be  disturbed  or  molested,  nor  the  succession  disputed  or  debated 
with  their  children. 

XLI.     In  order  to  judge  of  the  validity  of  marriages  made  and 
contracted  by  persons  of  the  said  religion,  and  to  decide  whether 
they  are  lawful,  if  the  defendant  is  of  the  said  religion,  in  this  case 
the  royal  judge  shall  take  cognizance  of  the  fact  of  said  marriage  • 


lOI 


. 


and  in  case  he  shall  be  plaintiff  and  the  defendant  a  Catholic  juris 
d.ct.on  shall  belong  to  the  judge  of  the  bishop's  court  and  the 
ecclesiastical  judge,  and  if  both  parties  are  of  the  said  religion  the 
jurisdiction  shall  belong  to  the  royal  judges  :  His  Majesty  wills 
that  in  regard  to  such  marriages,  and  differences  arising  therefrom' 
the  ecclesiastical  and  royal  judges,  with  the  courts  established  by  this 
edict,  shall  respectively  have  jurisdiction. 

XLII.     The  donations  and  legacies  made  and  to  be  made,  whether 
by  last  will  on  account  of  death,  or  /«to-  vivos,  for  the  support  of 
ministers,  doctors,  scholars,  and  the  poor  of  the  said  so-called  Re- 
formed religion,  and  other  charitable  acts,  shall  be  valid,  and  have 
their  full  and  entire  effect,  notwithstanding  all  judgments,  decrees 
and  other  things  to  the  contrary,  without  prejudice,  however  to  the 
rights  ot  His  Majesty,  and  of  any  other,  in  case  the  said  gifts  and 
donations   fall  into  mcrt-main  :   and   all   actions   and  prosecutions 
necessary  for  the  enjoyment  of  the  said  gifts,  charitable  provisions 
and  other  rights,  as  well  in  judgment  as  otherwise,  mav  be  made  by 
attorney  in  the  name  of  the  corporation  and  communi'ty  of  the  said 
rehgion  who  may  have  an  interest  therein,  and  if  it  is  ascertained 
that  any  of   the  said  donations  have   been  heretofore  disposed  of 
otherwise  than  is  prescribed  by  the  said  article,  no  restitution  shall 
be  claimed,  except  it  be  in  kind. 

XLIII  His  Majesty  permits  persons  of  the  said  religion  to  come 
ogether  before  the  royal  judge  and  by  his  authority,  to  divide  and 
evy  on  themselves  such  sums  of  money  as  shall  be  judged  necessary 
to  meet  the  expenses  of  their  synods,  and  to  support  those  who  have 
charge  of  the  exercise  of  their  said  religion,  a  statement  of  which 
shall  be  given  to  the  said  royal  judge  to  be  kept  by  him  :  a  copy  of 
which  shall  be  sent  every  six  months  by  the  said  royal  judge  to  his 
said  Majesty  or  his  Chancellor  ;  and  the  taxes  and  impositions  of 
the  said  moneys  shall  be  executory,  all  oppositions  and  appeals  to 
the  contrary,  notwithstanding. 

XLIV.  The  ministers  of  the  said  religion  shall  be  exempt  from 
guards  and  patrols,  and  from  lodging  soldiers,  and  from  assessments 
and  collections  of  the  tax,  from  the  guardianship,  trusteeship,  and 
charge  of  properly  seized  by  authority  of  justice. 

XLV.  As  regards  interments  of  persons  of  the  said  religion,  made 
heretofore  in  the  cemeteries  of  the  said  Catholics,  in  what  place  or 
city  soever,  his  said  Majesty  commands  that  there  shall  be  no  dis- 
turbance, innovation,  or  prosecution,  and  enjoins  on  his  officers  to 
see  his  wishes  enforced.     With  regard  to  the  city  of  Paris,  besides 


' 


I02  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

the  two  cemeteries  already  granted  to  persons  of  the  said  religion, 
viz.,  that  of  the  Trinity  and  that  of  St.  Germain,  a  third  place  shall 
be  given  them,  proper  for  said  interments,  in  the  suburbs  of  St. 
Honore  or  St.  Denis. 

XLVI.  The  Catholic  presidents  and  councillors,  who  shall  be 
chosen  to  serve  in  the  chamber  ordained  for  the  parliament  of  Paris, 
shall  be  selected  by  His  Majesty  from  the  body  of  officers  of 
parliament. 

XLVII.  The  councillors  of  the  said  so-called  Reformed  re- 
ligion who  shall  serve  in  said  chamber,  shall  if  it  seem  good  to 
them,  assist  in  the  proceedings  which  shall  be  settled  by  commis- 
sioners, and  shall  have  a  deliberative  voice  therein  ;  but  they  shall 
have  no  part  of  the  moneys  deposited,  except  in  case  that  by  order 
and  prerogative  of  their  reception,  it  is  their  duty  to  assist. 

XLVIIl.  The  oldest  president  of  the  mixed  chambers  shall 
preside  in  time  of  session,  and  in  his  absence  the  second,  and  a 
distribution  of  suits  shall  be  made,  conjointly  or  alternately,  by 
the  month  or  by  the  week. 

XLIX.  In  case  of  a  vacancy  in  the  offices  with  which  the 
members  of  the  said  religion  are  or  shall  be  provided  in  the  said 
chambers  of  the  edict,  suitable  persons  shall  be  selected  therefor, 
who  shall  have  the  attestation  of  the  synod  or  conferences  to  which 
they  belong,  that  they  are  of  the  said  religion,  and  honorable 
persons. 

L.  The  exoneration  granted  to  those  of  the  said  so-called 
Reformed  religion  by  the  77th  article  of  said  edict,  shall  extend  to 
the  seizures  of  all  royal  moneys,  whether  by  breaking  of  coffers  or 
otherwise,  even  in  regard  to  those  which  were  carried  off  on  the 
river  Charente,  now  that  they  have  become  private  i)roperty. 

LI.  The  49th  of  the  secret  articles  made  in  the  year  1577, 
touching  the  city  and  archbishopric  of  Avignon  and  county  of 
Venise,  with  the  treaty  made  at  Nimes,  shall  be  observed  according 
to  their  form  and  tenor  ;  and  no  letters  of  marque  shall  be  given,  in 
virtue  of  the  said  articles  and  treaties,  except  by  letters  patent  of  the 
King,  sealed  with  the  great  seal.  However,  those  who  desire  them 
may  secure  them  by  virtue  of  the  present  article,  and  without  other 
commission,  from  the  royal  judges,  who  shall  inform  themselves  of 
the  contraventions,  denial  of  justice,  and  iniquity  of  judgments 
proposed  by  those  who  desire  to  obtain  said  letters,  and  shall  send 
such  letters  with  their  decision  closed  and  sealed  to  His  Majesty, 
to  be  disposed  of  as  he  shall  deem  to  be  proper  and  just. 


The  Edict  of  Nantes 


103 


LII.     His  Majesty  wishes  and  gives  consent  that  Master  Nicholas 
Grimoult   shall    be   re-established  and  maintained   in  the  title  and 
possession  of  the  offices  of  lieutenant-general  in  the  civil  and  crim- 
inal courts  of  the  bailiwick  of  Alencon,  notwithstanding  the  resigna- 
tion by  him  made  to  Master  John  Marguerit,  the  induction  to  the 
same,  and  grant  obtained  by  Master  William  Bernard  of  the  office  of 
lieutenant-general  criminal  and  civil  to  the  court  of  Exmes  ;  and  the 
decrees  issued  against  the  said  Marguerit,  resigned  during  the  said 
troubles  in  the  privy  council,  in  the  years  1586,  1587,  and  1588,  by 
which  Master  Nicholas  Barbier  is  maintained  in  the  rights  and  pre- 
rogatives of  lieutenant-general  of  the  said  bailiwick,  and  the  said  Ber- 
nard in  the  said  office  of  lieutenant-general  at  Exmes,  His  Majesty 
has  annulled,  and  all  others  to  the  contrary.     And  further,  his  said 
Majesty  for  certain  good  considerations,  has  given  permission  and 
ordered  that  the  said  Grimoult  shall  reimburse  within  three  months, 
to  the  said  Barbier  the  funds  which  he  has  furnished  to  the  Bureau 
of  Escheats  for  the  office  of  lieutenant-general  civil  and  criminal  of 
the  Viscounty  of  Alencon,  and  fifty  crowns  for  expenses  ;  commis- 
sioning for  that  purpose  the  bailiff  of  Perche,  or  his  lieutenant  at 
Mortagne.  And  the  reimbursement  being  made,  or  the  said  Barbier 
refusing  or  delaying  to  receive  it,  his  said  Majesty  forbids  the  said 
Barbier,  as  also  the  said  Bernard,  after  knowledge   of   the  present 
article,  from  performing  the  duties  of  said  offices,  under  pain  of  be- 
ing punished  for  false  pretences  ;  and  the  said  Grimoult  is  put  in 
enjoyment  of  said  offices  and  the  rights  thereunto  appertaining  ;  and 
by  so  doing  the  suits,  pending  in  the  privy  council  of  His  Majesty, 
between  the  said  Grimoult,  Barbier,   and  Bernard,  shall  be   termi- 
nated and  suppressed,  his  said  Majesty  forbidding  the  parliaments 
and  all  others  from  taking  cognizance  thereof,  and  the  said  parties 
from  continuing  the  suits.     And  besides  his  said  Majesty  commands 
that  the  said  Bernard  be  reimbursed  for  a  thousand  crowns  paid  to 
the  Board  of  Escheats  (parties  casuelUs)  for  the  said  office,  and  sixty 
crowns  for  the  7narc  d^or  and  expenses,  having  for  that  purpose,  at 
the  present  time  ordered  a  good  and  sufficient  assignment,  the  re- 
covery of  which  shall  be  made  with  diligence  and  at  the  expense  of 
the  said  Grimoult. 

LIII.  His  said  Majesty  will  write  to  his  ambassador  to  see  to 
It,  in  respect  to  all  his  subjects,  and  especially  to  those  of  the  said 
so-called  Reformed  religion,  that  they  shall  not  be  molested  for 
matters  of  conscience,  nor  subject  to  the  inquisition,  going,  coming, 
sojourning,    negotiating,    and    trafficking   in    all    foreign    countries 


I04 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


in  alliance  and  confederation  with  this  crown,  provided  they  give  no 
offence  to  the  police  of  the  countries  where  they  may  be. 

LIV.  His  Majesty  is  not  willing  that  there  should  be  any  inquiry 
on  account  of  the  collecting  of  impositions  levied  at  Royan,  in  vir- 
tue of  the  contract  made  with  Lord  de  Candelay,  and  others  made 
in  continuation  thereof,  and  gives  validity  to,  and  approves  of,  the 
said  contract  for  the  time  that  it  has  force  in  all  its  extent,  until  the 
eighteenth  day  of  May  ai)proaching. 

LV.  The  excesses  committed  on  the  person  of  Armand  Cour- 
tines,  in  the  city  of  Milhau,  in  the  year  1587,  and  of  John  Reynes 
and  Peter  Seigneuret,  with  the  procedures  made  against  them  by 
the  consuls  of  the  said  Milhau,  shall  be  abolished  and  suppressed 
by  the  benefit  of  the  Edict,  so  that  neither  their  widows  and  heirs, 
nor  the  procureurs-general  of  His  Majesty,  nor  their  substitutes,  nor 
any  other  persons  whatever,  shall  be  allowed  to  make  mention,  in- 
quiry, or  prosecution  thereof,  notwithstanding  and  in  opposition  to 
the  decree  given  in  the  chamber  of  Castres,  on  the  tenth  day  of 
March  last,  which  shall  be  null  and  of  no  effect,  with  all  informa- 
tions and  ])rocedures,  both  on  the  one  part  and  on  the  other. 

LVI.  All  suits,  procedures,  sentences,  judgments,  and  decrees 
granted  against  the  late  M.  de  la  Noue,  or  against  M.  Odet  de  la 
Noue,  his  son,  since  their  detention  and  imprisonment  in  Flanders 
in  the  month  of  March,  1580,  and  in  the  month  of  November,  1584, 
and  during  their  continued  activity  in  the  wars  and  service  of  His 
Majesty,  shall  be  annulled,  and  all  that  has  followed  in  consequence 
of  them.  And  the  said  Sirs  de  la  Messrs.  de  la  Noue  shall  be  re- 
ceived into  their  wards,  and  placed  in  such  state  as  they  were  in 
before  the  said  judgments  and  decrees,  in  such  manner  that 
they  shall  not  be  bound  to  refund  the  expenses,  or  to  deposit  the 
fines,  if  they  have  incurred  any,  nor  shall  any  non-suiting  or  pre- 
scriptions during  the  said  term  be  alleged  against  them. 

Done  by  the  King,  in  his  Council  at  Nantes,  on  the  second  day  of 
May,  1598.  Signed,  Henry  ;  and  still  lower.  Forget  ;  and  sealed 
with  the  great  seals  of  yellow  wax.' 

^  All  after  LV.  is  omitted  in  Anquez'  text. 


Rev.  Paul  de  Felice,  Rev.  Nafhauacl  Weiss. 

M.  de  Felice  is  a  Member  of  the  French  Huguenot  Society;  M.   IVriss  is  its 

Secretary  and  was  its  Delegate. 


% 


REV.    PAUL   DE   FELICE, 


REV.    NATHANAEL  WEISS. 


t 


i 


HOW   THE    EDICT   OF    NANTES   WAS 

OBSERVED. 

By  the  Rev.  PAUL  DE  FELICE, 

Of  Enghien  (Seine  and  Oise) 

THE  Edict  of  Nantes  was  really  never  observed, 
either  in  letter  or  in  spirit.  This  is  proved  as 
well  by  the  numerous  confirmations  of  it  which  the 
government  saw  fit  to  make  as  by  the  complaints 
of  the  Protestants.  From  the  first  day  one  or  the 
other  of  the  concessions  accorded  bv  it  was  contested, 
gradually  reduced,  and  at  last  annihilated.  In  the  course 
of  the  first  half  of  the  XVHth  century,  it  is  true,  the 
numberless  violations  were  only  trifiine  ones.  From 
the  majority  of  Louis  XIV.,  or  more  correctly  from  1656 
and  especially  from  1660,  injustice  however  began  to  be 
the  rule.  There  was  a  formal  plan,  a  fixed  method,  as 
the  memorials  of  the  clergy  (1660)  prove  ;  these  memo- 
rials were  disseminated  throuorhout  France  to  serve  as 
a  manual  to  the  enemies  of  the  Reformed  church.  The 
Edict  became  from  day  to  day  more  and  more  a  corpse 
without  a  soul,  a  dead  letter.  All  possibility  to  exist 
legally  was  taken  away  from  the  Protestants  so  thor- 
oughly well  that  the  revocation  of  the  Edict  was  based 
on  the  uselessness  of  its  existence,  as,  with  the  exception 
of  a  few  fanatical  and  incorrigible  rebels,  it  was  affirmed, 
there  were  no  more  Protestants  in  France  ! 

Considering  the  limits  within  w^hich  I   have  to  keep 

los 


io6 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


myself,  I  cannot  enter  into  all  the  details  of  the  numer- 
ous and  multiplying  encroachments.  It  would  necessi- 
tate the  enumeration  of  all  the  rii^hts  and  liberties 
granted  ;  then  to  show  how,  successively  and  gradually, 
they  were  taken  away  in  consequence  of  the  im- 
placable attacks  of  the  enemy  under  the  plea  that  the 
end  justifies  the  means  ;  in  one  word,  to  write  a  whole 
volume.  I  leave  all  this  aside  to  speak  of  what  was  done 
from  a  strictly  political  standpoint  in  order  to  destroy 
what  is  called  a  state  within  a  state.  In  this  respect  the 
acts  of  the  royal  will  may  be  ex[)lained  and  justified  ;  or 
rather  could  be  justified,  if  the  royal  power  had  not 
taken  advantage  of  the  annihilation  of  the  political 
power  of  the  Huguenots  in  order  to  oppress  them. 

In  fact  the  edicts  in  favor  of  them,  and  particularly 
that  of  Nantes,  were  tlie  more  violated  in  proportion  as 
the  Huguenots  were  the  less  feared  and  especially  after 
the  fall  of  La  Rochelle,  when  they  had  lost  their  terror. 
Therein  lay  for  them  the  importance  of  that  event. 

From  a  confessional  standpoint,  if  I  maybe  allowed  to 
use  this  ex[)ression,  I  have  equally  to  restrain  myself. 
I  will  therefore,  for  instance,  not  speak  of  the  right  of 
residence  accorded  to  national  or  foreiijfn  Protestants 
(especiall)-  to  the  latter,  to  pastors  and  professors)  in 
all  the  cities  of  the  kingdom,  enjoying  complete  liberty 
of  conscience,  a  rii^ht  which  was  to  be  reduced  and  sub- 
sequently  suppressed  both  as  to  the  residence  and 
as  to  liberty  of  conscience  ^  ;  nor  of  the  procedure 
to  demolish  by  hundreds  their  old  temples,  which, 
after  having  existed  for  60  years,  were  found  out  to  be 
too  near  to  the  Catholic  churches,  because  the  sinofinor 
of  their  psalms,  the  sound  of  their  bells,  the  possible 
meeting    of    processions    might   gravely    inconvenience 

'  Article  VI.  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  general  and  secret.     [Pp.  63,  95  of  this  vol.] 


How  the  Edict  was  Observed 


107 


i 


> 


the  Catholic  service  and  scandalize  the  true  believers, 
who  had  never  before  thought  of  it ;  nor  of  the  appli- 
cation of  Article  XVII.,  to  the  Protestants  only  which 
forbids  their  preachers,  readers,  or  others  to  speak  in 
public  words  or  sermons  calculated  to  produce  com- 
motions or  sedition,  whilst  everything  was  permitted 
to  be  said  arainst  them  without  their  being  able  to 
defend  themselves ;  nor  of  the  interdiction  forcibly 
or  by  persuasion  to  take  children  away  from  their 
Protestant  parents  in  order  to  have  them  baptized  as 
Catholics  (Art.  XVIII.),  when  even  before  these  odious 
abductions  of  children,  of  which  the  Protestants  so  of- 
ten and  bitterly  and  with  right  complained,  it  had  been 
decided  that,  notwithstanding  the  express  refusal  of  the 
parents,  the  child  of  a  father  who  died  as  a  Catholic  is  a 
Catholic  ;  that  if  a  father  in  any  imaginable  manner,  be  it 
by  an  escaped  word  in  a  moment  of  vexation  or  dis- 
couragement, or  otherwise  showed  any  desire  to  have  his 
child  or  children  brought  up  in  the  Catholic  religion,  he 
could  never  cro  back  on  his  wish,  in  fact  that  he  would 
have  to  pay  for  the  bringing  up  and  nourishment  of  his 
children  in  custody  of  the  Catholics  ;  that  if  a  Catholic 
father  should  chanw  his  reli^non,  his  children  should  be 
taken  away  from  him  and  be  educated  by  Catholics  at  his 
expense,  and  finally,  to  begin  from  1663,  a  Catholic  father 
must  be  bound  to  have  his  children  educated  in  the 
Catholic  faith  even  if  the  mother  be  a  Protestant  and 
even  if  both  father  and  mother  be  against  it.  This  is 
the  way  in  which  the  King  and  the  clergy  respected  the 
liberty  of  the  father  of  a  family  ! 

I  say  nothing  about  the  legal  admissibility  (Art. 
XX\^II.)  of  Protestants  to  all  State  offices,  functions, 
industries,  professions,  corporations,  masterships,  when, 
under  the  pretext  that  the  Edict  of  Nantes  had  been 


f 


io8 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


granted  to  the  Protestants  as  a  measure  of  necessity  and 
under  duress  in  ticklish  times,  the  successors  of  Henry 
IV.  declared  that  they  were  not  bound  by  it,  perpetual 
and  irrevoca])le  as  it  mi'dit  be  called  ;  when  the  HuL^ue- 
nots  were  gradually  deprived  of  all  their  dignities,  of- 
fices, and  functions,  and  even  the  possibility  of  following 
a  profession,  trade,  etc.,  even  as  a  hatter,  livery-stable 
keejjer,  or  washerwoman,  was  taken  awa)'  from  them. 

Nor  will  I  s{)eak  of  the  "gradual  and  ^jfrowinLr  reduc- 
tion  of  the  competency  of  the  Chambers  of  the  Edict, 
or  bi-partisan  special  trilninals.  established  to  guarantee 
the  rights  of  the  Protestants,  nor  of  their  complete 
suppression  (1679)  at  the  moment  when  their  need  was 
most  felt.  And  when  was  it  not  ur-'cnt  to  have  them  ? 
Odet  de  la  Noue,  the  worthy  bearer  of  an  illustrious 
name,  one  of  those  eminent  lavmen  of  whom  our  church 
is  so  proud, — did  he  not  write  on  the  26th  June,  1596, 
to  Henry  lY.  on  the  eve  of  the  promulgation  of  the 
Edict  of  Nantes,  that  everybody  claimed  bi-partisan 
chambers  on  account  of  the  crying  injustice  of  the  pro- 
vincial parliaments,  and  did  he  not  add  '' that  without 
this  remedy  I  dare  to  say  to  your  Majesty,"  that  all  the 
other  remedies  will  be  useless  {Bulletin,  1898,  106)? 
And  Henry  I\^  was  so  strongly  of  the  same  opinion, 
that  nearly  half  of  the  lulict  of  Nantes  treated  of  these 
special  tribunals  and  their  attributes. 

Shall  I  stop  to  show  the  manifest  violation  of  Article 
H.  of  the  secret  articles  which  dispenses  the.'  Protestants, 
except  in  case  of  special  endowments,  from  contrib- 
uting to  the  expenses  of  the  Catholic  clergy,  to  their 
churches,  presbyteries,  salaries,  or  support  of  their  priests, 
when  under  the  pretext  that  their  parochial  churches  and 
[)riests'  residences  belong  to  the  communes,  the  Protes- 
tants, not  as  such,  but  as  members  of  the  commune,  are 


\ 


i 


How  the  Edict  was  Observed 


109 


forced  to  contribute  to  their  maintenance,  so  that,  for 
instance,  in  a  commune  called  Gatuzieres  the  inhabi- 
tants, though  mostly  Protestants,  were  forced  to  rebuild 
at  their  expense  the  house  of  the  priest  (Order  of  the 
Parliament  of  Toulouse,  nth  March,  1664)?  And 
subsequently  when  these  claimed  equal  treatment,  they 
were  told  that  if  the  Edict  of  Nantes  authorized  them 
as  adherents  of  the  Reformed  church  and  not  as  members 
of  the  commune  to  levy  contributions  for  the  observance 
of  their  religious  rites  it  was  ordered  that  the  commune 
had  nothing  to  do  w^ith  their  expenses.  Shall  I  say 
under  what  futile  pretences  their  schools,  their  colleges, 
and  academies  were  paralyzed  or  suppressed  ?  To  speak 
only  of  their  schools,  what  impediments  were  put  in 
their  w^ay,  though  secret  Article  XXXVH.  permits  them 
wherever  the  public  exercise  of  their  religion  is  author- 
ized !  Instruction  was  being  limited  in  order  to  limit 
the  wdiole  burgher  class  to  the  simple  instruction  in 
reading,  writing,  and  arithmetic  ;  it  was  not  permitted 
even  as,  for  instance,  at  Montauban,  where  there  was  for 
a  hundred  scholars  only  one  school  and  in  that  school 
only  one  single  teacher  ;  churches  which  had  to  be  es- 
tablished as  far  away  from  the  communes  as  possible, 
sometimes  in  the  midst  of  fields,  must  have  their  schools 
in  their  close  vicinity  ;  special  collections  for  the  teach- 
ers were  forbidden  and  they  were  not  permitted  to  have 
boarding  scholars,  which  might  have  helped  them  in 
their  expenses  ;  in  fact  the  Catholics  invoked  Article 
XXH.,  which  grants  to  the  Protestants  the  right  to  use, 
if  they  chose  to  do  so.  Catholic  schools  and  colleges, 
and  obliged  them,  even  if  they  did  not  take  advantage 
of  their  privileges,  to  contribute  to  the  maintenance  of 
the  Catholic  schools,  in  order  to  forbid  them,  notwith- 
standing the  formal  ordinance  of  their  discipline,  to  cen- 


I  lO 


Hucruenot  Society  of  America 


How  the  Edict  was  Observed 


III 


sure  those  who  place  their  children  with  the  Jesuits  or 
emplo}'  Cathoh'c  teachers. 

Shall  1  refrain  from  showiniL^  how,  even  notwithstand- 
ing Article  XX  X  I  V.  of  the  secret  articles  which  permits 
the  Protestants   to   keep  their  own  consistories,  synods, 
and    conferences,     and    the    royal    patent    of    the    23d 
Au^i;ust,    1599,   making;   it   unnecessary  to  ask   for  royal 
permission,  a  [previous  permission  was  exacted  ;  how  it 
was  that  after  it  had  been  made  more  and  more  ditticult 
to   obtain    it,    it   was    finally   refused   and   the    national 
synods  were  entirely  suppressed  in  1659,  ^'^nd  after  that 
also  the  provincial  ones  and  their  conferences  in  1683  •'' 
How,  be-inniu--  in  1623,  although  the  Edict  contained 
nothing  about  it,  a  more  injurious  than  inconvenient  con- 
stramt  began  to  be  exercised  and  made  as  obnoxious  as 
possible,— how  a  royal  conmiissioner  watched  the  synods 
and  later,   in    1084,  even  their  consistories?     How  this 
commissioner,  who  according  to  the  Declaration  of  1623 
ought  to  have  been  of   the  R.  P.  R.  (Religion  preten- 
due   reformee).    was    a    Roman    Catholic,    because   the 
Declaration   -  does  not  specially  prohibit  it,"  and  this 
ended  by  the  appointment  of  a  priest  (  Lisy,  1683)  ? 

Again,  to  speak  of  it  more  in  detail  would  require 
a  volume.  I  confine  myself  therefore  to  two  special 
points,  not  indexed  calculated  to  exhaust  the  subject, 
but  in  order  to  giv(^  a  more  exact  idea  of  the  method 
and  i)rocedure  which  were  employed. 

These  two  points  are  :  the  right  of  religious  exercise, 
or,  in  other  words,  of  establishing  and  organizing  a 
church  and  to  celebrate  the  Reformed  service  as  deter- 
mined by  the  general  Articles  VU.  to  XI.  ;  the  right  to 
own  iunds  and  to  collect  contributions,  granted  by 
special  or  secret  Articles  XLH.  and  XLHI.^ 

'  [  riie  Edict  contains  two  series  of  secret  articles.  Those  here  quoted  are  in 
the  trans.,  pp.  94-104,  called  the  second  series.— Ed.] 


;' 


» i 


i 


Before  speakinor  of  them,  however,  it  is  important  to 
say  in  explanation  of  what  follows,  that  the  methods 
and  proceedin,t,rs  adopted  b>-  the  adversaries  of  the 
Edict,  namel)-,  the  clergy,  to  whom,  as  I  said  before,  the 
King  from  the  year  1656,  and  principally  from  1660,' had 
delivered  the  Protestants,  tied  hand  and  foot,  were 
gladh-  assisted  by  the  Parliaments,  the  subaltern  tribu- 
nals, and  everybody  else  belonging  to  what  we  in  our 
day  should  call  "the  administration."  It  was  a  sort  of 
booty  after  which  everybod)-  was  striving. 

Taking  the  position,   however,   that  "the   Edict  was 
granted  from  necessity  in  dangerous  times  in  order  to 
allay  a  present  evil  and  not  for  the  purpose  of  guaran- 
teeing a  right  superior  to  the  causes  and  circumstances 
which  caused  the  Edict,  its  enemies  considered  them- 
sehes  sufficientl)-  authorized,  nay,  even  forced,  to  flcdu 
It  with   all   their  might  and   with  all   possible   mea^^is. 
"  Odious  things,"  they  said,  "  must  be  restrained."     Un- 
questionably Henry  IV.  had  declared   the  Edict  "per- 
petual and  irrevocable."     But  the  first  question  is,  after 
ail,  the  public  good  and  is  therefore  the  supreme  law 
In   other  words,  the  suppression    of   the   Edict    bein-r 
absolutely  necessary  to  the  weal  of  the  Roman  Catholic 
religion  and  this  religion  to  the  weal  of  the  State,  be- 
cause the  two  are  so  intimately  interwoven,  everytliing 
which  IS  being  done  against  the  Edict  accrues  to  the 
benefit  of  the  State,  and  therefore  the  end  must  justify 
all  sorts  of  means  whatever  they  may  be. 

But  as,  unfortunately,  the  Edict  cannot  be  suppressed 
with  one  fell  swoop,  what  is  to  be  done  ?  The  first 
thing  would  be  to  find  convenient  interpretations  of  it 
which  must,  if  necessary,  be  sanctioned  by  force ;  equity 
tailmg,  the  Edict  must  be  a/h-nua/cd  in  order  to  ex- 
icnuatc  it ;  then   the  churches  would  gradually  disap- 


I 


I  12 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


pear  and  the  number  of  Protestants  diminish  ;  in  the 
meantime  everything  ima<^qnable  was  to  be  done  to 
make  them  odious  ;  they  were  to  be  represented  as  the 
successful  holders  of  the  best  places  in  the  State,  and  to 
be  bad  Frenchmen. 

As  far  as  interpretations  are  concerned,  I  mention 
the  one  i(iven  by  the  Attorney-General,  Omer  Talon, 
not  the  idea  of  it,  but  the  happy  formula  :  the  interpre- 
tation "  a  la  rii^aieur."  To  interpret  "  a  la  rigueur  "  means 
''  to  be  used  aminst  the  IVotestants,  thou^rh  intended 
for  their  benefit "  ;  to  employ  the  expression  of  the 
priests  Bernard  and  Soulier  in  their  Explication  of  the 
Edict  of  Nantes  (Paris,  1683,  page  129),  a  capital  work 
as  to  matter,  ''favor"  was  transformed  into  a  baneful 
and  dan<^er()us  thin  if. 

Thus  the  sick  Protestants  could  ^o  to  a  Catholic 
hosj)ital,  and  therefore  they  were  not  allowed  to  have 
an)-  of  their  own  ;  the  poor  Protestants  could  share  in 
the  alms  of  the  commune,  therefore  the  gifts,  bequests, 
and  legacies  of  their  coreligionists  had  to  go  into  the 
communal  treasury  (Art.  XXII.).  The  Edict  (XXIX.) 
imposed  on  the  police  the  duty  to  prevent  every  scandal 
or  disturbance  at  Protestant  funerals,  meaning  every  dis- 
turbance against  them,  as  had  happened  thousands  of 
times.  It  should  read:  every  scandal  and  disturbance 
created  by  t/ion,  and  so  fortli. 

In  their  dedicatory  Epistle  to  the  Archbishops  and 
P)ishops,  P)ernard  and  Soulier  give  a  topical  example. 
Their  explication  is  written  for  the  purpose  ''  of  ex- 
plaining the  spirit  of  the  Edict,  and  by  precise  rules  to 
point  out  the  places  where  the  exercise  of  their  religion 
should  be  suppressed."  Henceforth  the  entire  Edict 
which  was  granted  to  the  Huguenots  to  establish  and 
guarantee  their  rights  and  liberties  must  be  invoked  to 


I 


How  the  Edict  was  Observed 


"3 


1 


destroy  these  rights  and  privileges.  Of  a  fortress  for 
their  defense  a  prison  was  made  to  immure  them  and 
to  destroy  them.  It  was  the  triumph  of  the  interpreta- 
tion "a  la  rigueur." 

And  how  shall  we  succeed  ?  Oh,  nothing  more  sim- 
ple. Article  XCI.  of  the  Edict,  which,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  specially  provided  cases,  abrogates  all  previous 
edicts,  declarations,  orders,  etc.,  is  stricken  out;  then 
the  Edict  itself  will  be  explained,  or,  better  yet,  reduced 
To  speak  the  truth,  it  is  a  way  to  wipe  it  out  entirely 

Here,   for    instance,    is    Article    VI.   of   the   general 
articles  confirmed  by  Article  I.  of  the  secret  articles 
which    proclaims    full    liberty    of    conscience    all    over 
France.     It  happened  that  a  good  number  of  Catholics 
availing  themselves  of  the  Edict,  went  over  to  the  Re- 
formed Church.     The    piety  of   the    King  fortunately 
remedied  this    scandalous  abuse,    by  interpretin.r  this 
sixth  article  with  the  help  of  the  corresponding  anicles 
of  the  Edict  of  1577  and  of  the  conferences  of  Nerac 
and  of  Fleix,  in  particular  of  those  of  the  Edict  of  1577 
in  which   "  the  explication  of  that  of  Nantes  must  be 
found,    for  without  doubt  it  represented  the  true  spirit 
and  intent  of  the  King,  considering  that  if  this  article 
granted  the  Catholics  the  faculty  of  changing  their  re- 
ligion It  would  be  to  the  detriment  of  the  public  good 
and  against  the  Catholic  religion  and  the  welfare  of  the 
^t:xt^( Ex-phcaliou,  page  221).      What  could  remain  of 
the  Edict  of  Nantes,  if  everything  which  was  contrary 
to  the  Catholic  religion  was  eliminated  from  it    under 
the  pretext  of  the  public  law  and  the  welfare  of  the 
i'tate  }    This,  however,  is  the  doctrine  which  triumphed 
Let  us  admire,  in  passing,  this  astonishing  respect  for 
the    Royal   will !     The  advantage  which   the    Catholic 
clergy  always  derived   from   their  proceedings  against 


114 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


How  the  Edict  was  Observed 


115 


the  Protestants  is  well  known,  accusin''-  them  of  con- 
tempt  for  the  Royal  aiithorit\-,  because  they  would  not 
adopt  his  relii^ion  nor  have  thi^ir  consciences  ruled  by 
his.  And  here  be  it  said  that,  notwithstandiuL:'  the 
KinL^^  himself  pronounced  this  Edict  to  be  perpetual, 
irrevocable,  and  (in  the  Preamble)  declared  it  to  be  a 
general,  clear,  well  defined,  and  absolute  law,  the  clergy 
did  nf)t  hesitate  to  proclaim  that  it  was  not  necessarv  to 
ol)c;v  it,  because  in  their  opinion  anxthini:  contrarv  to 
the  Catholic  religion  was  against  the  public  law  and 
endangered  the  welfare  of  the  State.  The  Kings,  "  by 
grace  Divine,"  would  therefore  appear  to  be  the  best 
judges  of  it  all. 

In  the  second  place,  in  order  to  diminish  the  import 
of  the  r^dict,  virtual  authority  to  judge  the  matter  is 
given  to  an\-  decision  by  any  Parliament,  or  even  any 
Intendant,  in  the  face  of  all  protests  and  appeals  of  the 
Protestants.  1  recall  the  case  of  the  commune  of  Gatu- 
zieres,  where  the  inhabitants,  though  they  were  mostly 
Protestants,  w^ere  forced  by  decision  of  the  Parliament 
of  Touhjuse  (i  ith  March.  1664)  to  rebuild  the  parsonage 
of  the  priest.  From  now  on,  at  least  until  1669,  this 
judgment  served  as  the  guiding  rule,  and  thus  became 
an  authority. 

Every  one  knows  how  blindly  hostile  to  the  Protes- 
tants certain  Parliaments,  and  especially  the  one  of 
Toulouse,  were.  Such  was  the  result  of  such  a  juris- 
prudenct^  which  submits  the  Edict  to  the  Parliaments 
and  not  the  Parliaments  to  the  Edict. 

A  third  procedure  consisted  in  the  complaints  made 
of  pretended  oppression  to  which  Catholics  had  to  sub- 
mit ;  they  were  the  real  persecuted  ones  ;  they  were 
only  standing  on  their  legitimate  defense  !  This  was 
one  of  their  great  arguments  against  the  Protestants  at 


the    time   when,    in    consequence   of    the   memorials  of 
1660,  Royal  commissioners  were  appointed  and  sent ;  it 
\vas  also  one  of  the  principal  reasons  given  for  the  in- 
voked suppression  of  general  Article  XXVI  I.,  which  pro- 
claimed the  equal  accessibility  to  all  offices,  functions, 
dignities,   magistracies,  either  local  or  others,  of  both 
confessionals.      It  was  claimed  that  the  Protestants  had 
held  them  long  enough,  and  that  it  was  ''only  just  to 
relieve  the  Catholics  from  their  domineering  oppression, 
and  to    prefer  the   true    believers   to   those  wdio   were 
simply  tolerated  in  the  State."     And  henceforth  they 
were  nearly  all  refused  to  the  Protestants. 

The  real  aim,  profound  aim,  was,  however,  not  to  pre- 
serve the  Catholics  from  oppression,  which  no  sensible 
man  believed  in  ;  what  was  intended  and  wanted  was 
the  progressive  diminution  of  the  number  of  the  Prot- 
estants and   their  churches   by  making  their  lives  im- 
possible.     Of  the   eternal  salvation   of  their  souls,   as 
some  credulous  people  might  assert,  the  clergy  thought 
very  little.     The  question  was  to  get  to  the  point  where 
the  Protestants  might  be  treated  as  being  of  no  account, 
and  then,  from  their  diminishing  number,  to  reason  that 
the    Edict    had    now    become    useless    and    finally    to 
suppress  it. 

It  was  a  singular  and  contradictory  way  of  reasoning, 
for,  if  the  Edict  had  become  useless,  there  was  certainly 
no  reason  or  sense  in  revoking  it.  Nobody,  however, 
was  duped,  and  the  great  point  was,  not  to  be  in  the 
right,  but  to  have  good  or  bad  reasons  in  the  case. 
Here  is  a  notable  example  :  At  the  time  of  the  promul- 
gation of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  certain  regions  of  France 
were  not  yet  incorporated  in  the  kingdom,  as,  for  instance 
the  country  of  Gex.  which  fell  to  the  Crown  in  1601! 
and   Beam,  which  finally  came  in  only  in   1620.     The 


.1 


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/ 


latter  had  an  immense  majority  of  Protestants,  and 
beiny  therefore  unfavorable  to  the  *'  Reform,"  it  was 
therefore  aheady  appHed  there  from  the  beginning;  of 
1617;  but  being  favorable  to  the  *' Reform "  in  the 
country  of  Gex,  it  was  refused  there  in  1662  and  1664, 
after  sixty  years  of  real  and  even  legal  observance  (Edict 
of  1604,  Drion,  Histor.  C/irou.,  i.,  269),  and  of  twenty- 
five  churches,  only  two  were  allowed  to  exist. 

Finally,    the   last    procedure   which    I    shall    mention, 
consists  in  the  disuniting,  ruining,  and  discrediting  the 
Protestants  themselves.     As  for  disuniting  them,  I  give 
a  single  proof  in  order  not  to  lose  myself  in  the  infinite 
complications   of    the   clandestine   means    to    this    end. 
This  proof  is  the  suppression  of  the  national  synods,  and 
the   interdiction  of  all  communication  of  one  province 
with  another,  going  so  far  as  to  prohibit  communication, 
as  had  hitherto  been  done  continuously  since  1609,  at  least 
in  so  far  as  some  deputies  of  a  provincial  synod  visited 
the  synod  of  a  neighboring  province,  "  in  order,"  as  the 
Discipline  of  the  Reformed  Church  says  (Chap.  VIII., 
Art.  X\'I.),  ''to  keep  up  the  uniformity  between  neigh- 
bors."    The  object  was,  and  it  was  not  denied,  to  prevent 
the  Protestants  from  forming  a  compact  body,  in  order 
to  be  able  to  destroy  them  afterwards  easier  in  "detail." 
As  for  "discrediting"  them  (of  the  machinations  to 
ruin  them  I  shall  speak  later),  they  endeavored,  from  the 
standpoint  of  their  religion,  to  isolate  them,  to  pen  them 
up,  or  park   them,  as   it  were.     They  were  pestiferous 
people,   whose   religion  was  a  sort  of  shameful    public 
misfortune.      They  were  sent  as  far  away  from  the  cities 
as  possible,  in  order  to  escape  all  sorts  of  contamination, 
and  they  were  forced  to  hide  themselves  when  buryincr 
their  dead.      No  sooner  arrives  a   Bishop   or  an   Arch- 
bishop in  town,  than  every  church  service  has  to  stop 


until  they  had  left  town  again.  Their  preachers  were 
watched,  their  consistories  and  synods  were  treated  as  a 
pack  of  conspirators,  who  had  closely  to  be  kept  under 
their  eves. 

As  for  their  personal  characters,  everything  possible 
and  impossible  was  done  to  make  the  Protestants 
odious  to  their  fellow  citizens.  At  times  they  were 
accused  of  snatching  up  all  the  good  offices,  to  the 
detriment  of  the  Catholics,  when  really  they  were  be- 
ing vilified  by  the  latter,  and  offices  refused  to  them, 
cut  off  from  all  favors,  and  even  from  their  communal 
rights.  At  other  times  they  were  accused  of  being  in 
the  pay  of  foreigners,  being  in  league  with  them  and 
conspiring  to  deliver  their  country,  God  knows  to 
whom,  or  what  for,  compromising  the  safety  of  the 
good  Frenchmen  (as  none  but  a  Catholic  can  be  a  good 
Frenchman),  whilst,  on  the  contrary,  none  of  their 
pastors  could  be  found  in  the  ranks  of  the  Lea<rue  or  of 
the  "Fronde,"  nor  any  Protestant  in  F>ance  who 
received  his  watchword  or  command  from  beyond  the 
mountains. 

Notwithstanding  all  their  efforts  and  the  evidence, 
they  were  always  suspected  ;  their  loyalty  was  abso- 
lutely denied,  but  those  who  disseminated  this  calumny 
are  the  very  ones  who  trampled  the  most  solemn  Royal 
edicts  under  their  feet.  In  short,  as  in  the  ancient  days 
of  the  Church,  the  Protestants  w^ere  represented  to  be 
the  enemies  of  the  human  race.  And  when,  driven  to 
extremit)',  they  protest,  there  w^ere  nothing  but  exclama- 
tions of  "  Alas  !  \  "  Well-a-day  !  "  an  uplifting  of  hands 
towards  heaven,  a  scene  of  holy  horror,  and  of  course 
new  measures  of  coercion  against  a  people  whose  real 
crime  consisted  in  not  being  in  the  majority. 

After  these  first  indications,  I  come  now  to  the  first 


lis 


Hug-uenot  Society  of  America 


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119 


of  the  two  points  mentioned,  namely,  to  the  right  of  the 
exercise  of  the  Protestant  reh-ion,  and  of  the'estabhsh- 
ment  of  churches. 

The  Edict  of  xXantes  grants  (Art.  VII.  to  XL)  the 
estabh'shment  :  i.  To  the  High  Justiciary  Lords,^  at 
their  i^rincipal  residence,  during  their  personal  sojourn 
there,  or  of  their  family,  entirely  or  partially,  their 
servants  and  others  who  wished  to  go  there. 

2.  To  the  Lords  of  simply  feodal  tenure,  with  a 
single  reservation,  which  I  shall  mention  later  on,  only 
for  themselves  and  their  family,  and  others  not  to  exceed 
thirty  persons,  be  It  fur  baptismal  festivities,  or  being 
otherwise  visited  by  friends. 

3.  To  the  adherents  of  their  faith  In  all  cities  or 
localities  where  it  was  established  and  exercised,  several 
or  many  times  in  the  year  of  1596  and  1597,  up  to  the 
end  of  the  month  of  Autaist. 

4.  In  all  places  where  It  had  been  established  or 
might  have  been  established  by  the  Edict  of  Pacifica- 
tion of  1577,  and  the  conferences  of  Nerac  or  Fleix. 

5.  Lastly.  In  bailiwicks,^  without  reference  to  the 
number  of  churches  existing  there,  in  virtue  of  the  other 
articles,  with  a  twofold  reservation,  however,  that  If  in 
the  interior  of  episcopal  or  archieplscopal  cities  the 
service  can  be  re-established,  such  could  not  be  estab- 
lished or  created  ;  It  would  have  to  be  done  in  the  out- 
skirts of  the  city;  besides,  this  second  exercise  in  the 
bailiwick  could  not  be  permitted  on  places  or  posses- 
sions belonging  to  Catholic  ecclesiastics,  which  were  by 
special  favor  excepted  and  reserved. 

Withal,    though    the    Protestants    might    have    been 

'The  high  justiciary  Lord  means  one  who  has  the  right  to  condemn  to  death 
and  to  judge  all  civil  and  criminal  cases,  except  the  Royal  cases.     Thus  it  is  under- 
stood that  the  Lords  of  simple  feodal  tenure  occupy  a  lower  rank. 

^  Place  under  the  jurisdiction  of  a  bailiff. 


I 

4 


fully  justified  to  complain  of  the  losses  entailed  upon 
them.  It  gave  them  a  pretty  good  number  of  churches. 
This  is  really  what  their  adversaries  thouo:ht,  and  we 
shall  see  how  they  succeed  In  forbidding  a  proportion- 
ately very  large  number  of  them,  notwithstandlncr  the 
Edict,  nor  do  I  say  enough.  Let  us  look  first  at 
Article  \TI.  regarding  the  High  Lords  of  Justice. 

To  begin  with,  they  had  to  live  ordinarily  on  their 
lands.  This  seems  to  be  very  simple  and  natural,  but 
here  for  Instance  are  the  Sleurs  Baudouin,  advocate 
at  the  Council  of  Paris  (1642),  and  de  la  Mezancrere 
councillor  at  the  Parliament  of  Rouen  (1682)  ;  during 
the  week  their  functions  kept  them  in  those  cities  ;  from 
Saturday  to  Monday  they  were  at  their  country  seats. 
They  were  therefore  required  to  remain  always  in 
the  latter,  or  in  other  words,  were  forced  to  resign  or 
otherwise  to  give  up  their  faith.  From  this  can  be  seen 
what  the  consequences  were  In  all  analogous  cases. 
The  Edict  did  not  say  anything  about  it. 

Next  question  was,  where  was  the  actual  residence  of 
the  landlord  himself,  so  that  if  he,  his  wife,  or  their 
children  were  absent,  the  right  would  escheat.  The 
Edict  said  (Art.  YII.j  that  religious  exercises  would  be 
permitted  to  the  wives  and  families  of  the  "  Seigneurs" 
when  they  were  absent,  but  this  was  interpreted  that 
when  the  ''  Seigneurs "  were  absent  there  was  no  re- 
ligious exercise  of  the  Protestant  variety. 

Next  It  was  necessary  that  the  "Seigneur"  should 
have  the  office  of  a  High  Justice,  directly  appointed  by 
the  king.  Otherwise,  the  permission  is  required  of  the 
*'  Seigneur"  as  his  feudal  sub-tenant,  which  means  that, 
if  a  great  lord  possessed  amongst  his  landed  property 
several  secondary  fiefs,  carrying  "High  Justice"  with 
them,  and  ceded  them  so  far  as  the  law  and  customs 


\ 


I20 


Huyucnot  Society  of  America 


allowed  It,  he  ceded,  ipso  facto,  at  the  same  time  all 
n.<,^hts  attached  to  these  fiefs.  Thus,  a  special  jurispru- 
dence was  created  ;  all  these  ricrhts,  with  the  exception 
of  the  one  to  -rant  reliirjous  exercise,  passed  with  the 
cession.  This  simply  and  efficiently  ended  Article 
VII.  ;  not  only  assimilated  but  aggravated,  as  hereafter 
shown,  the  relative  position  of  the  great  landlords  pos- 
sessmg  "High  Justice."  compared  with  those  simply 
holdmg  fiefs  (Article  VIII.),  placing,  consequently,  the 
will  of  the  "Seigneur"  who  ceded  his  rights  above  the 
will  of  the  King  who  granted  the  Edict.' 

One  can  imagine  the  suppressions  of  religious  exer- 
cises  which  this  measure  permittetl,  because  only  fiefs 
coming  directly  from  the  King  could  enjoy  the  ri  dit 
conferred  by  Article  \'II.;  and  even  for  these  it 're- 
quired after  1657  the  express  permission  of  the  Kin.r. 
In  fact  it  was  the  substitution  of  the  Kin.-'s  crood 
pleasure  for  the  law.  *      * 

But  if  by  these,  in  themselves  illegal,  measures,  a 
great  man)-  exereises  were  suppressed,  what  mattered  it 
to  reduce  the  number  or  the  importance  of  those  which 
remained  ? 

Let  us  see.  The  article  says  the  "  Seigneurs"  mav 
celebrate  their  religious  exercises  "in  their  houses'" 
No  one  in  the  world,  without  having  seen  it.  would 
guess  what  could  be  made  out  of  this. 

In  their  "  houses."  means  first,  that  it  must  be  in  one  of 
the  halls  of  their  castles,  an, I  not  in  one  of  the  courts 
or  m  a  barn,  or  in  a  tem|)le  within  the  walls  of  the  castle' 
Thus,  m  1679.  the  Duke  of  La  Force  had  to  demolish 
tne  temple  which  he  had  built  in  the  courtvard  of  his 
castle.  In  their  "  houses  "  also  means  that  you  will  have 
to  pass  through  the  ordinary  gate  of  the  castle  ;  thus 
in  1661,  the  Seigneur  de  la  Verune  (Herault)  had  to 


How  the  Edict  was  Observed 


121 


\ 


close  a  special  door,  which  gave  direct  access  from  the 
outside  to  the  room  where  the  service  w^as  being  held. 

Note,  if  you  please,  the  marvellous  quibbles  of  the 
adversaries  regarding  the  word  "  houses." 

In  Article  III.,  where  it  is  stipulated  that  the 
churches,  houses,  and  habitations  of  the  ecclesiastics, 
which  had  been  taken  from  them  during  the  troubles! 
should  be  restored,  and  that  no  Reformed  Church 
exercises  could  be  held  there,  the  word  "  houses  "  is  to 
be  understood— it  is  said— in  the  sense  of  "  Seigneuries  " 
(manors)  in  the  largest  sense,  evidently  e.xceeding  in  all 
points  the  import  of  the  Edict. 

In  their  "houses"  against  the  Protestants  signified 
even  more  yet ;  it  signified  that  it  meant  a  p'ersonal 
religious  exercise  and  not  a  public  one.  Where  is  the 
difference  ?  A  very  great  one  in  every  way,  as  we  shall 
soon  see. 

In  fact,  what  characterizes  the  public  service  is  the 
right  to  have  a  pulpit,  benches  attached  to  the  walls,  a 
church  bell,  schools,  the  sending  of  preachers  to  the 
s\  nods,  to  levy  assessments  for  the  pay  of  the  pastor  ; 
lastly  the  taking  care  of  funerals  with  a  certain,  though 
scarcely  perceptible,  solemnity.  " 

From  this  it  follows  that  the  "  Seigneurs  "  could  not 
have  any  of  these  privileges,  because  their  "  exercise  " 
would  be  a  personal  and  not  a  public  one  ;  without 
pulpit,  pews,  bells,  schools,  or  any  support  for  the  pay 
of  the  pastor.  The  double  object  can  easily  be  under- 
stood :  those  "Seigneurs"  were  to  be  injured,  by 
obliging  them  to  pay  all  the  expenses  incurred  in  their 
legitimate  aspiration  not  to  be  put  out  of  the  church, 
and  also  to  restrict  as  much  as  possible  the  number  of 
their  adherents. 

This,   however,    is   not  all  ;    the  exercises  were  still 


I  22 


Hug-uenot  Society  of  America 


How  the  Edict  was  Observed 


^23 


considered  to   be  too  frequent.     The  Edict  permitted 
also  the  vassals  and  others  who  wished  to  join,  to  o-o  to 
these  exercises,  which— it  was  said— exceeded  all  meas- 
ures.    Which  is  really  the  difference  between  personal 
and    public    relii^dous  exercises?     The   pulpit,   benches 
alono-  the  walls,  and  the  rest,  which  were  just  now  of  so 
much  importance,  have  they  now  become  only  so  many 
trirles?     A    little   later,    in    1682,    they   did   better   yet. 
They  added  the  simple  words  "  de  la  meme  justice  "  (of 
the  same  jurisdiction,  or  the  same  fief,  if  you  will),  and 
the  last  words  of  the  article,   ^' tant  que'autres  qui  y 
voudront  aller  "  (as  well  as  others  who  wish  to  join), 
were  suddenly  suppressed,  because  the  word  ''  subjects  " 
had   reference   to   those   of  the  same  "  jurisdiction  "  or 
fief. 

Other  new  obstacles  were  invented.  I  confine  myself 
to  the  mention  of  one  (Declaration  of  1669,  Article  II.)  : 
it  is  necessary  that  these  fiefs  should  have  remained  in 
the  same  family  from  the  time  of  the  Edict,  as  it  speaks 
•  only  of  those  who  have  and  not  of  those  who  might  in 
the  future  acquire  such  fiefs  ! 

After  that  the  ladder  had  to  be  withdrawn,  and  it  was 
only  a  wonder  that  some  exercises  of  ''  HiL,^h  Justiciaries  " 
were  allowed  to  survive.  Let  us  therefore  pass  Article 
VIII.  It  grants  religious  exercises  to  the  ''  Seigneurs  " 
of  simple  fief  only  "  for  their  families,  and  in  ^case  of 
visits  of  friends  and  baptismal  festivities  of  not 
exceeding  thirty  persons,  their  families  not  included. 
Besides,  it  required  the  permission  of  the  superior 
"  Seigneur"  if  the  religious  service  was  to  take  place  at 
the  place  where  the  said  "Seigneur"  resided. 

This  is  very  clear  :  it  would,  however,  show  very  little 
acquaintance  with  the  power  of  the  enemy.  In  order 
to  abridge  and  not  to  repeat  more  or  less  what  I  said 


IN 


before  of  the  preceding  article,  I  come  to  what  was 
specially  done  in  a  number  of  cases  to  destroy  the  effect 
of  this  article. 

Article  \TII.  permits  the  exercise  of  the  reli^^ion 
within  the  indicated  limits,  provided  that  the  indicated 
houses  (where  the  celebration  takes  place)  are  not  within 
the  limdts  of  a  city,  town,  or  village  beloncrinrr  to  Catho- 
lie  ''  Seigneurs,"  or  high  Justices,  where  the  said  ''  Seig- 
neurs "  have  their  houses  and  in  which  they  live.  In  this 
case,  their  permission  is  required  ;  the  only  question, 
therefore,  is  the  place  where  they  reside. 

What  is  to  be  done  then  ?    They,  therefore,  discreedy 
add  the  words  ''  or  within  the  jurisdiction  of  a  Seigneur  " 
outside  of  the  King,  and  therefore  it  follows  that  a  high 
''  Seigneur,"  who  possesses  a  vast  jurisdiction  or  fiefs, 
can  refuse  his  authorization  in  the  whole  fief,  and  not 
only  in  the  place  of  his  residence.     Thus  Article  VIII. 
was  suppressed.      It  therefore  remained  always  the  same 
thing.     Article    IX.    concerned    only   what   was    called 
the    exercise   of   possession.      Exercises  could  be  cele- 
brated wherever  they  were  established  and  held  publicly 
several  and  diverse  times  in  the  years  1596  and   1597 
until  the  end  of  the  month  of  Aueust. 

In  order  to  understand  what  follows  in  regard  to  this 
article,  which  was  one  of  the  best  observed  ones  of  the 
Edict  until  1660,  one  must  know  that  in  consequence  of 
the  memorials  of  the  clergy,  two  commissioners  were 
sent  to  the  several  regions  of  France  to  verify  the  ap- 
plication of  the  Edict.  The  first  of  these  two  commis- 
sioners was  generally  a  militant  Catholic,  the  other,  on 
the  demand  of  the  clergy  (Drion,  ///sL  Chron.,  ii.,  62),  a 
moderate  Protestant.  Notwithstanding  this  moderation, 
there  was  always  discord  between  them.  Then  the 
case  was  referred  to  the  council,  which  rendered  a  ver- 


i 


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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


diet  called  the  ''  parta^^e  "  (the  Partition).  I  have  never 
met.  nor  has  Mr.  Drion  (ii.,  67)  ever  met  a  single  verdict 
which  ever  really  decided  against  the  Catholic  commis- 
sioner :  nor  do  I  believe  that  ever  any  other  verdict 
was  given.  Let  us  follow  these  commissioners.  They 
arrive  at  a  given  church.  Let  us  admit  that  this  church, 
in  order  to  explain  its  existence,  invokes  Article  I X.  The 
commissioners  after  sixty  years  of  exercise  and  possession 
answer  :  Show  us  your  titles  to  the  establishment  of  your 
church.  I^ut,  answers  the  consistory,  we  do  not  have 
them  any  more  in  our  possession  ;  our  predecessors  did 
not  preserve  those  old  )ellow  papers  ;  in  the  course  of 
time,  during  the  wars  many  of  them  disappeared.  Not 
at  all,  say  the  commissioners  ;  you  ought  to  have 
them.  If  )ou  do  not  have  them  any  more  you  must 
have  intentionall\-  destroyed  them.  You  wanted  to 
pass  your  church  as  existing  under  the  pretence  of  pos- 
session (Article  IX.)  when  it  was  only  an  "exercise  of 
bailiwick,"  in  order  to  fraudulent!)-  obtain  new  exercises 
of  bailiwick  (Arts.  X.  and  XI.). 

Hence  we  see  that  the  adversaries  of  the  Edict  were 
always  on  the  lookout,  allowing  such  pretended  illegal- 
ities to  establish  themselves  and  to  last  for  sixty  years  ; 
but  let  us  pass  this  over.  We  are  not  any  more  aston- 
ished at  such  triHes  !  What  does  the  consistory  reply  ? 
We  are  going  to  prove  it  l)y  witnesses  and  besides 
invoke  the  fact  of  possession  and  limitation.  No, 
answer  the  commissioners,  the  Council  of  State  decided 
in  1662  that  the  proof  is  to  be  made  by  the  titles  them- 
selves only  ;  wc  must  have  the  titles. 

The  difficulties  some  churches  were  in  may  easily  be 
imagined.  Who  could  have  imagined  that  the  posses- 
sion during  sixty  years  was  not  a  sufficient  title  I  But 
after  all,  said  the  consistories,  even  if  we  cannot  produce 


1 


ll 


How  the  Edict  was  Observed 


125 


the  titles,  are  there  no  other  proofs  possible  ?  Oh  yes, 
answer  the  commissioners  :  Show  us  the  act  of  conse- 
cration of  the  pastor  in  office  at  the  time  of  the  Edict 
to  prove  that  there  really  was  one  at  that  time  ;  give  us 
an  act,  stating  that  he  and  the  members  of  the  then 
existing  consistory  signed  a  confession  of  faith  and  dis- 
cipline,— in  fact,  an  act  showing  that  there  existed  a  fixed 
church  or  building  in  which  the  religious  services  were 
usually  held  and  not  in  a  few  or  isolated  cases,  and  we 
will  be  satisfied. 

Naturally  the  churches  could  not  produce  them  any 
more  than  the  rest,  and  I  would  like  to  know  which 
present  church,  either  Catholic  or  any  other,  could  at 
the  end  of  sixty  years  furnish  such  papers  ? 

But,  said  the  consistories,  we  have  acts  of  the  Synods 
of  that  time,  mentioning  such  churches  and  the  names 
of  the  officiating  pastors,  also  the  registers  of  baptisms, 
marriages,  also  receipts  of  the  ministers,  etc. 

Said  the  commissioners  :  Acts  of  the  Synods  prove 
nothing,  if  you  have  no  supplementary  act  proving  that 
the  designated  minister  really  performed  his  ministry  in 
the  church  he  represented,  or  is  reputed  to  have 
represented. 

Acts  of  the  consistories  !  Prove  first  that  there  was 
really  a  pastor  of  the  church  presiding  at  the  exercises. 
The  Discipline  prescribed  it,  you  say.  Very  well,  but  does 
it  not  also  prescribe  (Chap.  V.,  Art.  III.,)  to  the  elders 
and  deacons  to  meet  and  form  a  consistory,  before  they 
can  have  a  pastor?  And  if  we  cannot  know  that  there 
was  one,  how  can  we  find  out  whether  the  exercises 
were  really  public,  which  the  article  expressly  provides 
for  ? 

Public  prayers,  chanting  of  psalms,  baptisms,  mar- 
riages ?     Why  !  they  were  also  celebrated  in  the  homes 


I 


r 


1 26 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


of  "  HiL,^h  Judicial  Lords,"  where  the  exercises  were 
personal  and  not  public.  Haj)tisms  are  celebrated  in 
Paris,  where  there  are  no  exercises  at  all,  because  they 
are  held  at  Charenton.  .  .  .  No,  no,  bring  us  sup- 
plementary acts,  proving-  that  such  baptisms,  etc.,  were 
celebrated  in  open  meeting.  If  not  we  will  pa}'  no 
attention  to  the  matter. 

And  then  do  not  forget.  Article  IX.  speaks  of  public 
services,  publicly  performed,  and  not  in  hiding-places. 
It  is  required  that  acts  ])e  produced  that  the  services 
were  held  publicly.  Do  you  wish  to  make  us  believe 
that  in  the  cities  where  they  were  the  masters,  the  Ligue 
allowed  the  services  to  be  held  in  public?  Never!  It 
is  well  known  l)esides,  that  you  fraudulently  equivocate 
about  the  name  of  your  churches.  You  say  the 
church  of  Paris  when  you  mean  the  church  of  Char- 
enton ;  of  Nantes,  when  \ou  should  call  it  the  church  of 
Suce  ;  of  Orleans,  which  you  should  call  of  Bionne, 
etc.  What  confidence  can  we  possibly  have  in  you  ? 
None  whatever  !  And  the  Protestants  of  Lusignan, 
who  meet  in  a  castle  of  the  neighborhood,  don't  they 
call  their  meeting-place  the  church  of  Lusignan  ?  those 
of  Mussidan  and  twenty  more  localities,  do  they  not  do 
the  same  thing?  All  your  assertions  do  not,  therefore, 
prove  anything.  As  for  tlie  receipts  of  your  parsons, 
they  are  of  no  account,  as  they  received  funds  from 
annexes  and  qualified  as  their  pastors.  One  might, 
therefore,  count  every  annex  as  another  church. 

Once  more,  what  we  want  are  acts,  titles  to  prove 
that  the  public  services  have  been  held  publicly  by  the 
true  minister  of  the  church,  and  be  sure  durin^-  the 
years  1596  and  1597  (both,  not  one  without  the  other), 
up  to  the  end  of  the  month  of  August  ;  if  not,  we  shall 
prohibit  your  services  and  shut  up  your  temple. 


How  the  Edict  was  Observed 


12 


Thus  spoke  and  acted  the  commissioners.  How 
could  the  churches,  if  not  in  very  exceptional  and  for- 
tunate cases,  still  have  the  required  papers,  and  what 
proofs  could  they  produce,  when  the  documents  of  the 
churches  themselves  were  being  challenged  ?  From  the 
moment  that  the  registers  of  the  consistory  of  baptisms, 
marriages,  and  other  acts  of  the  Synod  w^ere  not 
sufficient  to  prove  the  existence  of  a  church,  there  was 
really  nothing  more  to  do  than  to  suppress  it,  and  cer- 
tainly  they  did  not  deprive  themselves  of  the  pleasure 
of  doing  it.  I  think  it  is  useless  to  stop  at  Articles  X. 
and  XI.  regarding  the  exercises  of  bailiwicks  ;  it  would 
be  the  same  thing.  I,  therefore,  will  only  speak  of  two 
really  typical  details. 

Article  X.  declares  that  services  may  be  held  where 
they  were  authorized,  or  ought  to  have  been  authorized, 
by  the  Edict  of  1577,  and  the  conferences  of  Nerac  and 
Fleix.     The  Edict  of  1577  permitted  them  in  all  places 
where  they  had  been  celebrated  on  the  i  7th  of  Septem- 
ber, the  day  the   Edict  had  been  signed  (Drion,  ///>/. 
C//nv/.,  i.,  148).      It  happened  that  the  17th  of  Septem- 
ber was  a  Tuesday.     Would  it  be  believed   (and  why 
not?)  that  the  adversaries  of  the  Huguenots  did  all  they 
could  that  the  day  and  date  should  be  fixed  by  force, 
and  that  religious  exercises  should  only  be  permitted 
where  they  had  been  celebrated  on  that\^ery  Tuesday! 
This  pretension  had,  however,  to  be  dropped  after  1602 
—It  was  evidently  yet  too  early  ! 

I  he  second  detail  is  not  less  interesting.  A  very 
ingenious  invention  is  revealed  to  us  on  the^rt  of  our 
adversaries.  This  invention,  naturally  at  once  applied, 
consisted  in  arbitrarily  confusing  two  distinct  rights  by 
combining  Article  X.,  granting  the  exercises  by  rio-ht  of 
possession  (Edict  of  1577),  and  Article  IX.,  granting  it 


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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


to  churches  which  had  existed  in  1596  and  1597.      The 

procedure  was  as  follows.    If  a   church  in  order  not  to 

be  forbidden,  invoked  the  law  of  1577  the  answer  was  : 

If  you  legally  existed  in   1577,  you  ought  to  have  yet 

existed  in  1596  and  1597.     Prove  it  therefore,  for  Article 

X.  goes  for  nothing  unless  it  is  confirmed  by  Article  IX. 

If  another  church  invoked  the  law  of  1596  and  1597  the 

answer  was  :   If  you  legally  existed  then,  you  must  have 

existed  in  1577.     Therefore  Article  X.  must  be  applied 

to  your  case  after  you  have  proved  it,  as  Article  IX.  is 

not  of  any  use  except  by  Article   X.      In   this  way  a 

right  to  the  two  was  being  suppressed,  or  rather  one  by 

the  other. 

Benoit  tells  us  that  by  this  chicanery  several  exercises 
were  suppressed.^ 

We  arrive  now  at  the  financial  question,  and  in  order 
to  understand  what  is  to  be  said  about  it  and  what  means 
were  employed  to  ruin  the  churches,  we  will  first  men- 
tion the  Articles  XLII.  and  XLIII.  of  the  second  series 
of  the  secret  articles. "^ 

Article  XLII.  The  donations  and  legacies  already 
made  or  to  come,  either  by  last  will  or  during  life,  for 
support  of  ministers,  doctors,  pupils,  and  the  poor  of  the 
R.  P.  R.  (so-call(;d  Reformed  religion),  and  other  pious 
objects,  are  valid  notwithstanding  all  judgments,  de- 
crees, or  other  things  in  opposition,  without  prejudice 
however  to  the  rights  of  his  Majesty  the  King  or  others 
in  case  said  legacies  and  donations  should  fall  in  the 
hands  of  dead  jjersons.   .   .   . 

By  Article  XLII  I.  his  Majesty  permits  those  of  the 
said  religion  to  appear  before  the  royal  judge  and  by 
his  authority  to  collect  such  moneys  as  may  be  deemed 
necessary  to  the  expenses  of  their  synods  and  support 

'  Benoit,  Ac///  c^r  Nantes,  iii..  377.  2  [3^^  ^    j^^  ^^  ^j^-^  volume.-ED.] 


How  the  Edict  was  Observed 


129 


of  those  who  have  the  exercise  of  their  said  religion  in 
charge,  of  which  a  list  will  be  made  to  be  kept  by  the 
royal  judge,  a  copy  of  which  the  said  judge  has  to 
send  to  his  Majesty  or  to  his  chancellor  every  six  months  ; 
and  the  taxes  and  assessments  of  the  said  money  shall 
be  executory  notwithstanding  oppositions  or  appeals  of 
any  sort. 

In  other  words  Article  XLII.   gives  the   Reformed 
Protestants  the  right  to  make  donations  and  legacies  for 
their  religious  exercises,   pastors,  schools,   institutions, 
poor,  or  for  other  pious  objects,  under  reserve  of  the 
lawful  prescriptions  regarding  mortmain  {^nainmorte)  ; 
and,  by  Article  XLIII.,  they  may  call  meetings  of  the 
heads  of  the  families  where  all  may  assess  themselves 
for  the  purpose  of  assuring  the  normal  function  of  their 
church.    And  if  the  ¥J\n<y  pannits  them  to  do  this  before 
a  royal  judge  and  demands  that  a  statement  be  sent  to 
him,  it  is  for  the  reason  that  these  taxes  and  assessments, 
voluntary  as  they  may  be,  became  executory  even,  by 
way  of  judicial  process,  that  is  to  say,  that  they  can  be 
levied  in  the  same  way  as  the  general  taxes.     It  is  thus 
a  question  of  favor.      It  is  true  that  many  churches  did 
not  wait  long  to  renounce  such  favors,  the  dangers  of 
which  they  had  felt.      But  after  all,  until  the  yea'^r  1660 
they  were  pretty  well  permitted  to  do  as  they  pleased. 
From  that  moment  however— but    I   will  now  let  our 
adversaries  speak.      -This  Article,— No.   XLII.,"  say 
Bernard  and  Soulier,  "which  is  not  very  clear,  is  never- 
theless one  of  the  principal  Secret  Articles  which  needs 
most    to   be   explained    on    account   of  the    dangerous 
consequences  which  it   might  have  had,   if  it  had  not 
received  the  explanation  at  the  hands  of  his  Majesty 
the  King  himself." 

In  fact,  it  w^as  believed  that  it  comprised  the  heredi- 


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Hugrucnot  Socictv  of  America 


How  the  Edict  was  Observed 


i^i 


tary  institutions  which  were  made  to  the  consistories 
for  the  indicated  objects.  (The  fact  is  that  it  mi^dit 
have  have  been  so  understood,  the  more  readily  as  the 
article  said  so  in  proper  terms,  even  foreseeing  the  case 
of  niortniahL)  Thus,  it  had  been  beheved  to  be  ;  but  a 
decree  in  Council,  17th  June,  1664,  confirmed  27th  Sep- 
tember, fortunately  brouL^dit  thin-s  back  again  to  where 
they  had  been.  A  Sieur  de  Portes  of  Hesiers  had  left 
his  entire  f(jrtune  to  the  consistory.  The  last  will  was 
therefore  broken,  the  consistory  adjudged  to  bear  the 
expenses  and  enjoined  from  ever  trying  to  enforce 
similar  testamentary  legacies  again. 

I  would  give  the  reader  a  thousand  chances  to  guess 
the  motive  of  thus  violating  the  Edict  and  the  contrary 
practice  of  more  than  sixty  years,  without  speaking  of 
the  rest!  It  is  because  the  consistories,  being  bodies 
created  to  watch  the  observation  of  the  discipline  and 
not  for  the  support  of  the  pastors,  doctors,  and  so  forth, 
or  for  assisting  the  |)oor,  were  declared  incompetent  to 
accept  legacies. 

And  who  else  then  had  the  competency  or  ought  to 
have  it  ? 

Nevertheless,  it  was  said  ;  as  it  is  not  to  be  doubted 
that  Article  XLII.  permits  certain  donations  and  le^T- 
acies,  of  what  nature  could  they  possibly  be  ?  Let  our 
adversaries  explain  it  to  us. 

F'irst,  said  they,  a  capital  distinction  must  be  made 
between  real  and  personal  estate,  comprising  rents  de- 
rived from  mortgages,  which  take  the  place  of  real 
estate.  These  "  cannot  be  made  over  to  consistories, 
the  King's  intention  never  having  been  to  grant  them 
this  faculty." 

Let  us  say  in  passing  that  the  King  permitted  all 
donations  and  legacies  without  specifying  them. 


I 


In  fact,  continue  the  others,  in  France  no  community, 
public  body,  or  college  can  acquire  or  possess  real  estate 
without  the  King's  special  permission  ;  not  even  the 
Catholic  Church,  whose  cause  is  so  favored,  could  have 
possessed  any,  had  the  King  not  permitted  it  ;  and 
where  can  you  find  that  the  consistories  ever  received 
such  permission  ?  Therefore  they  cannot  possess  real 
estate  nor  rents,  which  are  in  the  same  category. 

This  reasoning  is  self-evident  :  if  it  were  admitted  in 
abstract  that  the  Protestants  could  make  donations  and 
legacies,  there  was  nobody  amongst  them  who  could 
have  been  benefited  by  it,  because  none  is  by  name 
designated  for  this  purpose.  Possibly,  therefore,  the 
donations  and  legacies  would  escheat. 

Besides,  according  to  a  decision  of  the  Parliament  of 
Pau,  1663,  consistories  cannot  form  a  body  or  a  com- 
munity. Even  admitting  that  they  could,  it  would  only 
be  for  the  purpose  of  discussing  spiritual  affairs;  as 
financial  matters  are  of  a  temporal  nature,  they  could 
therefore  have  nothing  to  do  with  them  and  could  not 
inherit,  temporal  affairs  being  outside  of  their  attributes. 
What  consistories  are  not  permitted  to  do  the  pastors 
are  certainly  not  entided  to  do,  even  according  to  their 
own  Discipline  (Chap.  I.,  Art.  XLIIL).  As  for  the  doc- 
tors, regents,  pupils,  and  poor,  they  cannot  do  it  either, 
because  they  could  not  have  a  ''  civil  personality  and 
are,  as  it  is  called,  incertce pcrsoncer  The  result  therefore 
is,  that  nobody  amongst  the  Protestants,  not  possessing 
the  right  of  inheritance,  could  be  legal  testators  and  that 
everything  which  has  been  left  or  might  be  left  belonged 
to  the  King,  who  could  do  with  it  according  to  his  good 
pleasure  and  therefore  give  it  to  similar  Catholic  in- 
stitutions  or  to  the  church. 

At  most  could  they  be  permitted  to  accept  of  modest 


4 


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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


sums  for  immediate  needs,  forbidding  expressly,  how- 
ever, to  employ  them  for  the  acquisition  of  rents,  which 
would  be  tantamount  to  real  estate. 

Without  this,  notwithstanding  all  care,  efforts,  and 
the  sacrifices  of  the  Kiui/  for  the  conversion  of  the 
heretics,  the  R.  P.  R.  (so-called  Reformed  religion) 
would  open  "  a  door  which  would  greatly  prejudice  the 
Catholic  relicrion." 

There  remains  Article  XLIII.,  which  permits  regular 
contributions  or  assessments  amonorst  the  Protestants 
for  the  purpose  of  providing  means  for  their  "  so-called  " 
churches. 

In  this  regard,  and  abstaining  from  mentioning  all  the 
obstacles  put  in  the  way,  at  least  from  1657,  of  col- 
lections to  be  made  by  the  Protestants,  I  shall  only 
indicate  how  again  a  "granted  favor"  (or  ''graceful 
act ")  was  transformed  into  a  "  dangerous  and  fatal 
thing." 

It  has  been  seen  that  Article  XLIII.  permitted  the 
Huguenots  to  levy  contributions  amongst  themselves  in 
the  presence  of  a  royal  judge,  so  that  these  contribu- 
tions became  of  an  executory  character.  This  was  the 
"  grace,  "  though  otherwise  contestable.  Let  us  see 
what  came  from  this  act  of  "<^race."  "  Permit  of  His 
Majesty  is  transformed  into  an  obligation"  (^'  Pennet 
sad  Mte.  est  transforme  en  oblige  sad  Mte  ").  It  required 
therefore,  in  all  cases,  the  presence  of  a  royal  judge, 
and  as  the  Edict  did  not  specify  the  religion  of  the 
judge,  the  judge  must  be  a  Catholic  one  (1661).  He 
had  to  send  in  a  specified  list  of  the  contributions  and 
of  their  purpose,  under  bonds  of  becoming  a  complice 
in  case  of  malversation,  and  for  which  he  became 
responsible. 

But   this   is  not  all.      In   1663,  and  more  than  once 


How  the  Edict  was  Observed 


"^Zl 


% 


since  then,  full  accounts  of  receipts  and  disbursements, 
with  vouchers  for  the  last  ten  years,  were  demanded,  and 
this,  the  amiable  Bernard  and  Soulier  remarked,  will 
be  the  means  to  unearth  many  thefts  and  malversations 
and  stop  those  of  the  R.  P.  R.  continuing  their  bad 
practices.  Don't  believe  that  these  words  "bad  prac- 
tices "  hide — I  don  't  know  which — culpable  or  sub- 
versive acts.  Oh,  no  !  It  is  simply  and  purely  the  same 
old  and  calumnious  accusation  of  paid  conversions  of 
Protestants.  We  know,  indeed,  that  there  were  such 
conversions  ;  we  know  that  there  was  a  fund  for  this 
purpose  which  was  being  fed  by  sums  confiscated  from 
the  Protestants  themselves  ;  we  know  their  tariff,  but 
we  are  too  much  afflicted  to  think  who  were  the  bene- 
ficiaries, even  in  days  of  odious  persecution,  not  to  have 
at  least  the  decency  to  keep  silence.  For  my  part,  I 
have  always  believed  that  those  who  speak  of  such 
purchases  of  conscience  are  the  worst  insulters  of  their 
hearers  ;  for  if  they  who  paid  Judas  were  not  worth 
much,  Judas  was  even  worth  less. 

But,  finally,  if  Article  XLIII.  is  to  be  interpreted 
in  this  fashion,  do  they  leave  to  the  Protestants  the 
doubtful  advantage  that  this  article  assured  them  what 
was  its  *'  raison  d'  etre  "  to  make  their  contributions  and 
assessments  executory?  Not  the  least  in  the  world! 
From  1663  it  was  forbidden  to  the  tax-gatherers — who 
collected  the  contributions — directly  or  indirectly  to 
levy  any  sum  whatever  intended  for  the  Protestant 
Church.  Always,  therefore,  the  same  method  and  the 
same  procedure  ! 

Summing  up,  it  is  seen  that  even  under  the  regime 
of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  means  were  found  to  twist  or 
ignore  the  general  or  special  articles  of  it,  be  it  by  making 
insidious  additions,  or,  thanks  to  yet  more  insidious  in- 


i 


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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


terpretations.  to  make  them  illusory  or  even  fatal.  The 
Revocation  was  the  last  iniquity  of  a  long  series  of  them, 
and  if  I  did  not  fear  to  make  a  pun  on  so  dolorous  a  sub- 
ject, I  would  say  that  what  there  was  perpetual  of  it,  was 
not  the  Edict,  but  its  violation  and  gradual  extinction. 
With  it  disappeared  the  only  bulwark  remaining  in 
our  land  against  political  and  religious  despotism.  After 
that  they  had  an  open  field  ;  the  victors,  as  they  always 
do,  abused  their  victory.  Soon  they  were  to  expiate  it, 
and  it  can  be  said  that  they  expiate  it  yet  to  this  day, 
for  the  minorities  are  the  salt  w^hich  preserves  the 
majorities  and  conscience  always  brings  its  own  revenge. 
The  Protestant  Reformed  community  represented,  more- 
over, notwithstandincr  all  their  deficiencies,  a  more  real 
fidelity  to  the  gospel  of  Jesus  Christ.  This  is  the 
reason  why  Protestantism  will,  whatever  may  happen, 
never  die,  if  it  does  not  commence  to  abandon  the  firm 
evangelical  ground  it  occupies  by  denying  itself. 

[For  the  translation  of  this  paper  the  Society  is  in- 
debted to  the  late  Mr.  F.  F*.  Du  F'ais.J 


Rev,  Henry  Mariyn  Baird,  D.D.,  LL.D.^  LJf.H 

rrnvny.,'  v   W-.^'^fn^,.  r^f  the  Celchation  Committee. 


r>^ 


TV, 


-¥ 


I 


THE  STRENGTH  AND  THE  WEAKNESS  OF 
THE  EDICT  OF  NANTES 

By  Professor  HENRY  M.  BAIRD,  LL.D.,  L.H.D., 

New  York  University 

THIRTEEN  years  ago,  the  Huguenot  Society  of 
America  met  in  this  very  place  to  commemorate 
the  same  Edict  of  Nantes  that  occupies  our  attention 
to-day  ;  and  it  honored  me  by  the  request  that  I  should 
speak  at  some  length  on  the  occasion  of  the  second 
centenary  of  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  by  Louis 
the  Fourteenth. 

To-day  I  am  asked  to  join  with  others,  from  both 
sides  of  the  ocean,  in  directing  your  thoughts  to  topics 
appropriate  to  the  three  hundredth  anniversary  of  the 
original  Promulgation.  It  must  be  a  law  of  wonderful 
significance  in  the  world's  history  that  will  justify  this 
species  of  anachronism,— if  I  may  so  call  it, — that  war- 
rants us,  so  few  years,  comparatively  speaking,  after  cele- 
brating the  benefits  that  accrued  to  this  and  other  lands 
from  the  abrogation,  to  go  back  the  greater  part  of  a 
century  and  contemplate  the  first  publication.  This 
somewhat  singular  procedure  finds  its  ground  in  the 
circumstance  that  the  law  in  question  not  only  consti- 
tutes one  of  the  great  landmarks  in  the  story  of  human 
progress,  but  is  itself  one  of  the  most  impressive  object- 
lessons  in  that  instructive  story.  For  it  teaches,  and  it 
seems  to  have  been  providentially  intended  to  teach,  at 
least  two  distinct  things  :  On  the  one  hand,  it  shows  the 

135 


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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


immense  advantages  that  may  be  derived  by  civilization 
from  an  ordinance  embodying  a  well  considered  system 
of  tolerant  policy  in  religious  matters  ;  and,  on  the  other, 
it  exhibits  the  infinite  superiority  to  any  such  policy  of 
a  frank,  straightforward  concession  of  equal  rights  ;  in- 
asmuch as  every  scheme  of  legislation  that  restricts  even 
in  the  slightest  degree  the  freedom  of  religious  profes- 
sion or  religious  worship:  that  denies,  even  if  only  by 
implication,  that  all  men  have  the  same  inalienable  right 
to  hold,  to  publish,  and  to  put  into  practice  their  con- 
scientious  convictions— inasmuch,  I  say,  as  every  such 
scheme  contains  within  itself  the  seeds  of  its  own  de- 
struction, seeds  possessed  of  marvellous  vitality,  seeds 
which   will    infallibly  germinate,   grow,    and   bear   fruit 
sooner  or  later.      It   is  because  the  law  of   Henry  the 
Fourth    is    an  object-lesson   distinctly   conveying  such 
valuable  instruction,  by  reason  of  its  resplendent  excel- 
lence and  its  scarcely  less  conspicuous   defects,  that  I 
have  undertaken  to  speak  to  you  both  of  the  strength 
and  of  the  weakness  of    the  Edict  of  Nantes.      I  say 
strength  and  weakness,  because,  in   contemplating  the 
Edict  of  Nantes,   we  are  tempted  to  ask  ourselves  at 
one  instant  how  came  it  to  pass  that,  out  of  the  ferment 
and  animosities  of  almost  a  half-century  spent  by  French- 
men  in    the  unprofitable   work   of  mutual   pillage   and 
slaughter,   there  came  forth   a   project  of  so  honest  a 
purpose  and  so  excellent  a  spirit,  and   the  next  instant, 
to  wonder  that  a  work  of  such  apparent  stability  could', 
within  a  few  decades  of  years,  be  thoroughly  overturned  ? 
W  hat  (law  of  construction,  in  other  words,  can  account 
for  the  speedy  overthrow  in  a  short  space  of  time  and 
by  a  few  well  directed  blows,  of  such  a  goodly  edifice,  to 
all  appearance  massive  and  well  built,  calculated  to  defy 
the  violence  of    the    elements  and  to  attain  a  secular 


/iif 


> 


Strength  and  Weakness  of  the  Edict      137 

existence,    the    wonder    of    successive   generations    of 
men  ? 

The  Strength  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  lay  primarily,  it 
seems  to  me,  in  the  circumstance  that  the  provisions  of 
the  new  law  afforded  to  the  adherents  of  the  two  relig- 
ions that  divided  France  between  them — to  the  vastly 
more  numerous  Roman  Catholics,  constituting  fully  nine 
tenths  of  the  population,  and  to  the  small  minority  of  the 
Reformed,  or  the  Huguenots,  as  they  were  customarily 
styled,  never  exceeding,  perhaps  never  reaching,  one 
tenth — the  most  practicable  viodus  Vivendi,  the  most 
judicious  plan  which  that  generation  could  devise  to 
enable  men  of  different  and  opposing  faiths  to  dwell 
peaceably  together. 

Let  us  revert  for  a  few  moments  to  anterior  legis- 
lation in  France.  Of  all  preceding  laws  only  one  could 
possibly  be  alleged  as  more  favorable  to  religious  liberty 
than  the  great  law  of  Henry  the  Fourth.  I  refer  to  the 
first  of  all  the  laws  given  to  render  tolerable  the  position 
of  the  Huguenots  in  France,  a  law  known  as  the  "  Edict 
of  January,"  because  enacted  on  the  seventeenth  of 
January,    1562. 

The  circumstances  under  which  the  Edict  of  Jan- 
uary was  published  were  peculiar.  Persecution  had 
had  its  unbroken  sway  for  half  a  century.  Now 
for  a  brief  hour  the  clouds  were  broken,  the  sun 
burst  out.  Patriotic  men  hoped  that  the  storm  was 
ended  ;  mistaking  a  mere  rift  for  the  long-prayed-for 
beginning  of  peace  and  quietness.  Or,  if  they  could  not 
see  without  a  certain  amount  of  misgiving  the  dark  and 
ominous  masses  collected  at  one  point  of  the  horizon, 
they  yet  looked  for  some  divinely  sent  wind  to  dispel 
them.  Did  not  the  venerable  high  chancellor  of  France 
Michel  de   r  Hopital,   dissuade  men   from   being  cast 


1-^8 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


down,  and  continually   reiterate  the  exhortation,    ''  Pa- 
tiencc  !  Patience!  Tout  ira  bicny  And  he  really  thou^jht 
that  all  would  go  well.     The  Hu^^uenots  had  attained 
what  to  them  had  long  been  the  goal  of  their  aspirations. 
Their  representatives  had  seen  the  face  of  the  Kin^--  of 
France  and  been  seen  by  him.       In  the  persons  of  that 
courtly  reformer,  Theodore  Beza,  and  his  colleagues,  at 
the  famous    Colloquy  of    Poissy,    the    Protestants  had 
actually    stood   before   Charles   the    Ninth,    and    there 
pleaded  the  cause  of  their  religion.    What  did  it  matter, 
so  long  as  they  were  heard,  that  they  were  compelled  to 
stand  at  the  bar    as  if  they  were  culprits,   while   their 
enemies  sat  about    Mis   Majesty  as  though  they  were 
judges  of  the  matters  in  dispute?      At  least,  Protestan- 
tism had  made  itself  heard,  and  the  other  side  had  been 
impressed  with  the  conviction  that  something  must  be 
done. 

Itw^as  under  these  peculiar  circumstances,  I  say,  that 
the  first  edict,  the  Edict  of  January,  the  only  law  pre- 
ceding the  Edict  of  Nantes  which  can  stand  a  favorable 
comparison  with  Henry  the  Fourth's  edict,  was  enacted, 
greatly  through  the  influence  of  Admiral  Coligny  and 
other  fair-minded  men.  Did  the  Edict  of  January  give 
the  Huguenots  all  they  asked  for  and  had  a  right  to 
expect  ?  Far  from  it.  Did  it  allow  their  worship  to  be 
celebrated  throughout  France,  without  distinction  of 
places  ?  By  no  means ;  that  w^orship  was  distinctly 
excluded  from  all  icallcd  cities.  What  then  did  it  grant  .> 
It  granted  permission  to  unarmed  men  and  women  to 
assemble  for  worship  outside  o{  the  walled  cities,  that  is, 
in  the  suburbs,  in  the  neighborhood,  and  guaranteed  to 
the  Protestants  protection  from  attack  on  their  way  to 
and  from  their  places  of  worship.  It  tolerated  the  meet- 
ings  of  consistories   and   synods,  but   required  that   in 


b 


Strength  and  Weakness  of  the  Edict       139 

every  case  the  preliminary  consent  of  the  authorities 
should  be  procured.  All  this  it  did,  not  permanently 
and  for  all  time,  but  "provisionally  and  until  the  deter- 
mination of  a  general  council  " — that  council  which  was 
the  tantalizing  mirage  of  the  times,  always  apparently 
near  at  hand  and  sure  to  be  reached,  but  always  reced- 
ing as  the  footsore  traveller  advanced. 

These  concessions  seem  small,  and  yet  the  Edict  of 
January  was  so  exceptionally  favorable  a  law  for  the 
Huguenots,  that  it  stands  at  the  head  of  the  entire  list 
of  edicts  given  for  the  protection  of  the  Huguenots,  as 
in  time  it  precedes  all  the  rest.  Every  law  that  suc- 
ceeded it,  down  to  that  of  Nantes,  infringes  upon  it  more 
or  less,  and  there  are  some  points  in  which  even  the 
Edict  of  Nantes  is  less  equitable. 

It  had  been  a  happy  thing  for  France,  indeed,  I  may 
say,  for  humanity,  had  those  pages  of  history  that  in- 
tervened between  the  Edict  of  January  and  the  Edict 
of  Nantes  never  been  written  ;  for,  for  the  most  part,  they 
were  written  in  blood.  Incomplete  and  imperfect  as 
was  the  liberty  granted  by  the  former  edict,  it  was  too 
extensive  to  suit  the  bigots  who  saw  in  the  concession 
of  even  the  slightest  toleration  to  such  as  departed  from 
the  tenets  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church  the  most 
scandalous  weakness,  the  most  flagrant  impiety.  And 
so  It  was  that  judges  protested  and  warriors  drew  the 
sword,  while  clergymen  denounced  from  the  pulpit  the 
authors  or  abettors  of  even  the  limited  scheme  of  toler- 
ation  proposed.  ''  A^onpossujuus,  nee  debemnspro  conscie^t- 
iiai'  said  the  Parliament  of  Paris,  when  called  upon  to 
register  the  obnoxious  law.  And  at  the  little  Cham- 
pagnese  town  of  Vassy,  by  attacking  a  peaceable  body  of 
Huguenots  met  in  a  barn  for  the  worship  of  God,  and 
by  massacring  as  many  of  the  w^orshippers  as  he  could 


i 


HO  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

reach,  the  Duke  of  Guise  expressed  his  own  detestation 
and  the  detestation  of  the  party  which  he  represented 
for  the  accursed  doctrine  of  reHgious  Hberty  as  embod- 
led  more  or  less  imperfectly  in  the  Edict  of  January 

From  the  Massacre  of  Vassy  on  the  first  of  March, 
1562,   to  the  Promulgation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  in 
1598,  IS  a  period  of  about  thirty-six  years,  in  great  part 
a  period  of  open  warfare,  at  times  diversified  by  a  resort 
to  treachery  and  assassination.   The  edicts  that  were  pub- 
lished to  regulate  the  relation  of  the  Protestants  to  the 
state,  all  of  them  less  just  than  the  original  law  of  Jan- 
uary  1562,  faithfully  rejected  the  varying  fortunes  of 
the  two  great  parties  in  the  field.    The  first  modification 
was  effected  by  the   Edict  of  Amboise  (1563),  at    the 
end  of  a  year  and  over,  when  the  first  religious  war  was 
concluded.      The  Protestants  now  found  themselves  de- 
prived of  a  great  part    of  the  advantages  conceded  in 
the  first   law  in  their  favor.      No  longer  permitted  to 
worship  anyz.^here  outside  of  the  walled  cities,  behold 
them  now  restricted  to  certain  places  chosen  singularly 
enough.     The  law  was  framed  apparently  in  the  special 
interest  of  the  noblemen  that  had  asserted  their  rights 
with  armed  hands.  A  Protestant  nobleman  possessed  of 
what  was  st>Ied  Iiaittc  justice,  that  is,  authorized  to  in- 
tlict  punishment  on  his  estates  for  capital  offences,  might, 
under  this  law,  hold  services  for  divine  worship  on  th'ose 
estates,  admitting   all   comers,    while   the   nobleman   of 
inferior  rank  only  had  the  privilege  for  the  benefit  of 
his  own  family.      Other  Protestants  were  promised  one 
city  in  every  bailiwick  and  senechaussee  of  the  kincrdom, 
if  they  petitioned  for  it,  and  it  was  stipulated  in  addition 
that  they  should  continue  to   hold  their  religious  ser- 
vices in  one  or  two  other  cities  within  whose  walls  Prot- 
estant rites    had  been  celebrated  during  the  course  of 


y 


Strength  and  Weakness  of  the  Edict      141 

the  recent  war,  on  the  seventh  day  of  March  of  the 
current  year  !  Such  are  apt  to  be  the  absurd  distinc- 
tions that  are  drawn  where  expediency,  and  not  justice, 
is  the  controlling  influence. 

It  is  not  strange  that,  having  once  entered  upon  a 
course  of  absurd  and  inconsequent  legislation,  pronounc- 
ing that  to  be  lawful  in  one  part  of  France  which  it 
stamped    as    unlawful    in    another    part,  conceding   to 
Protestant  noblemen  of  one  degree  of  importance  privi- 
leges of  worship  denied  to  those  of  a  degree  that  was 
inferior,  making  the  rights  of  a  particular  city  to  depend 
on    the     question    whether    or     not     Protestant     rites 
had  been  celebrated  within  its  walls  on  a  certain  day  of 
a  certain  year— I  say  it  is  not  strange  that,  having  once 
entered  upon  a  course  of  such  paradoxical  legislation,  the 
French  monarchy  should  have  pursued  for  years  a  policy 
fluctuating  according  to  the  supposed  political  exigen- 
cies of  the  moment.     Accordingly,  toleration  or  proscrip- 
tion becomes  a  matter  for  royal  envoys  and  deputies  of 
churches   to  settle,  each  party  seeking  to  gain  as  much 
as  possible  and  to  sacrifice  as  little  as  possible.     The 
religious  interests  of  a  large  body  of  Christians  becomes 
the  football  of  diplomacy.      If  the  Edict  of  Longjumeau 
(1568),  published  at  the  close  of  a  second  religious  war, 
differs    from    its    predecessor    chiefly  in    the    fact  that 
under  it  Huguenot  nobles  are  suffered  to  admit  strangers 
as  well  as  vassals  to  the  services  which  they  may  hold 
on  their  estates,  the   Edict  of  Saint  Germain  (1570), 
published    at    the    termination    of   a    third    and    more 
obstmate  conflict  in  arms,  gives  a  list  of  cities  by  name, 
two  m  each  of  the  twelve  governments  of  the  kingdom, 
in  which  or  in  the  suburbs  of  which   Protestants  may 
meet  for  worship.      It  also  has  a  provision  in  favor  of 
places  that  were  in  Protestant  hands  on  a  certain  date— 


142 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


only  that  date,  instead  of  the  seventh  of  March,  1563,  is 
now  the  first  of  August,  1570.  And  now,  for  the  first 
time,  cities  of  refuge — four  in  number — were  entrusted 
to  Protestants  for  their  protection,  to  be  restored  to 
the  King  at  the  end  of  two  years.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Reformed  services  were  never  to  be  held  within  ten 
leagues  of  Paris,  nor  within  two  leagues  of  where  the 
King  happened  to  be  residing.  Apparently  there  was 
greater  fear  entertained  of  the  possibility  of  the  contami- 
nation of  the  capital  by  heretical  preaching,  than  of  the 
perversion  of  the  royal  court  ;  if  we  may  judge  by  this 
discrimination  in  favor  of  the  former. 

The  blow  that  fell  on  P>ance  two  years  later,  as  a 
thunderbolt  out  of  a  clear  sky,  rudely  put  an  end  for  a 
time  to  all  efforts  to  formulate  a  plan  whereby  Roman- 
ists and  Huguenots  might  live  side  by  side  with  some 
degree  of  mutual  toleration.  The  atrocity  of  the  mas- 
sacre perpetrated  on  Sunday,  the  twenty-fourth  of 
August,  Saint  Bartholomew's  Day,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  1572,  caused  all  Christendom  to  shudder  at  the 
commission  of  so  frightful  a  crime  against  the  human 
race.  But  more  disastrous  to  France  than  the  butchery 
of  the  thousands  assassinated  in  their  beds,  or  as  they 
tried  to  escape  from  Paris,  more  disastrous  than  the 
loss  of  those  many  thousands  more  that  perished  in 
succeeding  days  and  weeks  in  towns  and  villages  from 
one  end  of  France  to  the  other — more  disastrous,  I  say, 
than  all  this,  was  it  that  Perfidy  had  struck  a  deadly 
blow  at  the  root  of  all  public  confidence,  and  inaugurated 
a  detestable  reign  of  lasting,  incurable  distrust. 

Charles  the  Ninth  had  acquiesced  in  the  Massacre 
tardily,  reluctantly,  only  with  the  stipulation  that  not  a 
Huguenot  be  left  alive  in  France  to  reproach  him  with 
his  crime.     Catharine  herself  was  determined  that  such 


i 


t  -'•' 


Strength  and  Weakness  of  the  Edict       143 

should  be  the  result.  And  indeed  it  looked  for  a  while 
as  if  the  assassins  had  done  their  work  so  thoroughly 
that  the  remains  of  the  Huguenot  party  would  prove 
too  inconsiderable  to  necessitate  treating  with  them, 
not  to  speak  of  issuing  edicts  in  their  favor.  Yet  this 
was  precisely  what  Charles  the  Ninth  found  himself 
compelled  to  do,  and  that  within  less  than  a  twelve- 
month. It  was  significant  that  three  Protestant  cities, 
if  only  three, — La  Rochelle,  Montauban,  and  Nimes, — 
secured  that  entire  freedom  of  worship  which  was 
denied  to  their  brethren  throughout  the  rest  of  the  realm. 
I  am  almost  tempted,  in  this  rapid  view  of  the  edicts 
preceding  that  of  Nantes,  to  make  no  meiuion  at  all  of 
the  Edict  of  Beaulieu  (1576),  published  by  Henry  the 
Third,  Charles  the  Ninth's  brother  and  successor,  two 
years  after  he  came  to  the  throne.  And  this  for  the 
reason  that  it  was  an  edict  only  in  name  ;  for  Henry 
had  signed  it  only  to  save  his  capital,  or  to  secure  quiet 
and  leisure  for  the  pursuit  of  those  effeminate  pleasures 
which  he  valued  above  crown  or  capital.  He  felt  that 
the  Edict  of  Beaulieu  had  been  wrung  from  him  by 
superior  force,  and  it  is  no  wonder  that  so  unprincipled 
a  prince  unblushingly  avowed  to  Duplessis  Mornay,  at 
a  later  time,  that  he  had  never  had  any  intention  to 
observe  its  provisions!  Inasmuch  as  neither  he  nor 
any  one  else  did  observe  them — so  far  as  concerns  the 
guarantee  of  the  liberty  of  religious  w^orship  throughout 
F'rance,  Paris  alone  excluded,  but  without  any  farther 
exception  of  time  or  place,  unless  the  particular  lord 
should  object  to  its  exercise  upon  his  land— it  would 
be  absurd  to  take  into  serious  account  so  deceptive  a 
document. 

But   it   is   far  otherwise  with  the  Edict  of  Poitiers, 
which  the  same  king  published  the  next  year  (1577), 


4h 


144 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


happily  the  last  that  I  shall  have  to  contrast  with  the 
Edict  of  Nantes,  and,  although  preceding  the  latter  by 
a  score  of  years,  deriving  great  interest  and  importance 
from  the  circumstance  that  its  provisions  were  to  a  great 
extent  the  foundation  whereon  was  reared  the  law  of 
H^nry  the  F^ourth  which  to-day  we  commemorate.  Re- 
pealed by  the  king  that  granted  it,  when,  in  1585,  the 
so-called  Holy  League  compelled  the  weak  monarch  to 
concede  all  its  demands  and  sign  the  ordinance  at  Ne- 
mours proscribing  every  religion  but  the  Roman  Cath- 
olic, the  Edict  of  Poitiers  was  re-established  by  Henry 
the  Fourth,  six  years  later  (1591),  in  his  Declaration  of 
Mantes,  and  remained  in  force  until  replaced  by  the 
Edict  of  Nantes. 

I  should  exhaust  your  patience,  upon  which  I  fear 
that  I  have  already  laid  too  heavy  a  tax,  were  I  to  give 
in  detail  the  provisions  of  this  Edict  of  Poitiers.  Hap- 
pily that  is  unnecessary  ;  inasmuch  as  the  main  points 
are  all  incorporated  in  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  with  many 
important  additions  which  go  to  prove  that,  as  compared 
with  previous  legislation  affecting  the  Huguenots,  the 
law  of  Henry  the  Fourth  occupies  a  unique  position, 
being  incomparably  superior  to  every  other  edict  that 
ever  went  into  actual  operation. 

And  now  let  us  look  at  the  provisions  of  the  Edict  of 
Nantes  itself,  that  we  may  observe  that,  not  only  by 
comparison,  but  in  itself,  it  seemed  to  be  a  law  em- 
bodying a  solution  of  the  religious  question  likely  to 
prove  permanent  and  satisfactory.  First  of  all,  it  guar- 
anteed full  liberty  of  conscic7tcc,  everywhere  throughout 
France,  without  distinction  of  place.  Not  a  Protestant 
might  be  subjected  to  inquiry  regarding  his  religious 
belief,  nor  vexed,  molested,  or  constrained  to  do  any- 
thing contrary  to  his  conscience. 


T/ir  •'  CluUcaic  dc  Nantes;'  the  Official  Resi- 
dence of  Henry  /F.,  /;/  which  it  is  said 
the  Edict  was  Signed. 

The  ,ccm  on  the  ris^ht  as  one  descends  the  steps  going  into  the  court  is 
sho'on  as  the  scene  of  the  transaction,  but  a  loial  tradition  trans, 
fers  it  to  the  -  Mai  son  des  Tourellesr  No.  j  Quai  du  Foss/,  the 
house  of  Gahrielle  d'Estr/es,  where  Henry  passed  his  time  while 
in  Xnntrs. 


Strength  and  Weakness  of  the  Edict       145 

It  assured  to  Protestants  equality  m  the  eyes  of  the 
law.  It  admitted  them  to  all  public  positions,  dignities, 
offices,  and  charges.  It  forbade  any  examination  into 
their  qualifications,  conduct,  and  morals,  save  such  as 
Roman  Catholics  were  subjected  to.  It  was  so  also 
with  regard  to  the  admission  of  Huguenots  to  schools 
and  hospitals  ;  no  discrimination  was  allowed  between 
the  adherents  of  the  two  faiths.  Moreover,  the  rio-ht 
was  conceded  to  the  Protestants  of  founding  schools  of 
various  grades  in  those  cities  in  which  they  mio-ht 
legally  hold  their  divine  service,  and  provision  was 
made  for  at  least  three  Huguenot  universities — at  La 
Rochelle,  Nimes,  and  Montelimar. 

They  were   to   have   their  own   cemeteries,    that   the 
scandal  of  the  disinterment  of  the  mortal  remains    of 
Huguenots    buried    in    so-called    consecrated    ground 
should  forever  cease.     To  secure  them  against  unfair 
treatment  in  the  courts  of  law,  several  special  tribunals 
were  either  erected  or  confirmed,  some  called  ''  chambers 
of  the  edict,"  others  '' chamhres  mi-parties;'  but  all  con- 
taining a  certain  number  of  judges  of  their  faith.     Before 
these  tribunals  cases  in  which  Protestants  were  inter- 
ested might  be  brought.     To  insure  them  against  illegal 
violence,  a  number  of  fortified  places  were  left  in  their 
hands  for  a  term  of  eight  years,  which  were  afterwards  ex- 
tended more  than  once— places  indifferently  called  ''  host- 
age "  or  ''cautionary  "  cities  and  ''cites  of  refuge,"  and 
both  governed  and  garrisoned  by  Protestants.     In  one  of 
the  sets  of  secret  articles  appended  to  the  Edict  proper,  a 
considerable  sum  of  money  was  set  aside  for  the  pay- 
ment of  these  troops,  while  a  special  patent  of  the  Kino-, 
also  secret,  appropriated  a  smaller  amount  of  money  an- 
nually to  the  support  of  Protestant  ministers  ;  thoucrh 
the  ^particular  destination  of  the  fund  was  veiled  und'er 


I 


[46 


Huiiuenot  Society  of  America 


words  less  compromisini;  for  a  nominally  Roman  Catholic 
prince.  Finally,  the  knotty  problem  of  public  worship 
was  solved,  not  by  puttinc^  it  on  a  new  basis,  but  by  en- 
lanjinL''  the  concessions  of  previous  edicts.  Protestant 
noblemen  retained  their  privilei^^es  of  services  to  be  held 
on  their  estates,  while  other  places  were  added  to  the 
cities  and  towns  previously  authorized  to  have  divine 
worship — all  cities  wherein  such  worship  had  been  cele- 
l)rated  several  tiiues  in  the  years  1596  and  1597  up 
to  the  month  of  AuL^ust  of  the  latter  year,  in  addition  to 
the  cities  which  had  enjoyed,  or  ou^dit  to  have  enjoyed, 
the  same  rij^ht,  in  accordance  with  the  Edict  of  1577. 
Moreover,  they  were  granted  two  cities,  in  place  of  one 
city,  in  every  bailiwick  or  senechaussee  of  France.  Thus, 
if  the  I'Ldict  should  be  honestly  executed,  the  Huij^uenots 
were  pretty  well  furnished  with  facilities  for  attending 
church  not,  perhaps,  on  every  Ford's  day  where  the 
distance  to  the  nearest  privileged  city  or  fief  was 
considerable!,  yet,  at  least,  several  times  each  year. 

Take  it  all  in  all,  the  Fxlict  of  Nantes  w\as  the 
great  glory  of  Henry  the  Fourth's  reign.  But  not  to 
him  solely  does  this  honor  belong.  There  were  others, 
some  of  them  i^reat  and  o^ood  men,  that  toiled  for 
months  to  make  it  as  perfect  a  law  as  possible.  I 
need  siuLde  out  for  mention  but  two  of  these  assid- 
uous  and  conscientious  workers:  IVesident  Jacques 
Aue'uste  de  Thou,  on  the  Roman  Catholic  side,  and 
Philip|)e  l)u[)lessis  Mornay,  on  the  Protestant,  the 
tlower  of  bVench  patriotism,  competitors  only  in  the 
mc^st  honorable  of  contests,  the  strife  to  see  w^hich  of 
the  two  should  do  most  o^ood  to  his  native  land.  Both 
scholars  of  the  hicrhest  rank, — the  one,  the  most  eminent 
historian  of  the  events  of  his  time,  the  other,  adding  to 
his  reputation  for  prodigious  learning  the  reputation  of 


4 


Strength  and  Weakness  of  the  Edict       147 

the  best  equipped  and  most  faithful  counsellor  of  his 
king, — both  were  possessors  of  those  twin  jewels  of 
character,  candor,  and  probity,  and  both  have  left  be- 
hind them  the  memory  of  lives  so  spotless  that  Calumny 
herself  could  find  therein  no  just  ground  of  disparage- 
ment. It  is  their  highest  praise,  as  it  is  the  highest 
])raisc?  of  the  monarch  whom  both  represented,  that 
they  co-operated  in  constructing  a  law,  not  indeed 
ideall)'  perfect  and  faultless,  but  a  law  that  for  the 
period  was  a  marvel  of  tact  and  equity — the  best,  per- 
haps, that  could  be  framed  in  the  circumstances. 

At  a  time  when  religious  disputes  and  religious  in- 
tolerance were  in  the  ascendant  ;  when  the  quarrels  of 
rival  creeds  were  a  disgrace  to  our  common  Christian- 
ity ;  when  |)roscription  was  the  rule  and  gentleness  to 
men  of  other  beliefs  was  the  exception  ;  when  creeds 
were  imposed  by  the  prince  and  exacted  of  subjects  ; 
when  the  abominable  maxim,  cii/us  regio,  ejus  religio, 
was  generally  accepted  and  put  into  practice  ;  when 
even  in  Protestant  England,  Queen  Pllizabeth  was  fully 
as  severe  against  stubborn  Roman  Catholics  who  main- 
tained the  Roman  pontiff's  supremacy  or  against  Prot- 
estant ministers  who  rejected  ecclesiastical  vestments 
as  against  gross  malefactors,  and  punished  as  a  crime 
attendance  upon  an  unauthorized  conventicle,  Henry 
the  r\)urth  of  bVance,  with  the  help  of  men  of  enlio-ht- 
ened  views,  offered  a  small  but  brave  and  faithful 
mmority  of  his  subjects  a  code  in  accordance  with 
which  they  and  all  his  other  subjects  could  abide  to- 
gether in  peace  and  amity. 

I  have  not  hesitated,  therefore,  to  rank  the  Edict  of 
Nantes  as  among  the  grandest  monuments  of  European 
civilization.  Nor  am  I  astonished  that,  through  the 
eighty-seven    years   during  which   it   was   nominally  in 


148 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


force,  down  to  tlic  date  of  the  formal  repeal,  the 
Hut^uenots  viewed  the  law  freely  i^ranted  by  Henr)- 
with  a  pride  as  sincere,  with  a  devotion  as  loyal,  as  the 
devotion  and  pride  with  which  the  dwellers  beyond 
the  Channel  rc^i-arded  the  work  of  the  barons  who  at 
Runnymede  extorted  by  force  from  Kin<;-  John  the 
recoLmition  of  luvjlish  liberties,  l^or  it  was  indeed  the 
Ilu'juenot  Ma'.'na  Charta. 

I  must  not  even  touch  upon  the  peace  and  prosperity- 
that  followed  in  the  wake  of  the  promuli^ation  of  the 
lulict  of  Nantes.  Not  only  would  time  fail  me,  but  I 
should  be  trenching;  on  the  field  that  others  will  doubt- 
less occupy  on  the  [)resent  occasion. 

I  turn,  therefore,  al)ru[)tly  from  the  Greatness  and 
StrenL^th  of  the  lulict  to  its  inherent   JTcakness. 

Man  in  his  relation  to  his  Creator  has  a  just  claim  to 
entire  freedom  of  action,  and  any  attempted  settlement 
of  the  relii^ious  (juestion,  as  affectinij^  the  citizens  of  a 
state,  that  does  not  rtxoi^nize  the  i)erfect  equality  ot 
one  believer  and  worshipper  with  every  other  believer 
and  worshi[)per  of  Ciod  is  fundamentally  unsound,  and 
consequently  insecure.  It  is  the  failure  of  the  Edict  of 
Nantes  to  recoirnize  this  absolute  eciualitv  that  const!- 
tutes  its  essential  Weakness. 

In  all  fairness  let  it  be  freelv  conceded  that  the  law 
of  Henrx'  the  b\)urth  was  much  more  than  a  mere  edict 
of  toleration.  It  was  no  accident  certainly  that  the  able 
men  who  drew  it  up  did  not  in  a  simple  instance  make 
use  of  that  odious  word  "  toleration,"  or  of  any  word  of 
equivalent  im[)ort.  We  ''tolerate"  that  which  is  ob- 
jectionable in  itself,  but  which,  for  one  reason  or  an- 
other, we  consent  to  endure,  either  permanently  or  for  a 
limited  time.  The  Huguenots  were  right  when  they 
insisted  that   the    King,  in  his  Edict,  assumed   no  such 


Strength  and  Weakness  of  the  Edict       149 

offensive  attitude  toward  the  adherents  of  the  faith 
which  from  motives  of  policy  he  had  abjured  five  years 
before,  and  when  they  asserted  that  he  had  no  intention 
of  insulting  them  by  representing  them  and  their  re- 
li^rjon  as  allowed  to  exist  in  France  onlv  by  sufferance. 

Despite  the  fact,  however,  that  a  fair  construction  of 
the  law's  provisions  fully  demonstrated  that  they  were 
ri'dit.  there  was  unfortunately  not  a  little  in  the  Edict 
that  made  it  easy  for  the  malevolent  to  interpret  it  un- 
fairly and  in  a  sense  contrary  to  the  lawgiver's  design. 

There  was,  first  of  all,  the  circumstance  that  the  ordi- 
nance, as  I  have  said,  did  not  definitely  and  in  so  many 
words  declare  the  Reformed  relicrion  and  its  adherents 
to  possess  each  and  every  right  enpyed  by  the  Roman 
Catholic  relio^ion  and  its  adherents — neither  more  nor 
less.  The  very  concessions  made  w^ere  a  proof  that  the 
Reformed  stood  by  the  side  of  the  Established  Church 
an  inferior  in  rank  and  with  inferior  riofhts. 

Next,  the  designation  of  the  Protestant  churches  as 
''Lis  Jio/iscs  de  la  Religion  Prctc7idue  Re  formic'' — "of 
the  Pretended  Reformed  Religion"  —  crave  rise  to 
natural  but  injurious  impressions  respecting  their  rela- 
tions to  the  state. 

I  admit  that  to  have  called  the  Protestant  or  Huofue- 
not  churches  ''the  Reformed  churches"  would  have 
been  an  unpalatable  thing  for  the  members  and,  es- 
pecially, the  clergy  of  the  other  communion.  To  the 
latter  it  seemed  not  only  a  natural,  but  a  necessary  in- 
ference from  the  use  of  this  name,  that  the  doctrine,  the 
rites,  and  the  government  of  the  Protestants  were  more 
pure  and  Biblical,  since  they  had  been  cleansed  and  made 
over;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  that  the  old  Roman 
Catholic  Church,  not  being  reformed,  was  in  need  of 
purification  in  every  part. 


i=;o 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


In  point  of  fact,  this  was  i)rcciscly  what  the  Protes- 
tants did  bcheve  to  be  true.  No  one,  therefore,  could 
have  justly  objected  had  the  Roman  Catholics  insisted 
that  in  all  oftkial  documents  of  State,  includin-"  the 
laws,  the  word  ''  Reformed"  should  be  accompanied  by 
some  qualifying  word,  or  words,  of  an  inoffensive  nature. 
For  example,  the  Iluij^uenots  would  have  had  no  valid 
reason  to  complain  had  their  churches  been  styled, 
"the  churches  kjioz.'ji,  ov  commonly  known,  as  the  Re- 
formed churches."  That  would  have  hurt  no  sensibil- 
ities, wounded  not  even  the  most  tender  of  consciences. 
r)Ut  it  would  not  have  satisfied  their  opponents.  Nothing 
would  satisfy  thtmi  but  llmitini;-  words  of  a  disparaging 
character, — '' prctoiduc!'  "  pretended,"  as  laying  claim 
to  something  to  which  their  title  was  invalid,  or,  to  say 
the  least,  doubtful,  or  ''  soi-disaut^'  ''so  called,"  as  as- 
s(Ttin<^  what  the  rest  of  the  world  denied.  No  one 
could  deny  that  they  were  "known,"  or  ''commonly 
known"  as  ''Reformed," — this  was  an  incontestable 
fact, — but  to  say  that  they  were  "  pretended  "  Reformers 
was  to  allege  that  they  were  masquerading  in  clothing 
not  their  own. 

I  am  aware  that  It  has  been  urged  by  a  recent  writer 
in  this  countr)-,  that  the  designation  '' prctcnduc'^  does 
not  necessarilv  contain  in  French  the  offensive  meaning 
of  the  word  **  pretended  "  in  our  kuvguage  ;  and  their 
oppcMients,  at  the  time  of  the  [)romulgation  of  the  Edict 
of  Nantes  and  afterwards,  tried  to  convince  the  Protes- 
tants that  as  applied  to  the  Reformed  religion  and  Its 
officers  and  rites,  it  was  as  Innocent  as  when  applied  to 
other  objects  that  are  claimed,  and  that  when  a  Protes- 
tant minister  was  reciuired  to  stvle  himself.  In  all  official 
documents  or  certificates,  a  "  minister  of  the  '  Eglises 
Pretendues   Reformees,'   he    was  quite   unjustifiable    in 


Strcno-th  and  Weakness  of  the  Edict       15  ^ 

objecting  to  this  as  to  an  insult.  But  the  Huguenots, 
beino-  born  Frenchmen,  knew  better, — they  knew  that 
it  emphasized  the  Reformation  as  nothing  but  2^ pretence, 

a  sham. 

In  view  of  the  Importance  of  the  matter  and  in  justi- 
fication of  the  ereat  number  of  times  that  the  Hugue- 
nots  petitioned  to  be  relieved  of  the  necessity  imposed 
upon  their  ministers  to  style  themselves  ministers  of  the 
"  Reli^don  Pretendue  Reformee,"  I  mav  be  pardoned 
for  (pioti ng  a  sentence  or  two  from  the  pages  of  Elie 
Benoist,  author  of  the  great  History  of  the  Edict  of 
Nantes,  (11,  91,)  a  work  written  and  published  over  two 
hundred  years  ago  (Delft,  1693).  After  stating  that 
the  word  'fretendu'^  Is  equivocal,  and  that  in  its  legal 
sense  it  contains  within  It  nothing  suspicious  or  Insulting, 
he  adds  that  there  is  a  second  sense,  which  Is  more 
common  ever)'where  else  than  at  the  Bar,  a  sense  in 
which  it  is  about  equivalent  to  the  terms  "false"  and 
"  ille'.Mtlmate."      And  he  adds  : 

"  There  are  words  to  which  the  word  prcHe^idu  can- 
not be  joined  without  giving  them  an  injurious  sense. 
It  is  to  insult  a  person  grossly  {ontrager)  to  attribute  to 
him  a  '  {)retended  '  { pretendn)  merit,  a  'pretended' 
virtue  ;  and  In  this  style  a  'pretended'  savant  means  a 
veritable  ignoramus.  This  usage  involves  another, 
namely  :  the  word  prdtoidn  becomes  ironical  in  many 
connections,  and  gives  to  discourse  an  offensive  air  of 
reproach  and  raillery.  The  Reformed,  know^ing  what 
was  meant  when  they  were  called  '  Pretended  Re- 
formed,' regarded  it  as  an  outrage  that  men  were  de- 
termined to  have  them  apply  this  equivocal  name  to 
themselves  ;  as  though  they  approved  the  opinion  which 
the  Catholics  held  of  their  religion  and  of  their  doc- 
trme. 

It  is   quite  in  keeping  with   Benoist's  view,  that  the 


jr 


'5^ 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


Dictionnairc  dc  r AcadcDUc  interprets  the  adjective  pre- 
teiidii  "as  said  of  thini^s  which  men  decHne  to  achnit, 
of  quahties  false  or  doubtful  "  ;  and  under  this  |)laces 
"  La  reli^^ion  pretendue  Reformee,  Le  calvinisnie." 

Be^^innini;  by  applyini^  to  the  Hui^uenot  relii^ion  a 
desi<T;"nation  which,  if  not  distinctly  meant  to  be  oppro- 
brious, could  easily  and  must  inevitably  be  so  construed 
b}'  most  of  those  that  used  it,  the  law,  in  virtue  of  the 
verv  circumstance  that  it  was  not  a  concession  of  full 
but  of  partial  rii^hts,  not  anywhere  and  everywhere,  but 
in  certain  parts  of  France  and  not  in  others — as  thouL^di 
a  religion  that  was  i^ood  enouiL^h  for  some  places  was 
not  c^ood  enouL^'h  for  others,  above  all  for  the  capital, 
within  five  leai^ues  of  which  no  Protestant  services 
could  be  held — the  law,  I  sa)',  ojxned  a  wide  door  to 
chicaner)',  and  to  a  certain  sort  of  interpretation  which 
it  is  not  uncharitable  to  describe  as  purposely  intended 
rather  to  misrei)resent  and  stultify  than  to  explain. 

liven  the  most  brief  account  of  the  results  would  be 
a  loui^  story.      I  shall  not  attempt  the  narration. 

Given  a  document  which  could  be  interpreted  as  the 
Edict  of  Nantes  was  interpreted  ;  given  an  all-powerful 
cleri^y  whose  interest  it  was  to  have  it  thus  interpreted  ; 
given  a  judiciary  that  was  pleased  to  adopt  the  principle 
laid  down,  in  1O34,  l)y  Omer  Talon,  that  Protestantism 
was  a  thing  existing  only  by  sufferance,  and  a  thing  one 
could  wish  not  to  exist  in  France  ;  a  thin^r  jn  favor  of 
which  no  grant  must  be  construed  graciously  ;  an  odious 
thiuLT.  in  ascertaininor  the  riofhts  of  which  the  ri^rhteous 
judge  was  authorized,  indeed  was  bound,  to  be  as  cap- 
tious, technical,  and  inimical  as  a  very  Portia  in  defining 
the  ri^j^hts  of  a  hated  and  detested  creditor  of  another 
faith  ;  given  kings  under  priestly  domination  and  need- 
ing the  periodical  contributions  of  the  assemblies  of  the 


Strength  and  Weakness  of  the  Edict        153 

clergy  to  replenish  their  royal  coffers — given  all  this,  and 
such  a  thing  as  did  come  to  pass  was  sure  to  come  to 
pass,  sooner  or  later  ;  I  mean  the  slow  but  steady 
encroachment  on  Huguenot  liberties,  and  last  of  all  the 
Revocation. 

Where  there  is  a  will  there  is  a  way. 

b'ew  monarchs  would  fail  to  claim  a  ri^ht  to  retract 
the  grant  of  a  predecessor,  the  authority  to  make  unlaw- 
ful what  ancestors  had  declared  lawful.  An  admission 
of  some  principle  as  of  inalienable  right  might  possibly 
have  been  held  sacred  and  binding,  and  thus  come  to  be 
regarded  as  a  fundamental  law  of  the  realm.  But 
efforts  to  bind  the  hands  of  despotic  kings  generally 
prove  futile.  Jean  Claude  labored  hard,  in  his 
Plaintcs,  to  pro\'e  the  Edict  of  Nantes  to  be  a  funda- 
mental law,  chiefly  because  Henry  the  Fourth  had 
declared  it  perpetual  and  irrevocable  ;  but  of  laws 
declaring  themselves  to  be  irrevocable  and  perpetual, 
some  of  them  long  since  either  repealed  or  fallen  into 
desuetude,  there  was  no  lack.  Therefore,  Claude's 
great  protest  and  the  protests  of  his  fellow  Protestants 
against  the  perfidy  of  Louis  the  F'ourteenth  came  to 
naught. 

The  lidict  of  Nantes,  as  I  have  said,  was  nominally 
m  force  for  eighty-seven  years.  Then  came  the  formal 
Recall  in  1685,  at  a  time  w^hen  there  was  in  fact  very 
little  left  to  be  recalled,  inasmuch  as  about  all  provis- 
ions in  favor  of  the  Huguenots  had  one  by  one  been 
virtually  repealed  or  annulled.  After  the  Revocation 
there  was  a  period  of  just  one  hundred  and  two  years  of 
the  absolute  proscription  of  Protestant  worship.  Finally 
in  I  787  arrived  better  times,  the  dawn  of  the  Revolution, 
the  end  both  of  tyranny  and  of  persecution. 

When  that   hour  struck,  the   Protestants  of   France 


I 


^54 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


had  ceased  to  revert  in  mind  to  Henry  the  Fourth's 
great  law.  They  did  not  demand  a  re-enactment  of 
the  Kdict  of  X antes.  Whatever  that  law  had  been 
intended  b\'  its  author  to  be,  it  had  in  jjractice  proved 
onl)'  an  edict  of  temporary  and  limited  toleration. 
Now,  when  jxTsecutiDn  came  to  an  end,  thv,  Protestants 
bold!)'  and  uncompromisiuL;!)'  insisted  that  every  re- 
striction, that  evcr\  fetter,  should  be  removed,  in  order 
that  together,  with  fraternity,  the  adherents  of  the 
Reformed  rclii^don  should  (mter  into  bc^uls  of  complete 
liberty  and  equality  with  their  fellow  citizens. 

And  they  were  wise.  The  lulict  of  Nantes,  however 
beneficent,  however  admirable  in  many  rei^ards,  had 
accomplished  its  work,  and  was  a  thini^;  of  the  past. 
Above  all.  it  had  tauL,dit  every  careful  reader  of  history 
the  lesson  which  the  world  could  never  afford  to  for^ret. 
— that  onl)'  the  complete  freedom  of  all  men  in  tlieir 
relations  to  the  Creator  can  cement  the  permanent 
peace  of  the  state. 


THE  EDICT  OF  NANTES:     ITS  ADVER- 
SARIES   AND   DIFFICULTIES 

Bv  Rev.    NATHANAEL  WEISS, 
Secretary  of  the  Societc  de  I'llistoire  du  Protestantisme  Fran9ais 

A  FEW  months  ago,  about  the  time  when  I  was 
requested  to  prepare  the  present  paper  on  the 
Edict  of  Nantes,  I  happened  to  witness  at  Houlogne-sur- 
mer  the  embarkation  for  this  country  of  several  hundred 
Greek  and  Armenian  emiorants.  It  was  a  sad  sioht, 
well  fitted  to  impress  one  with  the  meaning  and  impor- 
tance of  religious  liberty.  A  few  weeks  later,  durin;/  the 
exciting  and  appalling  Dreyfus  and  Zola  trials,  on  a  wall 
not  far  aw^ay  from  the  Librarv  of  our  French  Hu<ruenot 
Society,  could  be  read  a  poster  of  which  I  will  quote  the 
last  sentence  : 

'*  Frenchmen  !  Let  all  those  traitors,  parents,  brothers, 
patrons,  and  accomplices  of  traitors,  foreigners  to  the 
blood  of  France,  see,  in  every  manifestation  of  our  public 
and  private  life,  that  this  noble  nation,  henceforth  unde- 
ceived, casts  off  forever  Jews,  Huguenots,  Freemasons, 
and  all  those  poisonous  elements  which  have  stupefied 
It  during  the  past  25  years,  and  which  at  last  it  vomits 
forth."  • 

At  the  same  time  you  could  read  in  the  Review  of  the 
Frc7ick  Clergy  the  following  sentences,  which  explain 
those  of  the  poster  : 

A  copy  of  this  poster  is  now  preserved  in  the  Librarv  of  the  Huguenot  Society 
of  America  in  New  Vork. 

155 


{ 


I 


156 


Hug-uenot  Society  of  America 


The  Edict's  Adversaries  and  Difficulties 


157 


**  The  Churcli  lias  the  riorht  to  rule  not  only  over  in- 
divicliials  and  families,  hut  over  |)eoples.  In  other  words, 
in  the  s{)iritual  order  of  thiuL^s,  the  State  is  not  independ- 
ent of  the  Church  ;  and  it  is  its  duty  to  embrace,  profess, 
and  protect  the  Catholic  reliction.  .  .  .  The  end  of  the 
State  is  the  tem|)oral  well-hein^-  of  men,  while  that  of  the 
Church  is  their  spiritual  felicit)'.  Thus  the  end  of 
the  Church  is  intinitely  more  excellent  than  that  of  the 
State,  which  is  subordinate  to  it.  But  the  subordination 
of  ends  brings  with  it  the  subordination  of  means  and  it 
thus  follows  that  tlu'  State  is  sul)ordinate  to  the  Church. 
Nothing;  can  be  advanced  against  this  ar!:4"ument.  Let  us 
conclude  .  .  .  the  State  should  use  both  law  and  sword 
for  the  social  rei^n  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  in  doing  so  for- 
merly it  simply  fultillecl  its  tlut\'. 

"  Why  attempt  lamely  to  excuse  these  means?  The 
Church,  a  society-  divine  and  human  at  the  same  time, 
possesses,  with  doctrinal  and  legislative  power,  the 
j)ower  of  coercion  which  is  their  necessar\-  accompani- 
ment. It  has  also  the  right  to  punish  by  material 
penalties  l)oih  the  heretic  and  the  faithful,  and  the 
Church  has  also  the  right  to  exact  that  the  power  of  the 
State  be  at  the  service  of  the  spiritual  interests  which  it 
is  its  mission  to  guard."  ^ 

Such  words,  which  have  already  been  made  clearer  by 
facts,  show  that  on  the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic  it  is  not 
necessary  to  go  as  far  as  Turkey  in  order  to  realize  the 
want  and  value  of  some  such  decree  as  the  Edict  of 
Nantes.  And  if  we  are  obliged  to  admit  that  after 
three  hundred  years  the  lesson  this  Edict  was  intended 
to  teach  has  not  been  learned,  and  that  religious  liberty 
has  not  been  acce[)ted  by  the  majority  of  Erenchmen, 
still  we  are  certainly  prepared  to  understand  and  appre- 
ciate its  value  and  high  sic^nification. 

'  (Quoted  by  the  newspaper  Aurore,  of  January  21,  iSgS.  The  only  French 
secular  paper  which  till  now  (March  26,  iSqS)  has  spoken  of  the  Commemoration 
of  the  Edict  of  Xantes,  is  the  Libertc,  January  23,  1S9S  :  article  by  J.  Ch.  de 
Villedeuil. 


I  shall  not  attempt  to  tell  how,  wdien,  and  by  whom 
this  Edict  was  obtained, — the  story  has  been  written 
with  great  care,  skill,  and  a  thorough  knowledge  of  facts 
by  your  learned  honorary  member,  Dr.  H.  M.  Baird,^ — 
but  simply  try  to  give  a  clear  idea  of  the  difficulties  to 
be  overcome,  which  made  the  revocation  of  the  Edict 
only  a  question  of  time. 

The  first  thing  to  be  borne  in  mind  is  this  :  At  the 
end  of  the  XVIth  century  the  greatest  power  in  France 
was  that  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church.  It  was  not 
only  a  spiritual,  but  to  a  very  large  extent  a  temporal 
power.  At  least  one  third  of  the  land  of  Erance  be- 
longed to  the  Church.  Its  members,  secular  and 
regular,  priests  or  monks,  not  only  enjoyed  the  influence 
which  the  reverence  and  fear  of  the  people  conferred 
upon  them,  but  held  nearly  all  the  prominent  positions 
in  the  state,  high  courts  of  justice,  and  in  the  univer- 
sities. Also  let  us  not  forget  that  as  long  as  kings 
reigned  over  P>ance,  their  prime  ministers  were  almost 
invariably  dignitaries  of  the  Church. 

The  outbreak  of  the  Reformation  had  had  one  very 
important  effect  on  the  Church  of  Rome.  It  tested  its 
power  and  caused  it  to  organize  everywhere  what  is 
called  a  counter-reformation.  The  most  energetic 
workers  or  best  soldiers  in  the  endeavor  to  undermine 
the  power  of  the  free  Gospel  were  the  Jesuits,  and 
during  the  last  25  years  of  the  XVIth  century  Erance 
was  their  principal  field  of  operation.  The  Massacre 
of  St.  Bartholomew  not  having  succeeded  in  extermi- 
natmg  all  the  Huguenots,  the  Holy  Leacrue  was  oro-an- 
ized  and  civil  war  became  a  duty  in  order  to  re-place 
Prance    entirely   under    the    yoke    of    popery    and    the 

In  his  work,    The  Huguenots  and  Henry  of  Navarre,  two  vols,  of  xxii-l-458 
and  xvn-h525  pa-es  in  8%  with  maps  and  index.     New  York,  Scribner's,  18S6. 


ImS 


Huguenot  Socict}'  of  America 


Spanish  Inquisition.  The  few  Huguenots  who  remained 
in  the  countr)'  had  to  become  Catholics  or  leave  their 
homes.  Tliousands  lied  to  England,  Switzerland,  and 
Germany,  where  they  scuttled,  little  dreaming;  that  their 
first  colonie-s  would  prepare  a  haven  of  refuge  for  the 
multitudes  that  were  to  follow  them  one  hundred  vears 
later,  at  the  repeal  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 

Henrv  III,  who  was  then  Kin^r  of  France  and  who 
had  Ix^en  forced  by  the  Holy  League  to  expel  the 
Huguenots,  was  murdered  by  the  Jesuits  and  Spaniards, 
who  rul(!d  over  I^rance,  because  they  did  not  entirely 
trust  him.  Henry  of  Navarre,  the  intelligent,  brave,  and 
wide-awake  son  of  leanne  d'Albret,  was  the  leiral  heir 
to  the  crown.  Although  he  had  solemnly  returned  to 
the  Protestant  faith  after  havini{  renounced  itdurinir  the 
massacre,  we  all  know  that  he  gave  it  up  again  because, 
as  he  said,  "  Paris  was  well  worth  a  Mass."  To  us  it 
seems  that  he  could  have  become  Kin^^  of  PVance  even 
if  lu!  had  remainrd  a  Protestant.  Hut  when,  nearly 
every  day,  we  see  gentlemen  and  ladies  who  enjoy 
certainh'  more  liberty  than  did  Henry  of  Navarre,  give 
u[)  their  religion  for  much  less  than  the  throne  of  France, 
we  must  not  l)e  too  hard  on  him. 

Before  he  was  crowned  at  Chartres,  on  PY'bruary  2^], 
1594,  he  had  to  swear  to  fulfil  the  following  engage- 
ment : 


"  I  shall  endea\'or  according  to  my  ability,  in  good 
faith,  to  drive  from  my  jurisdiction  and  from  the  lands 
subject  to  me,  all  heretics  denounced  by  the  Church, 
promising  on  oath  to  keep  all  that  has  been  said.  So 
help  me  God  and  the  Ploly  Gospel  of  God." 

This  promise  leads  to  the  second  point  I  want  to  im- 
press upon  your  minds  :  Three  hundred  years  ago,  the 


The  Edict's  Adversaries  and  Difificulties     159 

idea  that  there  could  be  more  than  one  way  of  believin^r 
in  God  was  considered  monstrous.  *'  There  is  only  one 
truth  and  one  authentic  interpreter  of  that  truth,  the 
Roman  Catholic  Church  and  its  head,  the  Pope,"  had 
been  the  universal  belief.  Even  the  Protestants  shared 
the  same  con\'iction.  But  they  said  :  There  is  only  one 
truth  ;  the  Church  having  forsaken  it  by  its  traditions 
and  manifold  ceremonies,  let  us  turn  back  to  the  Bible 
and  believe  only  what  the  Bible  teaches.  The  conse- 
quence was  that  where  the  Roman  Catholics  were  the 
stronger,  the  Protestants  had  to  fly  the  country,  be 
thrown  into  prison,  or  burned  alive  ;  and  that  where  the 
Protestants  were  the  masters,  they  banished  the  Mass 
and  ceremonies,  only  tolerating  priests  and  monks,  and 
perhaps  sometimes  their  secret  services.  With  re^^ard 
to  liberty  there  was  only  this  difference  between  Protes- 
tants and  Catholics  of  those  days  :  The  Protestants, 
probably  because  they  had  been  obliged  to  suffer  perse- 
cution everywhere,  generally  did  not  persecute  the 
Catholics,  but  in  England,  Germany,  Geneva,  Holland, 
and  elsewhere  they  did  not  admit  that  a  Roman  Catholic 
was  entitled  to  the  same  rights  and  liberty  as  themselves. 
The  Catholics,  on  the  other  hand,  were  really,  and  are 
still,  consonant  with  their  system  (as  is  shown  by  the 
repeal  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  nearly  one  century  after 
Its  proclamation,  and  by  so  many  other  tales  of  perse- 
cution in  Spain,  Italy,  Austria,  and  wherever  they  had 
the  power)  when  they  declared  a  Protestant  was  only 
allowed  to  live  when  he  turned  Catholic. 

There  had  been,  especially  in  France,  a  few  men  and 
women  who  in  those  times  had  possessed  and  called  into 
existence  other  principles.  The  Chancellor  Michel  de 
T  Hospital,  the  Protestant  heroes  Coligny  and  Jeanne 
d'Albret,  believed  that  it  was  possible  for  both   Protes- 


i6o 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


tants  and  Catholics  to  live  peaceabl)'  to^^ether,  and  to 
worship  not  onl\  in  the  same  cities,  but  even  in  the 
same  churches,  iiistory  shows  us,  indeed,  that  ncarl)' 
fort)  )Lars  before  the  Kdict  of  Nantes,  this  policy  was 
introduced  into  the  then  reformed  countries  or  cities  of 
Bcarn,  La  Rochelle,  and  Sedan.  Hut  I  do  not  know  of 
many  other  places  in  Europe  where  the  same  principles 
prevailed.  And,  unfortunately,  in  those  places  which 
were  situated  on  the  borders  of  France,  the  experiment 
could  not  be  well  tried,  or  lon^^  enoui^h,  on  account  of 
the  civil  wars  which,  more  or  less,  troubled  the  whole 
countr). 

Outside  of  France,  in  Switzerland  and  Germany,  the 
idea  of  reli;;ious  liberty  had  to  under^^o  the  same  oppo- 
sition, because  every  Protestant  did  not  understand  and 
interpret  the  \V\h\c.  in  the  same  way.  That  is  the  reason 
why,  in  the  city  of  Calvin,  Servetus  was  sent  to  the  stake, 
and  hatred  and  excommunication  reig"ned  between 
Lutherans  and  Reformed  in  Germany — why,  on  the 
back  wall  of  the  Church  of  St.  Peter  in  Leyden  (Hol- 
land), a  tablet  with  the  following  inscription  has  been 
erected  by  the  Council  of  the  Congregational  Churches 
of  the  United  States: 

"  In  memory  of  Rev.  [ohn  Rol)inson,  M.A.,  pastor  of 
the  English  church  worshipping  over  against  this  spot 
A.I).  1609-1625,  whence,  at  his  prompting,  went  forth 
the  Pilgrim  F\athers  to  settle  New  England  in  1620." 

Now  the  Edict  of  Nantes  was  an  attempt  to  make 
Catholic  and  Protestant  worshippers  live  in  peace  in 
tlu'  kiu'Hlom  of  France,  and  to  declare  that  difference 
in  faith  and  worship  ought  not  to  deprive  a  man  of  his 
rights  as  a  citizen  of  the  country,  even  where  the  majority 
believed  he  was  wTong.      If  we  bear  in   mind  what   I 


The  Edict's  Adversaries  and  Difficulties     161 

tried  to  explain,  we  shall  well  understand  that  such  an 
attempt  was  equal  to  a  revolution  in  the  France  of 
those  days. 

Nine  months  after  having  promised  to  expel  all  the 
heretics,  November,  1594,  Henry  IV  issued  a  Z)ec/ara^/o7i 
by  which  he  pretended  not  to  have  thought  of  the  French 
Protestants  when   he  spoke  of  the  heretics.     And    he 
condescended    to    allow    them    liberty    of    conscience  * 
liberty  of  worship  to  the   noblemen   in   their  mansions, 
and  to  the  people  in  one  suburb  in  every  county.      At 
the  same  time  he  declared  that  they  could  be  admitted 
to  all  offices.     Those  were  the  conditions  which,  seven- 
teen years  before,  in  1577,  the  F^rench  Protestants  had 
obtained  from  Henry  HI.      But  the  Holy  League,  hav- 
ing tested  its  powder  by  the  conversion  of  his  successor, 
aimed  now  at  the  final  defeat  of  heresy  in  the  kingdom. 
This  Edict  of  1577  had  therefore  only  been  renewed  in 
order  to  calm  the  Protestant.s,  and  as  a  rule  it  w^as  not 
kept. 

Their  condition  was  especially  bad  wdien  they  w^ere 
obliged  to  go  to  law,  and  one  may  well  understand  that, 
living  amongst  those  who  were  taught  to  hate  and 
despise  them,  they  were  often  compelled  to  ask  for 
justice.  Now  all  the  courts,  and  especially  the  high 
courts  or  parliaments,  being  the  very  strongholds  of  the 
old  motto,  -one  faith,  one  law,"  always  judged  against 
the  Protestants  because,  being  heretics,  they  could  not 
be  right. 

Such  a  policy  would  certainly  have  ended  in  the 
result  the  Church  of  Rome  desired,  had  not  the  Hugue- 
nots been  determined  to  hold  their  own  in  that  great 
battle  for  right  and  liberty.  They  were  then  not  far 
from  1,290,000,  or  274,000  families,  say  about  one 
twelfth  part  of  the  population  of  France— amongst  these 


^ 


162 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Edict's  Adversaries  and  Difficulties     16 


2,468  families  of  noble  birth  which  never  would  believe 
that  Henry  of  Navarre  could  forsake  those  who  for- 
merly had  so  i^allantly  helped  him  to  the  throne.^  Dele- 
gates were  chosen  and  this  assembly  decided  not  to  close 
its  session  before  havinq-  wrenched  from  the  King-  at 
least  some  kind  of  religious  liberty  and  civil  equality. 
During  four  years  they  sat  in  the  western  cities  of  Lou- 
dun,  Saumur,  Chatellerault,  trying  one  scheme  or  draft 
after  another,  answering  or  repelling  objections  of  every 
possible  kind,  sending  messages  or  deputies  to  Henry, 
or  receiving  his  own  messengers.  Amongst  the  manu- 
scripts of  our  Library  at  Paris  there  are  some  of  the 
minutes  of  the  {)roceedings  of  those  meetings.  On 
looking  over  the  rules  drawn  up  by  the  delegates,  you 
can  see  how  carefully  they  pledged  themselves  to  stick 
to  their  purpose,  putting  down  their  signatures  close 
together,  and  you  feel  that  those  men  were  in  dead 
earnest  and  bound  to  succeed  in  some  way. 

But  it  was  very  hard  work  indeed.  The  power  and 
intluence  of  that  little  band  was  a  mere  nothino-  com- 
pared  to  the  strength  of  the  Church.  Not  only  did  the 
Church  rule  nearly  every  great  institution  of  the  State, 
but  the  King  himself  could  not  reign  without  its  help. 
When  he  abjured  Protestantism  he  was  not  considered 
to  have  done  so  sincerely  before  having  received  the 
regular  absolution  of  the  Pope.  Now  the  popes  never 
gave  even  things  merely  nominal  like  an  absolutory 
declaration,  without  obtaining-  in  exchanj^e  substantial 
advantages.  Henry  IV  always  wanted  some  favor  of 
that  kind  ;  for  instance,  after  havin^r  negotiated  during 
eighteen  months  before  he  got  the  aforesaid  absolution, 

^Bulletin  de  la  Socic'ti!  de  V  Hist,  du  Prot.  fr.,  i.,  123,  124.  The  King  acknowl- 
edged the  power  of  the  Huguenots,  and  the  services  which  they  had  rendered  to 
his  cause,  in  a  letter  of  August  17,  1598,  where  he  writes  of  them  :  "  yen  ay  estd 
trop  bien  servy  et  assiste  en  ma  necessite'.''     (See  the  same  Biilhtin,  ii.,  30.) 


he  wanted  the  Pope  to  dissolve  his  marriage  with 
Margaret  of  Valois  —  the  marriage  which  had  been  the 
means  of  bringing  together  in  Paris  the  Huguenots  for 
the  St.  Bartholomew  massacre.  He  was  therefore  very 
careful  not  to  displease  his  Holiness.  And  "  nothing 
could  be  more  unpleasant  to  his  Holiness,"  wrote 
Henry's  ambassador  to  the  See  (i6  January,  1597), 
"than  to  hear  that  you  purpose  enlarging  the  license 
those  wretched  Huguenots  are  already  enjoying."^ 

In  his  own  kingdom  Henry  wanted  the  support  of  the 
Church  every  day.  The  delegates  of  the  latter  used  to 
meet  regularly  in  Paris  in  order  to  transact  their  very 
large  and  important  business,  and  to  present  their  wishes 
to  the  King.  The  Church  had  no  taxes  to  pay  to  the 
State,  but,  being  enormously  rich,  it  was  in  the  habit  of 
offering  to  the  King  a  big  sum  of  money,  the  amount  of 
which  was  generally  discussed  in  those  meetings.  We 
may  well  imagine  that  this  help  was  never  given  without 
remuneration.  The  first  thing  the  Church  used  to  ask 
in  exchange  for  its  own  generosity  (which  in  fact  was 
only  a  very  small  part  of  what  it  had  received  from  the 
nation),  was  the  conversion  of  the  heretics.  Let  us  hear 
the  first  article  of  their  address  to  the  King  in  the  begin- 
ning of  the  year  1596,  when,  at  Folembray,  near  Com- 
piegne,  on  the  24th  of  January,  the  Bishop  Claude 
d'Angennes  de  Rambouillet  had  exhorted  him  ''  to  fol- 
low the  steps  of  Clovis,  Constantine,  and  the  Kings  of 
Judah  like  Asa,  in  pressing  all  his  subjects  to  adopt  the 
religion  which  happily  was  now  his  own  "  ^  : 

"The  misfortune  and  ruin  which  have  existed  and 
still  exist  in  this  country,  caused  by  the  divisions  between 

'  Lettrcsde  Villnstrissime  et  reverendissime  Cardinal d' Os sat,  Paris,  1627,  i.,  355. 

*  Collection  des  proces  verbaux  des  assevible'es g/n&ales  du  clerg/  de  France     Paris 
I.  573.  575-576. 


164 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


your  subjects,  will  not  cease,  nor  your  crown  have  its 
full  splendor,  except  by  the  union  of  your  subjects  in 
the  true  Catholic,  Apostolic,  and  Roman  religion,  having 
to  our  great  regret,  experienced  during  the  last  39 
years  that  these  divisions  have  weakened  it  and  sapped 
its  strength.  But  it  having  pleased  God  in  whose  sov- 
ereign protection  it  is,  to  call  you  to  his  Church,  in  which 
the  Kings  your  predecessors,  have  been  nourished  for 
1200  years,  we  promise  ourselves  that  those  of  your 
subjects  who  have  left  will  reunite  themselves  with  it,  if  it 
please  your  Majesty,  besides  giving  your  example,  to  in- 
cite them  by  a  decree  warning  them  to  seek  instruction."  ^ 

I  think  these  quotations  are  clear  enough.  The  idea 
that,  in  the  whole  kingdom  of  France,  nay  in  the  w4iole 
world,  there  was  a  place,  however  small,  where  Protes- 
tants could  be  allowed  to  live,  believe,  and  pray,  even 
with  some  restrictions  —  this  idea  never  entered  the 
heads,  nor  passed  the  lips,  of  those  representatives  of 
one  of  the  most  holy  communities  in  Europe.  The 
Protestants  being  at  the  root  and  bottom  of  all  the 
trouble  through  which  the  kingdom  of  France  had  just 
passed,  the  greatest  charity  which  could  be  shown  unto 
them,  was  to  bring  them,  like  lost  children,  through 
some  good  law,  into  the  precincts  of  the  Church.  In  the 
aforesaid  address  there  is  another  article,  the  23d,  which 
shows,  in  a  very  striking  manner,  how  hard  a  Christian 
could  —  and  always  will  —  become,  in  following  what  he 
claimed  to  be  the  only  possible  truth  : 

''As  for  the  scandal  and  confusion  which  so  often 
happen  when  the  relatives  of  persons  who  have  not  died 
in  the  faith  and  union  of  the  Apostolic  Roman  Catholic 
Church,  wish  to  inter  the  bodies  in  churches  and  other 
sacred  places,  may  it  please  your  Majesty  to  command 
that  such   bodies  may  not  on  any  pretext  or  occasion 

^  Paris,  Archh-es  nationa/,'s,  G\  CiyV     Proch  verbal  de  Vassemhlce  du  clerg^, 
de  1595-1596,  Cahier.  fol.  46^'°,  §1. 


The  Edict's  Adversaries  and  Difficulties     165 

whatever,  be  interred  in  any  church  or  consecrated 
ground,  even  if  the  deceased  person  had  during  his  life- 
time the  claim  to  be  a  founder  or  patron  or  to  have 
had  any  rights  in  those  churches.  And  where  such 
bodies  have  been  interred,  to  order  the  judges  of  the 
locality  or  the  churchwardens,  upon  a  complaint  made  by 
the  clen'vmen,  to  disinter  them,  and  in  cases  of  ne^r- 
ligence  and  connivance,  that  the  said  judges  be  deprived 
of  their  offices,  and  the  churchwardens  visited  with  such 
penalties  as  the  judges  may  deem  proper."^ 

Some  explanation  is  necessary  in  order  to  make  clear 
the  meaning  and  consequences  of  this  article,  which  was 
enforced  in  many  places  even  after  the  Edict  of  Nantes, 
and  has  been  a  source  of  scandal  to  the  present  day. 
The  Protestants  were,  and  always  have  been,  scattered 
over  the  whole  country.  In  the  cities  where  they  could 
form  a  community,  they  would  buy  a  piece  of  ground 
for  their  cemetery.  But  in  the  other  places  they  had 
been  used  to  bury  their  dead  in  the  common  ceme- 
teries, or,  if  they  were  of  noble  blood,  in  the  church 
which  was  under  the  patronage  of  their  family.  Now 
the  Church  of  Rome  said  to  the  King  :  Churches  and 
cemeteries  belong  to  me  alone,  even  if  they  were  founded 
or  are  supported  by  people  who  turned  Protestant  ; 
those  are  now  sacred  places,  and  the  presence  there  of 
corpses  of  heretics  is  a  scandal  and  a  disgrace  ;  allow 
us  to  have  them  disinterred.  Everywhere  the  judges 
were  requested  to  put  that  new  law  into  execution.  If 
time  would  permit  I  could  show  documents  proving 
that  m  some  places  they  ordered  the  disinterment  of 
the  bodies  of  women  and  children  which  had  been 
buried  eighteen  years  before.  It  happened  even  that 
the  sheriff  in  a  little  place  near  Mantes  called  Jumeau- 
ville,  observed  that  it  would  be  rather  difficult  to  dis- 

^  Archives  nationales,  G^  117^,  fol.  54. 


\ 


1 66 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Edict's  Adversaries  and  Difficulties    167 


tineuish  the  hones  of  the  Protestants  from  those  of  the 
Catholics/ 

Now  fancy  the  feeHng-s  of  the  Hug-iienots,  for  in- 
stance of  Tarascon,  when  the  corpse  of  M.  de  Modene 
had  to  be  carried  across  the  Rhone  to  Beaucaire  where 
it  could  finally  be  buried  ;  or  of  those  of  Saintes,  when 
the  remains  of  M.  de  la  Grange  were  unearthed  by 
order  of  the  canons,  to  be  thrown  into  a  ditch  where  the 
parents  had  to  take  them  away  from  the  dogs  ^ ;  or,  as 
late  as  1606,  when  at  Varennes,  near  Paris,  Charles  de 
Fleury  w\as  ordered  by  the  bishop  to  disinter  his 
mother,  Barbe  de  Sangle,  who,  according  to  her  desire, 
at  the  advanced  age  of  107,  had  been  buried  near  her 
husband,  in  the  little  church  adjoining  the  castle!^  We 
may  get  an  idea  of  the  possible  number  of  such  cases, 
when  we  find  that  in  West  Normandy,  for  instance,  the 
Edict  of  Nantes  allowed  the  Reformed  worship  in  about 
twenty-two  places  for  the  whole  province,  but,  as  early  as 
161  2,  the  ground  was  marked  out  in  the  same  province 
for  nearly  three  hundred  Protestant  cemeteries  !^  And 
certainly  we  understand  the  Huguenots  writing  in  one 
of  their  requests  : 

'*  Why  did  we  close  the  cemeteries  and  fill  up  the 
graves,  if  not  in  order  to  protect  those  sacred  places 
from  the  beasts !  And  now,  O  Lord,  what  seems  hor- 
rible in  a  beast,  Frenchmen  are  permitted  to  do!  What 
ou^ht  we  to  care,  if  a  swine  or  a  Frenchman  uncovers 
our  remains  !  But  certainly  not  the  one  nor  the  other 
will  hinder  them  from  meeting  our  Saviour."^ 

It  is  quite  easy  to  understand  that  if  such  measures 

'  Archives  nationah's,  1.,  428. 

^  Memoirt's  de  la  Ligtie,  Amsterdam,  1758,  4°,  vi.,  478. 
^  Bulletin  de  la  Soc.  de  Hist,  de  Prot.  fr,,  1897,  649,  650. 

•*J.  Galland,    Essai  sur  r histoire  dti  Protestantisme  a   Caen  et  en  Basse  Nor^ 
mandie,  159S-1791,  Paris,  1898,  60,  62. 
^ Memoir es  de  la  Ligue,  vi.,  48 1. 


were  requested  and  carried  out  against  the  dead,  the 
living  Huguenot  did  not  fare  much  better.  If  he 
wanted  at  Orleans  to  send  his  children  to  the  public 
school  or  college,  they  were  turned  out  unless  they 
would  become  Catholics.  If,  poor  or  sick,  in  the  same 
city  where  the  Protestants  were  forced  to  pay  more 
than  the  Catholics  for  poor  tax  and  hospital,  he  wanted 
the  assistance  of  one  of  these  two  institutions,  he  was 
simply  sent  away/  If  at  Poitiers  Master  Antoine  de 
la  Duguie,  after  having  publicly  taught  during  twenty 
years,  presented  himself  for  the  doctorship,  he  had  to 
give  place  to  a  Catholic.^  If,  anywhere,  all  over  the 
kingdom,  by  special  favor  of  the  King,  Huguenots  were 
called  to  some  civil  or  judicial  office,  the  local  courts  or 
authorities  would  simply  not  admit  or  even  dismiss 
them,  unless  they  were  ready  for  a  Roman  Catholic 
oath.'  In  places  where  the  Huguenots  were  only  a 
handful,  as,  for  instance,  in  Nevers  or  La  Charite,  on 
the  Loire,  they  were  not  allowed  to  live  inside  the  city, 
on  their  own  property  !  ^ 

But  the  worst  stipulations  under  the  Edict  of  1577 
were  those  which  ruled  the  places  of  worship.  It  was 
quite  out  of  the  question  to  discuss  the  possibility  of 
holding  a  Protestant  service  within  the  walls  of  a  city 
of  some  importance.  If  the  city  were  the  See  of  a 
bishop  or  archbishop,  the  Protestants  would  have  to 
travel  from  three  to  twenty  miles  in  order  to  get  to 
their  meeting-place.  There  are  certainly  few  Ameri- 
cans who  realize  that  before  the  present  century  a  regu- 
lar Huguenot  service  was  never  allowed  in  cities  like 
Paris,  Orleans,  Bordeaux,  Lyons,  Rouen,  Toulouse,  etc. 

^Bulletin,  ut  supra,  189S,  145,  146. 
"^  M/m.  de  la  Ligue,  vi.,  459. 
^BulL,  1898,  144,  145. 
^Ibid.,  1 48. 


I 


Mt 


% 


i68 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Protestants  of  Paris  met  at  the  Httle  village  of  Ablon, 
twelve  miles  distant,  on  the  road  to  P'ontainebleau,  and 
complained  that  during  the  winter  of  the  year  1600  not 
less  than  forty  babies  died  from  the  inconvenience  of  the 
long  way  when  they  were  carried  there  for  holy  baptism.^ 
Those  of  Lyons  had  to  go  out  of  their  province  and  to 
travel  as  far  as  Annonay.  In  the  whole  province  where 
so  many  Americans  now  spend  the  winter,  in  sunny 
Provence,  not  a  single  place  of  Protestant  worship  was 
tolerated.  The  same  was  told  of  the  large  provinces  of 
Burgundy  and  Picardy.^  In  reality,  they  w^ere  only 
tolerated  w^here  strong-  enough  to  defend  themselves, 
and  that  is  tlic  principal  reason  why  they  kept,  by  per- 
mission of  the  King,  a  certain  number  of  cities  of 
refuge,  generally  small  but  strong  places,  w^here,  in  case 
of  an  outbreak  of  fanaticism,  they  could  retire  for  a 
time.  But  even  there,  say  in  Montpellier,  Saumur, 
Gergeau,  etc.,  they  could  not  attend  their  services  with- 
out being  liable  to  be  stoned,  and  to  have  their  carriages 
broken,  the  doors  of  their  houses  smashed  when  they 
were  out  of  town,  and  suffering  a  hundred  other  annoy- 
ances.^ 

In  short,  if  we  try  to  sum  up  their  condition  in  a  few 
words,  we  must  confess  that  the  French  Hueuenot  of 
that  time  had  the  choice  only  between  two  issues  :  for- 
sake his  land  or  his  creed,  or  try  to  prove  his  right,  and 
ask  for  justice,  which  he  could  never  get  but  as  a  favor. 

Still,  when  the  Pope  heard  that  this  very  unfavorable 
Edict  of  1577  had  been  registered  by  the  Parliaments 
of    Rouen    and    Paris,  says    the    Cardinal    d'Ossat,    he 

'  Arck.  nat.,  E3«,  fol.  91  ss.,  Plaintes  et  remonstrances  rcpondues  le  18  Sep- 
tembre,  i6oi. 

'  Memoires  de  la  Ligue,  vi.,  435.  In  the  eastern  part  of  Provence,  Protestant 
worship  was  tolerated  in  two  little  villages,  Merindol  and  Lourmarin, 

'  Bull.,  189S,  p.  146. 


The  Edict's  Adversaries  and  Difficulties    169 

turned  quite  pale,  and  could  scarcely  be  comforted  when 
the  Cardinal  told  him  that  it  was  only  like  *'  tolerating 
the  tares  for  fear  of  rooting  up  the  wheat."  ^  So  strong 
indeed  was  the  opposition  of  the  Pope  and  the  Church, 
that  they  seem  to  have  believed  till  the  last  moment 
that  the  Kin^^  of  France  never  would  allow  his  old  co- 
reli^donists  a  better  situation  in  their  own  country. 
The  Pope  even  went  so  far  as  to  say  that  the  King  was 
not  at  all  obliged  to  keep  his  promises  to  the  heretics. 
**  Ordinary  people,  of  course,  were  to  blame  when  they 
broke  their  own  word,  but  kings  could,  in  the  interest 
of  the  State,  conclude  treaties,  and  tear  them  up  .  .  . 
lie,  betray,  and  do  every  such  thing  they  thought 
proper."^ 

Happily  there  is  no  power  in  the  world  strong  enough 
to  check,  in  the  long  run,  the  resolute,  united,  and  self- 
sacrificincT  effort  of  those  who  believe  in  truth  and 
liberty.  And  so  it  came  to  pass  that,  in  spite  of  the 
Pope,  the  Church,  and  their  overwhelming  influence,  the 
Edict  of  Nantes  was  at  last  signed,  the  first  ninety-two 
articles  on  the  13th  of  April,  and  the  last  fifty-six  or 
secret  articles  on  the  2d  of  May,  in  the  year  1598.^ 

It  was  a  moral  and  spiritual  victory,  the  like  of  which 
has  never  since  been  obtained  in  France,  unless  perhaps 
two  centuries  later.  On  the  23d  and  24th  of  August  of 
the  year  1 789,  a  few  steps  from  the  place  where  the 
massacre  of  the  same  day  in  the  year  1572  had  origi- 
nated, after  a  magnificent  speech  by  the  Protestant 
Rabaut  de  St.  Etienne,  the  National  Assembly  decided 
to  proclaim  the  logical  outcome  of  that  same  edict  which 
Louis  the  XlVth  had  torn  to  pieces,  that  is,  liberty  of 

'  Audience  of  March  7,  1597,  Lettres  du  Cardinal  d'Ossat,  i.,  411. 
'  Ibid.,  letter  of  F'ebruary  i,  1597,  p.  372. 

2  See  the  text  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  in  Haag,  La  France  protestante,  x.,  226- 
260,  and  the  trans.,  pp.  59-104  of  this  volume. 


170 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


conscience  and  of  worship,  "  provided  it  did  not  inter- 
fere with  pubHc  order."  ^ 

The  edicts  preceding  that  of  Nantes  had  only  been 
treaties,  something  Hke  provisional  covenants,  putting 
an  end  to  civil  war.  The  Edict  of  Nantes  was  a  general 
and  definite  law  of  the  kino[-dom.  For  the  first  time 
Protestantism  was  looked  upon  not  as  a  necessary  evil 
which  had  to  be  tolerated  since  it  could  not  be  exter- 
minated, but  as  having  officially  the  right  to  exist.  It 
was  the  legal  recognition  of  that  very  important  fact 
that  there  were  at  least  two  ways  of  believing  in  God 
and  two  forms  of  worship.  The  Huguenots  were  to  be 
treated  Hke  the  Catholics.  They  could  assemble  for 
worship,  not  everywhere,  but  in  as  many  as  951  places, 
if  we  lint  to  believe  a  contemporary  writer.^  For  the 
first  time,  also,  in  the  i\v(i  hi.^h  courts  of  justice,  a  tribu- 
nal composed  of  Protestant  and  Catholic  judges  was  to 
take  co^rnizance  of  the  cases  in  which  Protestants  were 
concerned. 

We  must  certainly  not  forget  that  some  of  those 
liberal  stipulations  never  were  honestly  executed,  and 
that  the  very  idea  of  religious  liberty  was  not  at  the 
bottom  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes.  Even  the  Protestants 
of  that  time  understood  it  as  only  the  right  to  believe  in 
the  Bible  as  well  as  in  the  Pope.  But  all  the  same,  if 
now  we  look  at  those  articles,  a  monument  unique  in 
the  history  of  European  civilization  of  that  time,  we  are 
bound  to  confess  that  liberty  was  the  logical  outcome  of 
even  such  a  narrow  beginning,  just  as  well  as  the  gray 
dawn  and  mist  of  early  morning  announce  the  rising  of 
the  sun.  And  we  understand  the  Pope's  saying  to  the 
French  ambassador  on  the  i6th  of  October,  1598, 
**  I  am  crucified  by  it."^ 

'  Bulletin,  1889,  Oct.  15.  ^  Ibid.,  i.,  123,  124. 

"^  Lettres  de  Cardinal  d'Ossat,  i.,  549. 


1 


The  Edict's  Adversaries  and  Difficulties     171 

So  convinced  was  he  of  the  impossibility  of  such  a 
thini;,  that  even  after  the  Edict  had  been  signed  he 
thought  that  it  was  all  a  sham,  and  that  the  opposition  of 
the  Church  and  high  courts  of  France  would  enable  the 
Kino-  never  to  carry  into  effect  w^hat  he  had  granted. 
When,  at  last,  after  the  registration  of  the  Edict  by  the 
Parliament  of  Paris  on  the  24th  of  February,  1599,  he 
understood  that  he  was  mistaken,  he  said  that  such 
events  apparently  cut  into  his  brain,  and  that  ''  he  felt 
as  if  he  had  received  a  blow  right  in  the  face."  ^ 

This  shows  that  we  are  right  in  commemorating  such 
an  event,  sad  in  the  eyes  of  the  Church  of  Rome.  For 
it  is  as  sad  as  true  that  never,  to  the  present  day, 
has  this  Church  admitted  the  right  of  Protestantism 
as  a  Christian  religion.  And  never,  as  far  as  I  know, 
has  it  uttered  one  official  word  of  blame  for  the  St. 
Bartholomew  massacre  or  for  the  revocation  of  the  Edict 
of  Nantes.  P>om  the  very  time  this  Edict  was  signed 
the  Church  resolved  that  it  should  have  no  permanent 
home  in  France,  and  never  was  any  resolution  carried 
into  effect  with  such  a  wonderfully  systematic  persistence. 
Thus  the  Church  realized  the  answer  of  the  Cardinal 
d'Ossat  to  the  Pope's  complaints  :  *'  The  King's  purpose 
is  to  reduce  all  his  subjects  to  the  Catholic  and  Apos- 
tolic religion  ;  but  this  can  only  be  done  with  time,  and 
by  tacking  like  a  good  pilot,  who  always  makes  for  the 
port  even  if  he  cannot  reach  it  in  a  straight  line."^ 

The  consequence  is  that  in  France,  in  the  year  1898, 
a  French  journalist  can  write  to  the  Journal  de 
Briixclles  : 

*'  If  we  had  war  with  Germany,  I  feel  sure,  as  sure 

^  Ibid.,  621-632.     The  whole  letter  bearing  on  the  subject  (March  28,  1599)  is 
very  important. 

^  Lettres  de  Cardinal  d' Ossat,  i.,  628. 


vV 


172 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


as  I  am  existing,  that  on  the  day  following  the  declara- 
tion of  war,  not  one  single  Jew  would  be  left  alive 
in  France.  They  would  be  assassinated  to  the  last  one 
.  .  .  even  if,  in  order  to  save  themselves,  they  became 
better  French  than  the  Duke  of  Orleans,  or  better 
Catholics  than  the  Pope.  .  .  .  This  idea  of  a  St.  Bar- 
tholomew of  the  Jews  has  given  rise  to  another,  when 
the  Protestants,  the  freemasons,  and  freethinkers,  in 
the  guise  of  socialists  and  anarchists,  come  to  the  rescue 
of  the  Jews  :  the  idea  of  a  religious  war."  ^ 

Such  sentences,  from  the  pen  of  a  very  intelligent 
gentleman  who  lives,  not  in  darkest  Africa,  nor  in  some 
Spanish  colony,  but  in  one  of  the  most  civilized  cities  of 
the  world,  help  us  to  realize  how  far  the  Huguenots 
and  their  Kino-  were  in  advance  of  their  time.  Narrow- 
minded  as  they  were,  and  alarmed  at  the  apparition 
of  true  freedom,  still  they  were  more  far-sighted  and 
liberal  than  a  good  many  people  who  live  around  each 
one  of  us. 

Probably  Henry  IV  would  not  have  dreamed  of 
peace  uniting  differences  of  religion,  had  he  not  been 
the  son  of  that  high-minded  Huguenot  woman,  Jeanne 
dAlbret.  But,  even  if  he  did  only  sign  the  Edict  of 
Nantes  because  he  could  not  do  otherwise,  in  the  end 
he  could  not  escape  the  mysterious  law  that  every  effort 
to  further  the  cause  of  humanity  demands  a  sacrifice. 
Twelve  years  later,  on  the  14th  of  May,  16 10,  in  his 
carriage,  he  was  stabbed  to  the  heart  by  Ravaillac,  a 
Jesuit  pupil,  who  afterwards,  even  on  the  scaffold,  tried  to 
justify  himself  and  his  act  by  saying  that  "  Henry  was  a 
Huguenot  and  determined  to  make  war  on  the  Pope." 

You  have  reaped,  to  some  extent,  in  this  country,  the 
harvest  which  was  sown  on  our  shores  during  centuries 

'Quoted  by  the  paper  Z^•  Signal,  of  February  8,  1898:  art.  of  M.  Ch.  Gide,  en- 
titled Etat  d'dme. 


The  Edict's  Adversaries  and  Difficulties     173 

of  sorrow  and  tribulation.  From  the  beginning  of  your 
history  you  have  enjoyed  religious  —  and  every  other  — 
freedom,  because  your  forefathers  of  the  old  world  suf- 
fered for  it.  That  is  the  true  reason  why  America  is  a 
land  of  liberty,  as  well  as  a  home  of  refuge  from  clerical 
despotism.  May  you  always  feel  sure  —  and  never  for- 
get—  that  religion,  peace,  and  prosperity  are  lasting 
only  where  liberty  thrives  everywhere  and  forever. 

APPENDIX 

PROCEEDINGS  OF  THE  ASSEMBLY  OF  THE  FRENCH  CLERGY 

IN  THE  YEAR  1595-1596 

(Original  minutes  in  the  French  Archives  naiionales,  G^,  617^,  fol.  46^°  and  54) 

sj  I.  *' Les  malheurs  et  ruisnes  quy  ont  eu  et  ont 
cours  en  ce  Royaume,  provenans  des  divisions  qui  sont 
entre  vos  subjets,  ne  peuvent  prendre  fin,  ni  V'^  cou- 
ronne  prendre  la  premiere  splendeur,  que  par  I'Union 
de  vos  sujets  en  la  vraye  religion  catholique,  apostolique 
et  Romaine,  ayant,  a  nostre  grand  regret,  experimente 
depuis  35  ans,  que  la  division  a  este  la  seule  cause  de  le 
saper  et  afoiblir.  Mais,  ayant  plu  a  Dieu  qui  en  a  la 
souveraine  protection,  Yous  appeller  en  son  Eglize,  en 
laquelle  les  Roys  vos  predecesseurs  ont  este  nouris 
depuis  1 200  ans,  nous  nous  promettons  que  vos  subjets 
qui  s'en  sont  departis,  se  rangeront  en  I'union  d'icelle, 
sil  plaist  a  Vostre  AIajestc\  avcc  et  outre  vostre  exemple, 
les  y  convier  ct  appeller  par  tin  edict  et  les  admonester  de 
se  faire  instrtdrey 


^ 


23- 


"  Et,  pour  les  scandales  et  confusions  qui  ar- 
rive \sic\  souvent,  des  corps  qui  ne  sont  morts  en  la 
foy  et  union  de  TEglize  catholique,  apostolique  et 
Romaine,  lesquelz  on  veut  entrer  \sic,  for  enterrer] 
dans  les  Eglizes  et  autres  lieux  saints,  plaise  a  V.  M. 
ordonner  que  lesd.  corps  ne  pourront,  soubz  quelque 
pretexte  ou  ocasion  que  ce  soit,  estre  entrez  \_sic,  for 


? 


<  t 


174 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


enterres]  ez  Eglises,  ny  aiicuns  lieux  saints  dediez  aux 
sepultures,  encores  que  les  decedez,  de  leur  vivant, 
eussent  pretendu  estre  fondateurs,  patrons,  ou  avoir 
aucuns  droits  esdites  Eglises.  Et,  ou  les  corps  se  trou- 
veroient  y  avoir  este  enterres,  enjoindre  aux  juges  ordi- 
naires  des  lieux,  ou  marguilliers  des  Eglizes,  les  /aire 
destairer  \s2C,  for  deterrerj,  sur  la  plainte  qui  leur  en 
sera  faite  par  les  Ecclesiastiques  ;  et,  en  cas  de  negli- 
gence ou  conivance,  que  lesd.  juges  seront  suspendus 
de  I'exercice  de  leurs  estats  et  lesd.  marguilliers  multes 
\sic,  punished]  de  peine  arbitraire." 


THE  PAPERS  READ  BEFORE  THE  SOCIETY  IN  THE 
FRENCH  PROTESTANT  EPISCOPAL  CHURCH 
OF  THE  HOLY  SPIRIT  (EGLISE  DU  SAINT 
ESPRIT)  AT  THE  SECOND  SESSION,  THURS- 
DAY  MORNING,  APRIL  14,   1898 


175 


m 


7 


I 


A,  Girand  Browning,  F\S.A. 

/   '  /  /  t(f-  r, , .,/,/.  H,  ,.j  uu  Huguenot  Society  of  I^udon,  and  Delegate, 


THE  FRENCH  PROTESTANT  HOSPITAL  OF 

LONDON 


By  a.  GIRAUD  BROWNING,  F.  S.  A., 
Vice-President  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  London 

A  FEW  words  of  explanation  are,  I  think,  needed  in 
offerin<T  to  the  Huguenots  of  America  an 
account  of  an  institution  which  at  first  sight  can  have 
little  present  or  personal  interest  for  them  ;  yet  as  a 
memorial  of  the  practical  piety  of  our  common  ancestors, 
who  found  in  England  an  asylum  from  the  persecutions 
of  Louis  XIV,  and  as  an  example  of  a  good  work  con- 
tinued through  nearly  two  centuries  with  hardly  a  varia- 
tion from  the  lines  originally  laid  down,  I  venture  to 
hope  that  the  story  of  the  French  Hospital  of  London 
may  be  allowed  a  place  beside  the  purely  historical 
pai)crs  which  at  this  congress  most  properly  claim  your 
first  attention. 

May  1  also  say  that  on  reading  the  list  of  historical 
subjects  suggested  by  Professor  Baird  for  treatment,  I 
felt  that  the  little  knowledge  I  possessed  on  any  one  of 
them  was  derived  chiefly  from  the  Professor's  own 
exhaustive  writings,  and  that  neither  I  nor,  I  think,  any 
l^'llow  of  our  Society  could  bring  forward  facts  con- 
nected with  Huguenot  history  which  would  be  new  to 
him,  or  even  present  known  facts  in  a  new  light  ? 

The    French    Hospital    as    it    exists  to-d^y,  as   it  is 
shown  in  the  sketch  I  am  able  to  put  before  you,^  and 

'  See  the  illustration  accompanying  this  paper.— Ed. 

177 


Iji 


178 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


as  it  has  been  seen  by  some  of  your  members,  is  a  com- 
paratively new  buildinir  erected  in  a  new  locality  some 
thirty  years  at^^o,  when  chanires  of  time  and  circumstance 
had  rendered  the  orii^lnal  building  and  its  neighbour- 
hood unsuited  to  the  needs  and  convenience  of  the  class 
for  whose  benefit  the  charity  was  desiij^ned. 

I  propose  in  the  short  space  allotted  to  me  to  treat 
first  of  the  origin  of  this  Huguenot  institution  and  of 
its  earlier  history,  then  of  its  later  development. 

The  ^renerally  accepted  tradition  is  that  the  French 
Hospital  owes  its  existc^nce  solely  to  a  Refu,i;ee  crentle- 
man  named  jLiccpies  de  Gationy,  who  in  the  year  1708 
becjueathed  /:iooo  to  be  applied  to  the  housing  and 
tendini,^  of  i)(>or  infirm  or  sick  French  Protestants,  but 
a  careful  examination  of  the  records  of  the  Hospital 
shows  this  tradition  to  be  a  very  incomplete  presenta- 
tion of  the  truth. 

For  the  orii^in  of  thc^  institution  we  must  look  far 
behind  the  wilfof  Gati.Lrny,  even  to  the  very  moment  of 
landing  on  the  shores  of  England  of  many  of  the 
Huguenot  Refugees.  Numbers,  we  arc  told,  in  an 
ecsUisy  of  gratitude  to  Almighty  God  fell  upon  their 
knees  and,  passionately  kissing  the  soil  of  that  free  land, 
dedicated  their  newly  give'U  lives  afresh  t(^  God  and  to 

His  service. 

"Our  soul  is  escaped,"  we  can  imagine  them  crying, 
"  even  as  a  bird  out  of  the  snare  of  the  fowler ;  the  snare 
Is  broken  and  we  arc  delivered  "  ;  therefore  ''  Unto  Thee. 
0  God,  will  we  pay  our  \'(mvs,  unto  Thee  will  we  give 

thanks." 

Now  the  Huguenots  were  by  no  means  the  sort  of 
peopU^  to  cry  unto  God  in  their  trouble  and  to  forget 
Him  when  Hr  had  delivered  them  out  of  their  distress. 
In   spiritual  as  in  secular  things,  what  they  promised, 


French  Protestant  Hospital  of  London     179 

that,  God  helping  them,  they  performed,  and  accord- 
ingly we  find  that,  as  many  of  the  Refugees  began  to 
prosper  in  their  new  country,  they  gave  practical  expres- 
sion to  their  gratitude  by  showing  an  extraordinary 
amount  of  helpfulness  to  their  less  fortunate  brethren. 

In  the  very  early  days  of  the  immigration  arrano-e- 
ments  were  made  for  the  reception  of  the  Refugees  on 
their  landing  and  for  passing  them  on  to  their  desired 
destination,  while  in  London  committees  were  formed 
for  helping  the  newcomers  to  find  relatives  and  friends 
who  had  already  arrived,  for  grouping  together  Refu- 
gees from  the  same  districts  in  France  (so  as  occasion- 
ally even  to  reunite  congregations  under  their  old 
pastors),  for  finding  suitable  employment  and  providing 
suitable  tools  for  those  who  could  work,  and  for  tending 
the  sick,  infirm,  and  aged  who  were  helpless  strangers  in 
a  strange  land. 

So  the  actual  origin  ox  germ  of  the  French   Hospital 
is,  I  think,  to  be  discerned  in  the  spirit  of  self-dedication 
to  which   I   have  referred.       The  germ  grew^  with  the 
exercise  of  that  spirit.      The  blade  first  became  visible 
when  resolve  crystallised  into  action  and  many  of  the 
more  prosperous   Refugees  devoted  themselves  to  dis- 
pensing the  Royal  Bounty,  and  their  own,  among  their 
suffering  brethren.       It  developed  into  the  tender  plant 
when  Jacques  de  Gatigny  by  his  will  bequeathed  /looo 
for  providing   bed    and    board    for   at    least  twelve  of 
the    poorest    of    his   nation.       The    plant    grew    under 
the   enthusiastic   care  of  Gatigny's   executor,    Philippe 
Menard,  who,  with  the  help  of  his  friends  and  fellow- 
commissioners    for   the    administration    of    the    Royal 
Bcninty,  elaborated  a  scheme  for  a  kind  of  SociMd  de 
Bienfaiscifice,  having  for  its  chief  feature  a  hospice  for 
the  reception  of  a  considerable  number  of  the  poor  sick 


i8o  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

and  infirm  amon^r  the  exiles.  Lastly  the  full  corn  in  the 
ear  was  reached  when  Menard  and  his  friends,  having 
boucrht  land  and  made  good  progress  with  their  build- 
ings?petitioned  the  King  (George  I)  for  a  Charter  of 
Incorporation  to  give  stability  and  permanence  to  the 
new  charity,  and  their  petition  was  granted. 

The  institution  so  incorporated  differed  as  widely 
from  that  contemplated  by  Gatigny  as  the  ripe  corn 
differs  from  the  springing  blade. 

I  will  endeavour  to  follow  the  evolution  of  the  French 
Hospital  through  these  stages,  to  give  some  account  of 
the  early  administration  of  "  La  Providence,"  as  the  new 
Hospice  was  lovingly  called  by  the  poor  Refugees,  and 
to  make  such  reference  as  time  will  permit  to  some 
events  of  principal  interest  in  the  later  history  of  the 
Corporation. 

It  is  well  known  that  very  large  sums  of  money  were 
contributed  by  the  English  Crown  and  people  towards 
the  relief  of  the  thousands  of  poor  French  Protestants 
who  sought  refuge  in  England  from  the  persecutions  of 
Louis  XIV.  The  exact  proportions  contributed  from 
the  privy  purse  of  the  sovereign,  by  grants  from  Parlia- 
ment, and  by  the  free-will  offerings  of  the  people  have 
proved  fruitful  subjects  of  controversy— so  also  has  the 
ultimate  destination  or  absorption  of  some  of  those 
funds.  The  point  of  interest  in  connection  with  our 
present  subject  is  that  the  combined  funds  were  known  by 
the  common  but  insufficient  name  of  the  Royal  Bounty, 
and  that  Jacques  de  Gatigny  was  a  meml)er  of  one  of 
the  French  committees  entrusted  with  its  distribution. 

Born  in  France,  Gatigny  fled  at  the  Revocation  to 
Holland  and  entered  the  service  of  the  Prince  of 
Orange,  in  whose  suite  as  Master  of  the  Buckhounds  he 
came  to  England  in  1688.      He  seems  to  have  attended 


French  Protestant  Hospital  of  London     18  r 

his  old  master,  now  William  III  of  England,  in  all  his 
campaigns,  and  for  his  gallant  conduct  at  the  battle  of 
the  Boyne  he  was  awarded  a  life  pension  of  ;^500  per 
annum.  Probably  he  then  retired  from  public  service. 
He  certainly  as  one  of  the  French  committee  for  the 
distribution  of  the  Royal  Bounty  devoted  the  last  years 
of  liis  life  to  the  amelioration  of  the  condition  of  his 
fellow  exiles.  In  this  work  he  first  met  Philippe 
Menard,  who  later  became  his  great  friend  and  ulti- 
mately his  executor.  The  provisions  of  Gatigny's  will 
grew  natural!)'  out  of  his  most  absorbing  pursuit. 

The  city  of  London  had,  among  many  other  acts  of 
kindness  to  the  Refugees,  permitted  them  the  use  for 
their  sick  and  infirm  of  a  house  in  the  Parish  of  St. 
Giles,  Cripplegate,  "which  having  been  formerly  used 
as  an  Hospital  in  the  times  of  contagion  was  called  the 
Pest  House." 

Here  Gatigny  was  a  frequent  visitor.  It  is  recorded 
that  he  found  the  house  so  old  and  unsuitable,  and  the 
accommodation  it  afforded  so  inadequate,  that  he  longed 
to  see  his  poor  fellow  countrymen  housed  in  a  building 
with  appointments  suited  to  their  French  tastes  and 
liabits,  and  served  by  their  own  kinsfolk,  but  his  will, 
which  was  apparently  made  in  his  last  illness  (for  he 
«lied  soon   after    making    it),  went   no  further  than   to 

"  bequeath  /500  to  the  Pest  House  for  to  build  there 
^ome  apartments,  there  to  lodge  at  least  twelve  poor 
mfirm  or  sick  French  Protestants,  men  or  women,  above 
the  age  of  fifty  years — and  /500  more  to  be  invested 
.md  the  revenue  thereof  employed  to  furnish  beds,  linen, 
and  clothes  and  other  necessities  of  the  said  poor 
French  Protestants  who  shall  be  in  the  said  place." 

There  is  here  no  suggestion  of  building  a  new  hos- 
pital, but  only  of  adding  accommodation  for  twelve  more 


l82 


Hui;ucnot  Society  of  America 


^ 


poor  people  to  an  existinor  house.  The  idea  of  bringing 
Gatigny's  bequest  into  harmony  with  his  known  wishes 
and  making  it  the  starting-point  in  a  scheme  for  a 
new  hospital  carefully  constructed  and  arranged  to 
meet  the  needs  of  the  poor  infirm  and  sick  F^rench 
Protestants  arose,  as  we  shall  see,  some  years  after  his 
death. 

Jacques  de  Gatigny  seems  to  be  {)resented  to  us  in 
his  will  as  a  solitary  l)achelor  with  a  heart  overflowing 
with  kindness  and  sym[)athy.  Neither  wife  nor  children 
nor  indeed  any  relations  are  mentioned.  After  making- 
confession  of  his  faith  his  first  thoughts  are,  as  I  have 
shown,  for  his  poor  infirm  and  sick  co-religionnaires,  in 
ministering  to  whose  comforts  he  had  spent  the  last 
years  of  his  life.  He  passes  on  to  the  remembrance  of 
a  few  old  friends,  and  again  turns  to  the  poor  of  his 
nation,  leaving  two  hundred  pieces  or  pounds  sterling 
to  be  distributed  among  them  by  the  French  committee. 
He  then  thinks  of  his  servants,  naming  each  and  leaving 
to  each  a  bequest  which  seems  to  be  the  result  of  care- 
ful thought  and  to  have  special  fitness  for  the  individual 
legatee. 

A  bequest  of  ^loo  to  the  newly  founded  Society  for 
the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel  is  followed  by  one  or  two 
other  legacies  to  friends,  and  then,  giving  quite  an 
idyllic  form  to  the  will,  his  thoughts  revert  once  again 
to  his  fellow  exiles  and  he  directs/ 200  to  be  distributed 
among  twenty  of  the  Refugee  ministers  who  may  have 
need  of  it. 

But  in  its  consequences  by  far  the  most  important 
provision  in  Gatigny's  will,  next  to  his  legacy  of  ;^iooo,  is 
the  appointment  of  Philippe  Menard,  '*  Minister  of  the 
word  of  God,"  as  his  executor  and  administrator. 
When    driven   from    France  by  the  general  decree   of 


French  Protestant  Hospital  of  London     183 

banishment  of  Protestant  ministers  embodied  in  the 
Edict  of  Revocation,  Menard  took  refuge  at  the  Danish 
Court  and  was  appointed,  by  Queen  Charlotte  Amelia, 
pastor  of  the  French  Church  at  Copenhagen.  In  a 
very  few  years,  however,  he  was  called  to  London  as 
chaplain  of  the  French  Chapel  Royal  at  St.  James's,  and 
he  at  once  became  an  active  member  of  the  French 
committee  for  the  distribution  of  the  Royal  Bounty. 

To  this  committee,  and  w^ithin  four  months  of  the 
testator's  death,  Menard  handed  the  ^1000  bequeathed 
by    Gatigny,   with     full     instructions    for    its    disposal. 
Negotiations  were  at  once  opened  with  the  Corporation 
of  the  City  of  London  for  the  enlargement  of  the  Pest 
House,  but  the  sale  of  the  necessary  ground  was  refused, 
the  negotiations  were  discontinued,  and  the  bequest  lay 
dormant  for  about  seven  years,  simply  earning  interest. 
The  committee,  however,  were  not  idle.     Early  in  1716a 
long-cherished  scheme  for  founding  upon  Gatigny's  be- 
quest an  entirely  new  hospital  or  asylum  for  some  of 
the  poor  and  aged  French  Refugees  came,  as  we  should 
now  say,  '*  within  the  region  of  practical  politics."     The 
Worshipful  Company  of   Ironmongers  owned  a  plot  of 
ground    called    the    Golden  Acre    immediately    to    the 
south  of  the   Pest   House,  which  they  were  wilhng  to 
lease  to  the  committee  as  the  site  of  a  hospital  for  the 
French  Refugees.    Here,  then,  was  a  golden  opportunity, 
which  was  instantly  seized.     The  most  interesting  of  all 
the  papers  I   have    found    among    the   archives  of  the 
French  Hospital  is  the  record  of  a  meeting  of  the  French 
committee  for  the  distribution  of  the  Royal  Bounty  held 
on  the  3d  March,  1716,  at  w^hich  Louis  Saurin  presided 
and  Philippe  Menard  acted  as  moderator.      Its  import- 
ance lies   in  the  fact  that  it  shows  the  first  public  and 
definite  step  in   the  foundation  of  the  French  Hospital 


I 


i84 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


:is  distinguished  from  the  old  Pest  House  with  Gatigny's 
proposed  addition. 

The  document,  after  recording  Gatigny's  bequest  and 
the  receipt  by  the  committee  (seven  years  before)  of  the 
money  with  directions  for  its  appHcation,  appears  to 
assume  a  knowledge  on  the  part  of  its  reader  of  the 
failure  of  the  negotiations  with  the  city  of  London,  and 
it  goes  on  to  say  that,  the  committee  having  done  their 
best  to  carry  out  the  intentions  of  the  testator,  an  op- 
portunit)'  has  at  last  arisen  for  acquiring  a  convenient 
site  whereon  to  build  a  new  hospital — but  that  the  site 
would  cost  ^400  and  the  remainder  of  the  legacy  would 
be  altogether  insufficient  to  provide  and  furnish  the 
building.  The  encouragement,  however,  and  promises 
of  support  given  by  many  pious  and  charitable  persons, 
and  the  urgent  necessity  existing  for  a  proper  asylum 
for  the  poor  Refugees,  had  emboldened  the  committee 
to  embark  on  the  scheme.  There  were  so  many  among 
the  Refugees  altlicted  in  mind,  body,  and  estate,  so 
man)'  enfeebled  by  age  and  other  bodily  infirmities, 
who  could  in  no  other  way  be  so  carefully  tended,  that 
the  committee  confident!}'  appealed  for  help  to  those 
who  were  able  to  give  it.  Those  to  whom  the  appeal  is 
addressed — probably  in  the  first  instance  the  members 
of  the  committee  themselves — are  invited  each  to  write 
down  the  sum  which  God  has  put  in  their  heart 
to  contribute  to  so  charitable  a  work.  The  com- 
mittee promise  to  keep  an  exact  account  of  all  moneys 
received,  and  of  the  use  to  which  they  are  put,  and 
they  in\ite  all  interested  to  look  into  and  examine 
these  accounts.  Thr  document  concludes  witli  this 
•j[;entle  exhortation  : 

**  To  do  good  and  to  communicate  forget  not  : 
For  with  such  sacrifices  (iod  is  well  i)leased." 


French  Protestant  Hospital  of  London     185 

Discussed  at  the  Meeting  of  the  French  Committee  charged  with 
the  distribution  of  the  Royal  Bounty  3d  March,  17  16. 

Lons  Saurix,  Moderateur. 
Ph.  Menard,  Secretaire. 

Then  follow  subscriptions  rano^ini^  from  one  of  ^100 
by  M.  Jacques  Baudoin  to  sums  of  5/,  and  amounting  in 
all  to  /4 74. 9.0.  Eight  of  the  subscribers  besides  the 
Moderator  and  Secretary  were  among  the  first  thirty- 
seven  Directors  of  the  French  Hospital  and  five  more 
were  elected  later. 

Encouraged  by  these  subscriptions  and  doubtless  by 
others    whicli    immediately    followed,     the     committee 
bought  from  the  Ironmongers'  Company  for  the  term  of 
990  years  commencing  25th   March,  1716,  and  for  the 
sum  of    /;"400  sterling,   the   acre  of  land  offered  them. 
Among    the   conditions    of    the    lease    is    one  that  the 
lessees  shall  pa}'   to   the    Ironmongers'  Company    each 
year  within  twenty-eight  days  after  Christmas,  if  legally 
demanded,  one  pepper  corn.      Only  about  180  years  of 
the    lease    have    yet    expired.      I    don't    know  whether 
througli  all  that  period  the  pepper  corn  has  been  each 
year  legally  demanded  and  punctually  paid,  but  of  late 
years  it  has  become  something  like  a  custom  to  invite 
the  Master  for  the  time  being  of  the  Ironmongers'  Com- 
pany to  the  January  Court  dinner  at  the  Hospital,  and, 
without  waiting  for  its  legal  demand,  to  present  him  in 
the  course  of  the  evening,  with  much  stately  ceremony, 
our  rent  of  erne  pepper   corn  for   the  land  which  now 
yields  to  the   Corporation    an    income  of  about   /890 
]3er  annum.      We  naturally  extol  the  moderation  of  our 
landlord,  who  as  naturally  praises  the  punctuality  of  his 
tenants. 

Certain  books  at  the   Hospital    and  documents  pre- 
served in  the  Public  Record  Office  enable  us  to  follow 


i86  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

fairly  clos.-ly  the  evi-nts  of  the  two  followincj^  years,  when 
donations  for  the  new  work  of  mercy  were  freely  ilowing 
in,  when  the  buiklino:  was  irnulually  assuniin^r  shape  and 
completeness,  w^hen  those  interested  were  beino"  formed 
into  a  corporation  under  royal  patrona][^e,  and  when  the 
plans  for  tlu-  administration  of  the  new^  charity  were 
beinir  matured.  One  of  the  books,  the  Crraud  Livrc  iXo. 
y^,  contains  an  alphabetical  list  of  contributions  extending 
apparently  from  the  meeting  of  3d  March,  1716,  when 
subscriptions  were  first  invited,  to  November,  1718, 
when  the  Hospital  was  opened.  These  amount  to 
/*2;72.i6.o.  There  were  also  occasional  gifts  in  kind. 
Once  a  pearl  necklace  was  sent  by  a  loving  woman  as  a 
messen^'-er  of  mercv  to  the  poor  sick  and  infirm  among  lier 
fellow  exiles,  with  the  direction  that  it  was  to  be  sold  for 
the  benefit  of  the  new  charity.  A  rather  kiter  report  of 
the  Treasurer  shows  that  it  was  sold  for  /,  100. 

As  the  subscriptions  accumulated  they  were  put  out 
to  mortcraoe  at  S  or  6  per  cent,  interest,  or  invested  in 
the  state  lotteries  of  the  time,  or  in  one  or  other  of  the 
manv  forms  of  South  Sea  bonds  which  were  miscalled 
•'securities."  The  speculative  character  of  the  invest- 
ments of  the  earlv  Directors  of  the  French  Hospital 
and  even  of  the  gifts  and  bequests  is  really  astonishing. 
By  no  stretch  of  fancy  could  the  bulk  of  the  securities 
held  by  the  young  Corporation  be  called  *'  gilt  edged."  In 
I  719,  M.  Etienne  Seignoret,  one  of  the  first  thirty-seven 
Directors,  bequeathed  to  the  new  Corporation  f-jo  per 
annum  in  terminable  annuities  which  had  still  seventy-two 
vears  and  three  months  to  run.  This  income  he  directed 
to  be  applied  to  ai)prenticing  children  of  the  Refugees 
to  useful  trades.  The  delighted  Treasurer  works  out  a 
little  sum  showino  that  if  the  annual  income  is  divided 
into  four    premiums   of    £i'J.io  each   the   bequest  will 


French  Protestant  Hospital  of  London     187 

sutihce  to  apprentice  289  "  Ejifansy  But  later  entries 
show  that  these  annuities  were  capitalised  and  invested 
in  the  South  Sea  Bubble,  which  a  few  years  afterwards 
burst  and  the  greater  part  of  the  legacy  was  lost. 

The  trades  to  which  the  boys  under  this  bequest  were 
apprenticed  were  clockmakers,  goldsmiths,  jewellers, 
fan-makers,  sculptors  ;  and  the  girls  were  chiefly  bound 
to  milliners. 

On  I  2th  March  of  the  same  year  a  more  satisfactory 
entry  occurs,  showing  that  land  for  the  new  Hospital 

(l)ought  in  1716)  had  cost 400  o  o 

Buildings,  etc.,  in  twenty  payments 2750  o  o 

Insurance  17  19  6 

Furniture,  linen,  etc 477  10  5 

The  ('harter  of  Incorporation 23  4  8 

3668   14     7 

This  is  the  first  definite  account  I  have  met  with 
of  the  cost  of  the  new  Hospital.  I  have  found  the 
builder's  bill  in  detail,  as  well  as  the  receipts  for  the  sev- 
eral payments  on  account,  wdiich  latter  are  chiefly 
remarkable  for  showing  that  the  word  Hospital  might 
then  be  spelt  in  at  least  seven  different  ways,  according 
to  the  caprice  of  the  speller. 

It  would  be  tedious  to  follow  in  detail  the  petitions 
and  documents  in  the  Public  Record  Office  which  show 
that  after  the  most  careful  and  exhaustive  enquiry  a 
Charter  was  granted  by  King  George  I  on  24th  July, 
1 718,  making  the  petitioners  and  their  successors  a 
body  corporate  for  ever  under  the  title  of  "  The  Hospi- 
tal for  poor  French  Protestants  and  their  descendants 
residing  in  Great  Britain."  Lord  Galway  was  created 
the  first   Governor,   Jacques   Baudoin,   the  most  active 


I 


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and  generous  promoter  of  the  new  Hospital,  the  first 
Deputy  Governor,  and  the  other  petitioners,  who  were 
all  French  Refugees  naturalised  in  England,  the  first 
Directors.  A  copy  of  the  Charter  is  given  in  the 
appendix  to  this  paper. 

Lord  Galway  cannot  have  taken  an  active  part  in  the 
formation  of  the  French  Hospital,  for  he  was  over 
seventy  years  of  age  and  confined  by  acute  suffering 
from  gout  and  rheumatism  to  his  country  house  at 
Rookley,  near  Southampton. 

Even  seven  years  earlier  he  was  described  as  *'  an  ao-ed 
General  maimed  and  covered  with  honourable  wounds, 
by  birth  a  foreigner,  by  sentiment  and  inclinations  an 
honest  Englishman,  a  gentleman  of  rare  and  eminent 
qualities  that  equally  render  him  proper  for  the  cabinet 
or  the  field." 

He  never  attended  a  General  Court,  but  on  his  death 
in  1720  a  sym|)athetic  Minute  records  the  sense  of  the 
Directors  of  the  great  loss  the  Corporation  has  suffered. 
Besides  being  an  early  subscriber  to  the  proposed  Hos- 
pital, Lord  Galway  left  ^1000  to  the  established  Cor- 
poration, directing  that  it  be  applied  in  such  manner 
as  Monsieur  Philippe  Menard  and  the  other  Directors 
should  think  fit. 

Jacques  Baudoin,  the  first  Deputy  Governor,  was  a 
native  of  Nismes  who  had  come  to  London  at  the  time 
of  the  Revocation,  and  had  now  established  himself 
as  a  very  prosperous  merchant.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  he  headed  the  list  of  1716  with  a  donation  of 
;,^ioo.  He  and  Menard  were  the  most  active  pro- 
moters of  the  new  Hospital  and  the  most  indefatigable 
administrators  during  the  first  twenty  years  of  its  exist- 
ence.  The  record  of  their  constant  work  amone  the 
poor  Refugees  and  at  the  Hospital  forms  a  magnificent 


French  Protestant  Hospital  of  London     189 

object-lesson  for  those  who  feel  in  any  way  called  to 
devote  their  energies  or  their  substance  or  both  to  the 
benefit  of  their  fellow-men. 

AH  the  other  Directors  named  in  the  Charter  were 
French  Protestants  who  had  become  naturalised  Eno-- 
lish  subjects  and  had  taken  the  oath  of  Allegiance, 
Abjuration,  and  Supremacy. 

The  first  General  Court  of  the  new  Hospital  was 
held  on  the  3d  September,  1718. 

The  Court  was  opened  with  prayer,  a  prayer  written 
presumably  by  Menard,  which  has  invariably  been  used 
on  the  opening  of  the  Courts  even  to  the  present  day. 

Then  the  Charter  was  read  '' avcc  respect,''  as  the 
Secretary  is  careful  to  record.  The  Court  then  pro- 
ceeded to  elect  officers  and  the  following  were  chosen  : 

The  Revd.  Philippe  Menard,  Secretary. 

M.  Louis  Des  Clousseaux,  Treasurer. 

M.  Francois  Du  Plessis,  Minister  and  Chaplain. 

The  subject  and  motto  of  a  seal  were  determined 
upon,  a  sub-committee  was  appointed  for  drawing  up 
the  By-Laws  and  Regulations  to  be  presented  to  the 
next  Court  for  consideration,  and  finally  the  Directors 
proceeded  to  take  the  oaths. 

At  the  second  General  Court,  held  8th  October,  1718, 
By-Laws  and  Regulations  were  adopted,  and  a  remark- 
able proof  of  the  great  care  and  wisdom  with  which 
they  were  drawn  up  is  the  fact  that  with  very  little 
alteration  they  still  govern  the  administration  of  the 
Hospital. 

Then  came  the  solemn  dedication  of  the  Hospital  and 
Chapel  to  the  service  of  Almighty  God  on  the  12th  of 
the  following  month,  when  M.  Menard  preached  a  ser- 


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mon,  which  although  ordered  to  be  printed  is  unhappily 

lost. 

The  French  Hospital  was  now  fairly  established  ; 
about  sixty  poor  French  people  were  housed  within 
its  walls  and  very  many  more  were  visited,  helped,  and 
cared  for  at  their  houses. 

The  administration  of  the  new  charity  was  system- 
atised.  Committees  with  well  defined  duties  were 
appointed.  Every  committee  held  monthly  meetings  and 
all  met  together  at  the  Quarterly  General  Courts  to 
discuss  and  determine  matters  of  general  interest.  Do- 
nations and  legacies  were  also  freely  poured  into  the 
Hospital  chest — Lord  Galway,  the  first  Governor,  as  we 
have  seen,  left  /looo  ;  his  successor,  M.  le  Baron  Phili- 
bcrt  d'  Hervart,  gave  ^4000,  and  many  other  consider- 
able sums  were  given,  so  that  within  a  few  years  we  find 
the  Directors  again  negotiating  with  the  city  of  London 
for  the  large  plot  of  land — about  three  acres — upon 
which  the  Pest  House  stood  ;  and  this  time  a  bargain 
was  concluded.  The  old  house  was  at  once  pulled  down 
and  the  land  made  the  garden  of  the  Hospital.  At  the 
present  day  the  rental  of  the  houses  built  nearly  a 
century  later  on  this  land  forms  a  principal  source  of  the 
income  of  the  Corporation. 

I  wish  that  I  could  impart  to  you  half  the  interest  that 
I  have  found  in  tracing  out  the  story  of  the  foundation 
and  earlv  irrowth  of  the  French  Hospital.  Among  its 
first  Directors  and  officers  I  seem  to  have  made  personal 
acquaintances,  almost  indeed  to  have  enjoyed  personal 
friendships. 

From  I  718  to  1737  I  have  sat  at  the  General  Court 
quarter  after  quarter  beside  Philippe  Menard.  His 
handwritinor  is  as  familiar  to  me  as  my  own  ;  his  features 
it  is  true  have  come  to  me  at  second  hand  through  the 


French  Protestant  Hospital  of  London     191 

portrait  which   hangs   in  the  Court   Room   of  the   new 
Hospital,  but  I  have  looked  upon  that  portrait  so  often 
and  I  find  the  features  so  absolutely  to  harmonise  with 
the  character  of  the  man  as  it  has  been  gradually  revealed 
to   me,  that  I   have  no   difficulty  in   accepting  it   as  you 
would    yourselves    look    upon    the    photograph    of    an 
absent  friend.      It  may  seem  fanciful,  but  a  certain  tone 
of  voice,  a  certain  mannerism,  and  certain  quaint  forms 
of   expression  are    most   powerfully    impressed   on    my 
mind  as  those  of   Philippe  Menard.      Of  this  I  am  con- 
vinced: that  when  on  loth  November,  1736,  the  chair  of 
the  accomplished  Secretary  was  seen  to  be  vacant  at  the 
opening  of    the   General   Court,   and  the  word  passed 
from   mouth  to  mouth  that  he  who  since  the  incorpora- 
tion  of  the  charity   had   missed  but   a  sinofle   meetino- 
and  that  ten  years  ago  on  the  occasion  of  the  death  of 
his  brother,  was  too  ill  to  attend,  the  sense  of  loss  and 
the  emotions  of  regret  and  sympathy  could  hardly  have 
been  more  thoroughly  awakened    in   the  hearts  of    the 
Dirt^ctors  present  than  in  mine.      How  eagerly  I  looked 
onwards  to  the  record  of  the  next  Court,  and  while  re- 
joicing to  find  him  present,  observed  with  real  concern 
the  faltering  signature  which  told  so  plainly  the  story 
of  his  failing   powers.       It  was  with  no  surprise  that   I 
read  in  the  Minutes  of  the  following  Court,  13th  April, 
1737,  ^^^at  another  Director,  Monsieur  Philippe  de  Cres- 
pigny,  was  elected  to  assist  M.  Menard,  who,  on  account 
of  his  great  age  and  infirmities,  was  no  longer  able  to 
att(Mid  regularly  the  meetings  of  the  Corporation.      Then 
came  the  end.      The  Court  of  6th  July,    1737,   before 
{proceeding  to  any  other  business  made   this  sorrowful 
record  :    ''  God  having  taken  to  Him.self  M.  Menard  the 
Secretary  of  this  Corporation,  the  Directors  present  are 
most  deeply  touched  with  a  sense  of  the  great  loss  the 


19: 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


Corporation  has  sustained  and  they  desire  to  honour 
M.  Menard's  memory  for  the  very  great  services  which 
he  rendered  to  this  Hospital."  The  past  no  less  than 
the  present  has  its  lights  and  shadows,  its  joys  and 
griefs,  for  those  who  sympathetically  study  it. 

The  death  of  Philippe  Menard  closes  the  first  and 
brightest  chapter  in  the  history  of  the  French  Hospital. 
In  this  our  enquiry  we  first  met  with  Menard  on  his 
appointment  to  the  chaplaincy  of  the  French  Chapel 
Royal  at  St.  James's  Palace,  then  as  one  of  the  French 
committee  for  administering  the  Royal  Bounty  to  the 
poor  Refugees,  then  as  executor  to  the  will  of  Jacques 
de  Gatigny,  promptly  obeying  its  direction  to  hand  to 
the  French  committee  /looo  for  the  accommodation 
and  maintenance  of  twelve  more  French  poor  at  the  Pest 
House.  By  this  time  he  was  acting  as  Secretary  of  the 
committee,  in  which  capacity  he  must  have  taken  an 
active  part  in  the  negotiations  with  the  city  of  London 
for  the  purchase  of  ground  necessary  to  give  effect  to 
the  bequest. 

When  these  negotiations  failed  one  can  say  with 
almost  absolute  certainty  that  the  project  for  building  a 
new  Hospital  on  far  broader,  deeper,  and  more  lasting 
foundations  than  were  ever  dreamt  of  by  Gatigny 
originated  with  him. 

From  the  day  when  this  project  was  publicly  an- 
nounced until  the  Charter  of  Incorporation  had  been 
secured,  the  activity  of  Philippe  Menard  in  the  cause  he 
had  made  his  own  was  ceaseless.  Saurin  and  lie  jointly 
launched  the  first  appeal  for  subscriptions,  and  the  rapid 
and  extraordinarv  success  which  the  scheme  met  with 
must  have  been  largely  due  to  the  influence  which  Menard 
derived  from  his  position  at  the  Court  of  St.  James,  and 
from    his    intimate    acquaintance     with    the    wealthier 


French  Protestant  Hospital  of  London     193 

Refugee  families  in  London.  The  petition  praying  the 
Crown  to  incorporate  the  new  charity  by  royal  charter 
was  his  work,  and  so,  no  doubt,  was  the  selection  from 
among  the  members  of  the  clerical  and  lay  committees, 
of  those  thirty-seven  "  men  of  mercy  "  whose  names  are 
recorded  in  the  Charter  as  the  first  Directors  of  the 
French  Hospital. 

When  the  buildings  were  completed  the  dedication 
service  was  arranged  and  the  sermon  preached  by 
Menard,  and  afterwards  from  the  first  General  Court  in 
1 718  until  his  illness  and  death  in  1737  he  attended 
with  one  single  exception  every  quarterly  meeting  of 
the  Directors  and  recorded  the  proceedings  in  a  way 
that  all  later  secretaries  of  the  Corporation  have  more 
or  less  successfully  attempted  to  follow. 

The  Hospital  thus  founded,  incorporated,  and  started 
continued  its  beneficent  work  for  nearly  150  years  on 
the  old  site.     The  buildings  were  altered  from  time  to 
time  to  meet  the  varying  needs  and  resources  of  the 
charity.     During  the  first  half  century  of  its  existence 
the  original  building  received  frequent  additions  until  at 
one    time  between  two    hundred    and    three   hundred 
f^oor  Refugees  or  their  descendants  were  being  tended 
and  cared  for  within  its  walls.     Fifty  years  la'ter  both 
the  number  needing  an   asylum   and  also   the   income 
of  the  charity  had  greatly  diminished.     The  Governors 
therefore  most  wisely  sought  and  obtained  the  sanction 
of  Parliament  to  remove  some  of  the  disused  buildings 
and  to  let  on  building  leases  the  large  plot  of  garden 
ground  which  lay  to  the  north  of  them.      In  1810  two 
parallel  streets  of  small  houses,  running  the  whole  length 
of  the   ground,  were   built,    leases    being   granted    for 
sixty-one  years. 

The  ground  rents  of  these  houses  formed  a  moderate 


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but  welcome  addition  to  the  revenue  of  the  Corporation  ; 
that,  however,  was  the  least  of  the  benefits  derived  from 
the  step  then  taken,  for  during  the  currency  of  the 
leases  most  of  the  open  ground  in  the  neighbourhood 
met  with  similar  treatment,  so  that  the  site  of  the 
Hospital,  which  in  its  early  days  was  surrounded  by 
green  fields  and  gardens  and  pleasant  hedgerows  and 
lanes  leading  to  the  open  country,  became  hemmed  in 
by  streets,  and  rendered  quite  unsuitable  as  a  haven  of 
rest  for  sick  and  aged  people. 

By  an  English  custom,  which  may  or  may  not  obtain  in 
America  (I  do  not  know),  lease-hold  property  on  the  ex- 
piry of  the  lease  reverts  to  the  ground  landlord,  and  in 
this  way  the  Corporation  of  the  French  Hospital  in  1871 
acquired  the  ownership  of  the  whole  of  the  houses  buih 
on  the  Hospital  garden.  Thenceforth  the  Hospital 
received  the  full  or  **  rack  "  rentals,  which  are  six  or  seven 
times  greater  than  the  ground  rents. 

With  this  augmented  income  in  view  the  Directors 
about  the  year  i860  began  to  consider  the  expediency  of 
removing    the    Hospital    from    the  now  smoke-stained 
locality  of  St.  Luke's  Parish  to  some  more  open  spot. 
Many  plans  were  discussed,  many  sites  were  offered  and 
examined.      Finally  the  site  of  an  old  house  and  garden 
occupying  about  three  and  a  quarter  acres  in  the  Parish 
of  South  Hackney  was  chosen.      Among  other  reasons 
which  determined  the  selection  of  this  particular  plot  of 
ground  are  the  following  :     It  is  nearer  than  any  other 
site  offered  to  Spitalfields  and  Bethnal  Green,  the  dis- 
tricts   from    which    most    of    the    inmates    come ;  it  is 
bounded  on    one    side    by    the  open   Lammas  land  of 
Hackney,  which  may  not  be  built  over,  and  it  almost  ad- 
joins   Victoria    Park,    one    of    the    largest    and    most 
beautifullv  laid  out  of  all  the  London  parks. 

at 


Ihe  French  Protestant  llospital,   V'ictoria  Park, 

London.     Erected  1S66. 


French  Protestant  Hospital  of  London     195 

The  subsoil  also  of  the  locality  is  a  dry,  sandy  gravel 
of  great  depth,  making  it  particularly  salubrious. 

Here  was  erected  in  1865  the  beautiful  building  of 
which  I  am  able  to  show  you  an  engraving.  It  is  about 
two  hundred  feet  in  length  and  its  depth  from  front  to 
back  varies  from  fifty  to  ninety  feet.  The  style  of  the 
building  is  that  of  the  old  French  chateau,  which  was  con- 
temporary with  the  later  Tudor  in  England  and  became 
common  in  France  during  the  latter  part  of  the  reign  of 
Francis  I.  The  high,  pointed  roofs,  peculiar  towers,  and 
spire-like  coverings,  together  with  the  use  of  external 
colour  and  the  quaint  irregularity  of  outline,  produce  a 
singularly  picturesque  effect,  especially  when  seen  from 
a  distance. 

I  will  not  detain  you  with  a  minute  description  of 
this  building,  which  forms  a  home  for  sixty  poor  and 
aged  French  Protestants  and  descendants  of  French 
Protestants. 

It  has  been  a  tradition  from  the  very  earliest  davs  of 
the  French  Hospital  that  the  Governors  and  Directors 
accept  office  as  a  kind  of  sacred  trust,  with  an  implied 
obligation  to  devote  a  large  share  of  their  time  and 
talents  to  the  carrying  on  of  the  good  work  which  was 
set  on  foot  by  their  ancestors.    In  this  spirit  the  charity 
has    ever    been    administered.       Physicians,    barristers, 
proctors,  solicitors,  architects,  merchants,  have  as  mem- 
bers of  the  Court  through  many  generations  rendered 
suit  and  service  to  the  good  cause.      In  this  spirit  the 
late  Mr.  Robert  Louis  Roumieu,  an  eminent  architect, 
not  only  designed  the  building  which  we  all  so  admire! 
but  worked   out  every  detail   of   its  arrangement  and 
himself  superintended  its  erection,  without  fee  or  pecu- 
niary reward  of  any  kind. 

The  old  people  who  here  softly  tread  the  last  stao-e 


t 


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French  Protestant  Hospital  of  London     197 


of    their   earthly   pilj^^rimage   are    a    quiet,  simple   folk. 
AlthoLioh  removed  by  several   ^venerations  from    their 
French  ancestors,  and   in   most  cases  bearing  English 
blood  in  their  veins,  they  exhibit  many  traits  character- 
istic of  their  origin.     You  would  find  bVench  faces  there 
counterparts  ahnost  of  "La  bonne  femme  de  Norman- 
die"   and   her   sister,   so   well    known    through   the   old 
French  en^'-ravinLTs.     In  many  of  the  inmates  you  would 
notice  a  delicacy  of  thought  and  expression  which  can 
only  be  explained  by  the  law  of  heredity,  and  you  would 
remark  a  general  love  of  music  and  an  appreciation  of 
good  music  that  is  quite  uncommon  among  English  folk 
of  their  class.      Most  of  these  old  people  have  led  hard- 
working^ lives  :  th(*  men  as  weavers  or  small  craftsmen, 
the  women  as  weaveresses,  spinners,  sempstresses,  etc., 
but  some  have  seen  better  da)s.     One  old  man,  a  super- 
annuated iM-ench  schoolmaster,  of  whom  I  am  very  fond, 
was  born   in    Paris   some   ninety-three   years  ago.      He 
must  be  one  of  the  very  few  still  living  in  England  who 
have  distinct  recollections  of  the  first  Napoleon,  for  he 
remembered  witnessing,  as  a  boy,   the  enthusiastic  re- 
ception  of   the    Emperor   in    Paris  on  his  escape  from 
Elba,  and  his  reviewing  the  French  troops  shortly  be- 
fore leaving  for  the  fateful  field  of  Waterloo.      Another 
tells,    with    pardonable    pride,    how    he,   the     most    ex- 
pert  workman    in    his   master's   establishment,    used  to 
make  hats  for  Daniel  O'Connell,  the  Irish  patriot,  whose 
head  he  declares  was  the  largest  "  natural"  head  he  had 
ever  helped  to  cover.      He  had  met  with  a  few  larger, 
that  seemed  to  be  bulged  about  anyhow  b>'  disease,  but, 
as  he  expressed   it,  "  That 's  very  different  from  being 
natural  grown."    Among  the  old  ladies  are  two  or  three 
French  governesses  :  one  who  boasts  that  royalty  has 
drank    at    the    fountain    of    her    knowledge,   princesses 


having  been  among  her  pupils,  and  another  who  bears 
with  a  quiet  dignity  the  honored  name  of  Gi7'ardot, 
The  building  itself  teems  with  associations  with  the 
past.  The  Court  Room,  which  reminds  one  of  an  old 
college  hall,  is  lighted  by  stone-mullioned  wnndows,  in 
whose  painted  glass  the  armorial  bearings  of  many  re- 
cent Directors  are  emblazoned.  A  band,  charged  with 
the  shields  of  some  of  the  more  famous  early  Governors 
and  Directors,  runs  entirely  round  the  room  above  the 
dado.  Over  the  fireplace,  at  either  end,  hang  contem- 
porary portraits  of  the  Founder  and  first  Secretary,  and 
the  side  walls  are  adorned  with  portraits  of  Lord  Gal- 
way,  the  first  Governor,  Lord  Ligonier,  and  other  fa- 
mous Governors  and  Directors  of  a  former  time.  In 
this  room  also  are  marble  busts  of  the  late  Sir  Henry 
Layard  (of  Nineveh  fame)  and  of  my  own  cousin, 
Richard  Herve  Giraud,  who  devoted  the  greater  part 
of  a  very  long  life  to  the  interests  of  the  Corporation. 

In  the  Committee  Room  are  a  number  of  relevant 
prints  and  engraved  portraits,  a  handsome  mace  (the 
emblem  of  a  corporation),  an  exact  copy  of  the  chair 
of  Calvin  which  stands  in  Geneva  Cathedral,  and  two 
bookcases  and  medal  cabinets  which  have  lately  been 
provided  for  the  extension  of  the  special  Huguenot 
Library,  which  is  growing  rather  rapidly. 

It  is  still  customary  for  the  Directors  forming  the 
committee  to  meet  monthly  for  the  dispatch  of  the 
routine  business  of  the  Hospital,  and  for  the  entire 
Court  to  meet  quarterly  to  exercise  a  more  general  con- 
trol over  its  affairs.  At  these  General  Courts  a  few 
guests  are  always  invited,  and  some  customs  dating 
from  the  time  when  George  I  was  King  are  preserved. 
One  is  to  begin  dinner  with  a  particular  kind  of  soup 
called    "  Charter    Soup''   from    the    tradition    that    the 


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French  Protestant  Hospital  of  London     199 


Charter  of  Incorporation  would  be  forfeited  if  any  other 
kind  were  used  at  a  General  Court  dinner.  A  number 
of  toasts  in  French  are  given  by  the  President  ^/>;////r//^r, 
without  note  or  comment.  The  first,  ''La  Rcine^'  is 
given  when  the  pudding  is  placed  on  the  table.  Two 
others  are,  ''Messieurs  les  Diaries  a  vos  dames''  and 
Messieurs  les  non  maries  a  vos  niaiiresses,''  the  latter 
carrying  us  back  to  a  time  when  the  term  ''mistress" 
had  a  more  chivalrous  sit^nification  than  it  is  now  held 
to  bear.  The  Loving-Cup  is  also  passed  round  from 
euest  to  truest,  after  bein<r  introduced  with  the  following 
quaint  ceremony,  which  dates  from  1718  : 


Deputy  Governor. — Mr.  Steward,  what  bring  you  here? 

Steward.— 'T^o  Loving-Cups  prei)ared  by  the  Sf.cretary's  di- 
rection. 

Deputy  Governor. — Mr.  Secretary,  what  do  these  Cups  contain  ? 

Secretary. — The  choicest  Wine  of  France,  commemorating  our 
Huguenot  Ancestors.  Fortified  with  Spirit,  the  Spirit  of  admira- 
tion for  their  faith  and  courage,  and  Sweetened  by  Sympathy  with 
the  poor  and  aged  among  their  Descendants.  It  is  left.  Sir,  for  you 
to  add  the  Cordial,  a  cordial  Welcome,  to  the  Guests  assembled  at 
your  table. 

Deputy  Governor. — Gentlemen,  I  invite  you  to  drink  with  me  to 
the  memory  of  the  Huguenot  Founders  of  this  Corporation,  and  I 
offer  you  a  warm  welcome  at  this  table  from  their  successors,  the 
present  Governors  and  Directors  of  the  Hospital. 

I  like  to  think  that  the  splendid  energy  which  was 
thrown  into  the  scheme  for  helping  the  poor  sick  and 
infirm  I^Vench  Refugees  in  their  extremity  of  suffering 
has,  even  after  a  lapse  of  nearly  two  centuries,  lost  little 
or  nothincr  of  its  force.  I  like  to  look  back  through  the 
long  vista  of  years  without  discovering  at  any  single 
point  a  break  in  the  continuity  of  this  good  work. 

In  this  year  of  grace  1898  all  those  officers  named  in 


'S 


J 


the  Charter  or  appointed  at  the  first  General  Court  are 
still  to  be  found  bending  to  their  work.  Their  outward 
fashion  has  changed  with  the  changing  years,  even  their 
method  of  working  and  their  form  of  speech.  Full- 
bottomed  wigs  have  given  place  to  pigtails,  which  in 
their  turn  have  disappeared  altogether.  Ruffs  and 
ruffles  and  velvet  coats  and  buckled  shoes  have  throuofh 
many  mutations  reached  the  prosaic  garments  of  to-day. 
The  English  tongue  and  English  manners  and  customs 
have  gradually  taken  the  place  of  the  exquisite  French 
and  the  perfect  grace  for  which  the  Marquis  de  Ruvigny 
was  noted  even  at  the  fastidious  Court  of  Louis  XIV, 
but  the  official  entity — the  abstract  officer — has  been 
there  all  the  time.  In  no  single  week,  I  believe,  has  the 
offering  of  prayer  and  praise  and  hymn  failed  to  rise  as 
the  incense  to  the  Throne  of  Grace  from  the  Chapel  of 
the  French  Hospital.  In  no  single  quarter  has  the 
Treasurer  omitted  to  render  an  account  to  his  fellow 
Directors  of  the  current  income  and  expenditure  of  the 
Corporation.  Through  all  these  one  hundred  and  eighty 
years,  the  Secretary  has  ever  been  found,  pen  in  hand, 
entering  up  minutes  of  the  Court  and  committee  meet- 
ings, carefully  threshing  out  questions  which  arise  for 
discussion,  and  conducting  a  very  wide  correspondence 
with  all  sorts  of  people  on  all  sorts  of  matters  relating 
directly  or  indirectly,  or  not  at  all,  to  the  Corporation. 
During  the  whole  of  this  long  period  the  Deputy 
Governor  has  been  an  almost  constant  attendant  at 
Court  and  committee,  presiding  in  the  absence  of  the 
Governor  over  the  deliberations  of  his  fellow  Directors  ; 
while  the  Governor  himself,  if  less  frequently  present, 
has  always  been  accessible  when  any  special  need  has 
arisen  for  asking  his  advice  or  sanction  in  the  more 
important  affairs  of  the  Corporation. 


It 


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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


Is  it  too  much  to  ask  you  to  join  me  in  the  pious  hope 
that  a  Corporation  so  founded  and  so  conducted  may- 
long  flourish  for  the  benefit  of  the  poor  and  aged 
descendants  of  the  exiled  Huguenots  of  France? 


M.  G.   Wilde  man. 

^Miand),  anden  Archivist   --•■^'■^hif  de  la 
Commune  ,-/>  Haarlfth . 


i 


i 


7 


THE   WALLOON    OR    FRENCH    CHURCH 
AT    HAARLEM    (HOLLAND) 

By    MARINUS    GODEFRIDEN   WILDEMAN, 

Adjunct  Archivist,  Haarlem,  Holland 

TO  the  best  of  our  knowledge,  it  was  as  early  as  1581, 
shortly  after  the  city  of  Haarlem  had  chosen  the 
side  of  William  the  Prince  of  Orange,  that  some  Walloon 
fugitives  settled  in  that  city,  and  as  they  came  from 
the  southern  provinces  of  the  Netherlands,  they  were 
called  by  the  general  name  of  Flemings.  As  appears 
from  the  accounts  of  the  clerical  property,  the  munici- 
pality allowed  them  to  take  up  their  abode  as  best  they 
could  in  the  deserted  church  of  the  Great  Be^uinacre. 
Their  number  constantly  increasing,  in  1586  they 
thought  themselves  numerous  enough  to  claim  a 
minister  who  understood  French,  as  the  opening  sen- 
tence of  the  official  report  of  the  sessions  of  the 
Walloon  Consistory  readily  proves.  ''  The  French 
people  belonging  to  the  Reformed  Church  in  this 
town  of  Haarlem,  having  requested  the  Synod  of  the 
churches  for  this  tongue,  in  session  March,  1586,  to 
appoint  a  minister  for  them,  they  thought  fit  to  call 
Mr.  Jean  Taffin,  who  was  then  in  Germany,  and  re- 
quired him  to  accept  the  place.  The  said  Taffin  came 
to  Haarlem  the  5th  of  September  of  the  said  year,  and 
preached  his  first  Sermon  on  the  7th  of  the  month." 

On  the  13th  of  this  month  of  September,  Taffin  went 
to  Leiden  in  order  to  represent  the  new  Haarlem  parish 

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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


in  the  Walloon  Synod  which  assembled  there,  being  ac- 
companied by  the  most  important  member  of  his  new 
flock,  Mr.  Jean  Henniar. 

A  few  days  afterwards,  on  the  gth  of  October,  the  first 
Consistory  was  installed,  consisting  of  Messrs.  Jean  Hen- 
niar and  Jean  de  Veronne,  elders,  and  Pierre  de  la 
Marque  and  Robert  Macque,  deacons. 

The  Lord's  Supper  was  celebrated  in  the  church  for 
the  first  time  on  the  9th  of  November,  1586. 

Of  course,  there  was  a  great  deal  to  be  regulated,  and 
matters  to  be  talked  over  with  the  Magistrates,  which 
was  generally  done  by  Jean  Henniar,  who  seems  to  have 
been  a  man  of  great  influence. 

The  municipality  had  allowed  the  Walloons  to  occupy 
the  church  for  a  time,  but  it  was  by  no  means  given  to 
them  definitely ;  that  is  why,  in  the  accounts  of  the 
clerical  property  for  15S6,  it  is  only  noted  that  the 
church  is  used  by  poor  fugitive  Walloon  workmen,  and 
it  is  only  in  1590  that  mention  is  made  of  the  fact  that 
part  of  it  is  used  by  the  Walloon  congregation  for  di- 
vine service.  On  the  8th  of  January,  1587,  the  Consis- 
tory resolved  to  request  the  Magistrates  for  another 
church,  or  to  have  the  present  church  thoroughly  re- 
paired. Henniar  took  up  the  matter  very  earnestly, 
everything  was  well  regulated,  and,  as  we  shall  see 
below,  the  church  was  repaired  as  had  been  requested. 

The  year  1586  was  remarkable  for  another  important 
event  among  these  Walloons,  the  first  christening  of  a 
child,  which  took  place  on  the  6th  of  December  ;  the  first 
marriage  was  celebrated  on  the  9th  day  of  February,  1 587. 

The  first  Walloon  fugitives  were  for  the  greater  part 
poor  workmen  from  Liege,  Nivelles,  Lille,  Valenciennes, 
and  other  French  places  in  the  Spanish  Netherlands. 
From  the  official  report  of  an  assessment  of  the  13th  of 


The  French  Church  at  Haarlem 


203 


November,  1586,  intended  for  the  purchase  of  things  re- 
quired for  divine  service,  we  know  the  names  of  such  of 
them  as  were  rather  well-to-do. 

They  were  Fernand  Sabe,  Alard  Bonduel,  Jean  Sem- 
erpont,  Robert  Macque,  Jaques  Sabe,  Gerard  Iliole, 
Jean  du  Ouesnoy,  Lambert  Cambier,  Jean  Rousseau, 
Jean  Henniar,  Antoine  Henniar,  Pierre  de  la  Marque, 
Jean  de  Veronne,  Gilles  C.  Grand,  and  Andries  Du- 
rand. 

Out  of  this  collection  or  poll-tax  the  pews  in  church, 
anything  required  for  the  Lord's  Supper,  the  registers, 
and  the  engraving  of  a  stamp  for  all  letters  and 
documents  and  certificates  of  admission  to  the  Lord's 
Supper,  were  to  be  paid  for.  This  stamp  is  stifl  in 
existence ;  it  represents  Christ  surrounded  by  seven 
candle-sticks  with  burning  candles,  and  the  device, 
"Christ  seul  est  tout."  As  often  as  the  Lord's 
Supper  was  to  be  celebrated,  the  minister,  accom- 
panied by  an  elder  and  a  deacon,  paid  a  visit  to  the 
members  and  inquired  after  their  behavior ;  if  there 
was  nothing  blameworthy,  he  gave  each  a  token,  or,  as 
it  was  called,  a  "  mereau,"  which  was  to  be  produced 
on  approaching  the  table,  and  without  w^hich  no  member 
was  allowed  to  commune. 

If  there  was  found  anything  to  be  blamed  in  any 
one's  behavior,  such  person  was  summoned  before  the 
Consistory  to  be  reprimanded  about  it ;  if  upon  three 
calls  he  refused  to  appear,  the  congregation  was  in- 
formed that  he  had  ceased  to  be  a  member,  and  every 
member  was  required  to  withdraw  from  all  relations 
with  him,  and  abstain  even  from  speaking  with  him. 
During  the  first  years  the  official  reports  of  the  sessions 
are  full  of  such  cases. 

Generally  the   affair  terminated  with   a  consistorial 


! 


^i 


lA 


i  • 


ii  ill 


1 


204  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

reprimand  ;  now  and  then  the  whole  flock  was  informed 
of  it  and  of  the  accused's  repentance  ;  in  some  cases 
a  punishment  was  imposed.  So  there  is  a  notice  about 
a  woman  who  had  committed  adultery  and  had  con- 
fessed before  the  Consistory.  She  was  ordered  to  ask 
pardon  of  the  aggrieved  wife  in  the  presence  of  the 
minister,  an  elder,  and  a  deacon.  Thereupon  the  flock 
was  informed  and  exhorted  to  receive  the  woman  again 

as  a  sister. 

Not  always  the  accused  was  convoked  before  the 
Consistory;  generally  the  names  of  such  as  had  to 
wait  in  church  after  divine  service  were  read  from  the 
pulpit.  An  often-recurring  transgression  of  women 
was  that  stealthily  they  were  present  at  mass.  Not 
appearing  in  divine  service  or  at  the  Lord's  Supper  was 
also  punishable,  as  well  as  drunkenness,  adultery,  calling 

hard  names,  etc. 

There  is  even  a  notice  that  a  member  of  the  congre- 
gation who  had  an  ale-house  was  punished  because  he 
had  allowed  two  persons  to  sit  down  on  the  counter  in- 
stead of  remaining  standing. 

The  first  sexton  was  Pierre  le  Prince.  The  munici- 
pality gave  him  an  annual  income  of  fl.150;  afterwards 
200  guilders,  and  a  free  living  in  one  of  the  houses  of  the 
Beguinage.  In  1 757  the  Consistory  increased  his  salary 
to  "300  guilders.  When  in  1767  the  sexton  got  the 
house   spoken   of  below  his  salary  was   decreased    50 

guilders. 

Besides  the  offices  of  minister  and  sexton  there  was 
an  office  of  comforter  of  the  sick,  whose  salary  was  paid 
by  the  municipality,  as  was  also  the  case  with  the  reader, 
but  not  with  the  organist.  The  first  comforter  of  the 
sick  whom  the  municipality  appointed  was  Pierre  le 
Cren;    he  had  26  Flemish  pounds.       In   1636  Michel 


The  French  Church  at  Haarlem 


205 


Baira  received  100  guilders,  as  did  also  Daniel  le  Comte 
in  1648.  In  1757  the  salary  was  increased  to  200 
cruilders. 

The  reader  had  a  municipal  income  of  150  guilders, 
which  the  Consistory  increased  on  condition  that  he  was 
to  give  lessons  to  the  children  of  the  members. 

The  organist  occupied  a  place  created  only  in  1  730  ; 
he  had  no  municipal  salary  but  an  amount  of  100 
guilders  from  the  Consistory. 

It  appears  that  the  simple  things  that  had  been 
bought  for  the  celebration  of  the  Lord's  Supper  sufficed 
for  a  rather  long  time,  and  it  was  only  in  1640  and  again 
in  1690  that  they  were  renewed.  There  are  still  in  use 
three  silver  plates  and  four  goblets  more  than  two  cen- 
turies old. 

These  plates  were  bought  for  250  guilders,  being  a 
legacy  to  the  church  by  a  gentleman  who  had  been  a 
member  of  the  Consistory,  by  will  dated  8th  of  April, 
1 67 1.  They  bear  the  crest  of  the  testator  and  the  in- 
scription :  "  Laurent  le  Due  obiit  Mars   1673,  aet.  J2>^'' 

The  goblets  bear  these  inscriptions:  No.  i,  "Pierre 
Bontemps  pasteur  1640";  No.  2,  "Daniel  le  Borgue, 
ancien  1640"  ;  No.  3,  "Jean  Hochefried,  ancien  1640"; 
No.  4,  "Jacques  de  la  Chambre,  ancien,  Isaac  Denise, 
diacre,  Isaac  de  Corne,  diacre,  Jacques  des  Candain, 
diacre  1640." 

Together  with  these  are  used  one  greater  and  two 
smaller  tin  tankards  with  the  inscription  :  "  Par  Mons. 
Pierre  le  Moine  I'aimee  1714  Donnez  a  I'Eglise  Wal- 
lonne  de  Haarlem." 

Moreover,  Laurens  le  Due  left  by  testament  a  capital 
of  12,000  guilders  to  found  a  scholarship  for  a  student 
of  divinity  who  should  be  willing  to  devote  himself  to 
the  service  of  the  Walloon  Church. 


I 


I' 


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206  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

From  1635  the  church  had  as  ornaments  three  copper 
chandeHers,  one  of  which,  made  by  Jan  Coclenbier,  was 
given  by  the  municipality.      Probably  the  others  were 
gifts  of  the  churchwardens.      In  the  beginning  of  this 
century  it  was  resolved  to  have  the  church  lighted  with 
oil-lamps,  and  the  chandeliers  were  sold.     Afterwards 
the  church  was  lighted  with  gas.      As  some  members 
were    sorry    to    miss    the    old   chandeliers,    Messrs.    C. 
H.   Laatsman,   D.D.,  minister,  G.   Heshuysen,   LL.D., 
churchwarden,  A.  J.   Enschede,   LL.D.,  churchwarden, 
and  C.    J.   G.  de    Booy,   treasurer,    resolved   to   try  to 
have  the  chandeliers  restored  to  the  church.      In  1867 
they   succeeded    in    getting    them    and    gave    them    to 
the  church.      The  great  chandelier  in  the  church  used 
to    be    in    St.    Bavo's    Church    in    Haarlem  ;    the    two 
smaller  chandeliers,  as  well  as  the  lustres  in  the  session- 
room  for  the  Consistory,  are  from  the  church  at  Krom- 
menie  ;  the  origin  of  the  chandelier  in  the  session-room 

is  unknown. 

The  Church  of  the  Beguinage  the  Walloons  took 
possession  of  in  1596  had  a  high  and  a  low  choir.  In 
the  present  church  is  the  high  choir,  and  in  the  sex- 
ton's house  the  low  one.  In  this  part  there  is  a  gallery 
intended  for  a  tribune  for  the  beguines,  now  the  floor 
of  the  higher  rooms ;  it  was  reached  by  a  stone  stair- 
case by  the  side  of  the  steeple,  which  staircase  is  still 
extant.  Over  this  tribune  the  roof  was  hidden  by  a 
wooden  vault  covered  with  painted  ornaments,  as  may 
still  be  seen  on  some  of  the  rafters.  The  light  en- 
tered by  two  little  side-windows,  of  which  only  two 
are  still  extant ;  under  the  tribune  the  light  came  from 
three  ogival  windows.  For  some  years  this  church  had 
not  been  used,  and  during  that  period,  up  to  the  year 
1586,  it  had  not  been  kept  in  repair.     For  the  repair 


The  French  Church  at  Haarlem 


207 


of  the  windows  the  Walloons  took  up  a  collection, 
and,  as  the  low  choir  was  of  no  use  to  them,  they  re- 
quested the  municipality  to  have  this  choir  separated 
by  a  wall  from  the  other,  which  was  done,  and 
so  the  municipality  got  a  building  that  was  made, 
in  1590,  to  serve  as  an  ammunition  house  and  in  1607 
as  a  hall  for  the  tanning  of  say  and  pistean  and 
stamping  of  cloth.  The  building  remained  in  use 
till  1767;  then,  however,  as  the  trade  was  very  poor, 
it  was  given  to  the  Walloon  Church  in  order  to  serve  as 
a  sexton's  house  instead  of  the  one  in  the  Beguinage 
that  had  been  used  till  then. 

The  session-room  for  the  Consistory,  formerly  sac- 
risty or  vestry,  adjacent  to  the  church,  and  which 
had  a  very  remarkable  ceiling,  was  not  at  once  given 
to  the  Walloons,  but  in  1590  there  lived  here  two 
beguines  whom  the  municipality  provided  for ;  then 
it  was  let  as  a  dwelling-house,  and  afterwards,  only  in 
1661,  the  municipality  made  it  over.  In  1875,  when 
cleaning  the  church,  there  was  discovered  over  the  en- 
trance of  the  session-room  a  wall-painting,  representing 
a  tapestry  borne  by  two  angels.  By  order  of  the  church- 
wardens this  wall-painting  was  restored. 

In  1 671,  when  the  number  of  members  was  ever 
increasing,  the  Consistory  requested  the  municipality  to 
have  the  low  choir  once  more  united  with  the  church, 
or  such  other  measures  taken  as  might  serve  to  enlarge 
the  church. 

The  matter  remained  a  very  long  time  under  con- 
sideration, and  only  in  1686  a  plan  and  estimate  were 
made,  which,  however,  were  never  executed. 

By  this  plan,  calling  for  12,363  guilders,  it  was  in- 
tended to  have  a  transept  built  on  the  Beguinage  at 
the  north   side   of  the    church,  and   in    every    part    in 


II 


l,!l 


2o8  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

accordance  with  the  high  choir.  There  was  no  organ 
in  the  church.  In  1730  the  first  organ  was  placed.  As 
we  read  in  the  official  report  of  February  19th  of  that 
year,  A.  Varnaarts  offered  an  organ  for  "a  considerable 
amount."  The  members  of  the  Consistory  advanced 
the  money,  which  was  repaid  by  an  annual  assessment 
of  the  members.  In  1808  another  organ  was  placed, 
built  by  Fredericks,  from  Gouda,  and  which  cost 
6619.88  guilders,  and  was  played  the  first  time  on  the 
28th  of  August  of  that  year. 

The  Constitution  of  1792,  which  altered  so  many 
things,  gave  rise  to  the  question  if  the  Walloon  con- 
crregation  might  remain  in  the  undisturbed  possession 
of  the  church.  Article  the  6th  of  the  additional 
articles  runs  as  follows  : 

"  All  churches  and  parsonages  of  the  formerly  Estab- 
lished Church  which  were  built  by  the  Municipality  are 
neither  private  nor  state  property,  but  are  at  the  entire 
disposal  of  each  local  government ;  so  that  an  arrange- 
ment may  be  made  between  all  the  Churches  within 
six  months  after  the  sanction  of  the  Constitution. 

"The  fundamental  principle  of  this  arrangement  is  in 
every  place  the  majority  of  the  members  of  the  differ- 
ent churches,  which  will  constitute  the  relative  major- 
ity of  the  inhabitants. 

**  This  will  be  entitled  to  have  the  preference  for  the 
seizure  of  the  local  church  and  parsonage,  with  this 
stipulation,  that  there  shall  be  a  strict  valuation  of  all 
these  buildings,  after  which  a  reasonable  indemnifica- 
tion either  at  once  or  in  installments  is  to  be  paid  to 
the  other  churches  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  their 
members,  which  by  these  regulations  are  considered  all 
and  every  one  of  them  to  have  given  up  any  claim 
to  the  formerly  combined  property. 

•*  These  so  seized  churches  and  parsonages  shall  after- 
wards   for  all    time   to  come  remain  the  property  of, 


Theodore  M.  Bant  a. 

Of  the  Celebration  Committee. 


4 


I 


The  French  Church  at  Haarlem 


209 


and  be  under  the  administration  and  special  care  of, 
those  churches  as  shall  have  acquired  them  in  accord- 
ance with  the  foregoing  stipulations. 

•'  Any  differences  arising  from  the  above  are  to  be 
settled  at  once  by  the  Representative  Body. 

"  The  steeples  belonging  to  the  said  churches,  as  the 
bells  and  belfry,  are  declared  to  be  and  remain  the 
property  of  the  Civil  Community,  having  to  be  ad- 
ministered and  taken  care  of  by  the  Municipality." 

In  the  session  of  the  Consistory  of  May  the  7th,  i  798, 
a  member,  Mr.  Jacob  Scholting,  public  notary  of  this 
town,  proposed  to  have  the  matter  discussed  in  an  ex- 
traordinary assembly.  Consequently  the  Great  Con- 
sistory was  convoked  against  the  4th  of  June,  and  Mr. 
Scholting  was  ordered  to  draw  up  a  report  in  which  the 
four  following  questions  were  to  be  asked  : 

"1st.  Does  the  present  building  completely  suffice 
both  for  its  dimensions  and  outhouses,  considering  in 
the  meantime  necessary  alterations  and  expenses  for  the 
keeping  in  repair? 

'*  2d.  Would  it  be  necessary  to  pay  a  sum  to  the  Muni- 
cipality, and  if  so,  what  would  be  the  amount  ? 

"  :^d.  If  the  amount  should  surpass  the  available  cleri- 
cal balance,  how  then  could  another  building  be  acquired? 

"4th.  Is  it  desirable  in  the  present  case  to  act  sep- 
arately, or  would  it  be  better  to  act  together  with  the 
other  Walloon  churches?" 

Mr.  Scholting  read  his  report  in  the  session  of  the 
Consistory  on  the  4th  of  June,  1798,  whereupon  a  com- 
mittee was  nominated  to  give  an  opinion  upon  these 
questions.  This  the  committee  did  in  the  assembly  of 
August  the  7th,  both  about  the  financial  questions  and 
the  buildings.  As  for  the  latter  the  assembly  was  of 
opinion  that  it  would  not  be  possible  to  find  a  building 


I 


2IO 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


that  was  more  desirable  for  their  purposes  ;  that  the 
necessary  repairing  would  cost  little,  as  only  the  roof 
wanted,  repair  and  that  it  might  still  do  as  it  was  for 
some  years;  that  the  building  was  not  one  of  those 
which  according  to  the  Constitution  had  been  set  at 
the  disposal  of  the  government,  as  it  was  municipal 
property  ;  and  that  it  was  preferable  to  buy  the  church 
outright  rather  than  have  it  on  lease. 

By  the  additional  article  it  had  been  stipulated  that 
the  right  of  property  should  be  fixed  for  all  such 
churches  and  parsonages  of  the  formerly  established 
Church  as,  having  been  built  by  the  municipality,  were 
neither  private  nor  state  property.  This  stipulation 
related  to  all  buildings  in  the  towns  that  had  been 
ordered  for  the  service  of  the  Reformed  Church  after 
the  latter  had  become  predominant,  but  not  to  such 
churches  as  were  private  property,  either  of  the  com- 
munities or  of  the  towns.  In  Haarlem  there  were 
five  churches  intended  for  divine  service  of  the  Re- 
formed Church  :  the  Great  or  St.  Bavo  Church ;  the 
Bakenesse  Church  ;  the  New  or  St.  Anna  Church,  the 
St.  John's  Church,  and  the  Walloon  or  Beguine  Church. 

The  Bakenesse  Church  was  a  property  of  the  Re- 
formed Church,  abandoned  by  agreement  with  Bishop 
Godfried  van  Mierlo  of  January  21,  1577.  The  Great 
Church  was  taken  by  the  Reformed,  but  by  resolution 
of  the  States  in  1581,  all  such  property  as  belonged  to 
the  converts,  religious  institutions,  and  guilds  situated 
within  the  town  and  parish  at  the  time  of  the  satis- 
faction had  been  declared  municipal  property  as  an 
indemnification  for  the  siege  of  1573. 

The  municipality  might  have  contented  themselves 
and  the  States  by  declaring  that  the  addititional 
articles,   as   far  as   regards  this    point,   did    not    apply 


The  French  Church  at  Haarlem 


21 1 


to  Haarlem.     However,  they  preferred  settling  things  in 
a  different  way,  either  because   the   local   government 
for    the   time   being   did   not   exactly   know  the  rights 
of  the  town,  or  because  they  would  not  seem  to  object 
to  accomplish  the  regulations  of  the  Constitution.      By 
circular  of  the   i6th  of  October,    1798,  they  convoked 
all  clerical  congregations  who  should  pretend  to  have 
any  right  to  their  churches,  and,  as  the  local  govern- 
ment would  find  great  difficulties  in   trying  to  decide 
about   all   the    documents   produced,    they   begged,    by 
letter  of   the   9th  of   February,   1 799,  all   the  aforesaid 
congregations  to  delegate  persons  who,  as  representa- 
tives   of    these    clerical    congregations,    should    settle 
between  them  the  question  about  the  churches.     This 
circular    was    presented   to   a  committee   consisting  of 
Messrs.  Joh.  Enschede,  LL.D.,  du  Crocg,  Guepin,  Jac. 
Scholting,  and  P.  van   Lee,  who  were  authorized  to  act 
in   anything   relating  to   the    church   and    salaries.     A 
short  time  before,  the  municipality  had  taken  an  exten- 
sive  resolution   on   the  19th  of  December,  1798,  decid- 
ing that  there  should  be  no  voting  upon  the  property 
of  churches  but  by  such  clerical  congregations  as  had 
complied  with  the  circular  of  the  i6th  of  October,  be- 
ing the  Reformed,  Roman  Catholic,  Lutheran,  Walloon, 
and  Jewish  churches.     As  meanwhile  the  municipality 
has  been  informed  about   the  resolution  of  the  States 
of  1 59 1,  they  decided  that  this  regulation  should  only 
apply  to  the  Great  and  the  Bakenesse  churches,  as  the 
other  churches  were,  without  any  doubt,  local  property, 
and  could  in  no  way  be  considered  a  national  property — 
without,  however,  giving  their  reasons  why  they  had 
resolved  to  declare  these  churches  national   property. 
As  fundamental  principle  for  the  regulation  was  taken  the 
Publication  of  the  Intermediate  Executive  Government 


212 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  French  Church  at  Haarlem 


213 


of  the  Batavian  Republic  of  the  loth  of  July,  1798, 
which  required,  in  the  first  place,  valuation  of  the 
churches,  with  an  account  of  profits  and  charges  ;  and, 
in  the  second  place,  the  amount  of  the  indemnification 
the  church  that  acquired  the  property  was  to  pay 
to  the  other  churches.  As  by  the  valuation  the  Ba- 
kenesse  Church  was  said  to  be  worth  400  guilders  and 
the  Great  Church  nothing  at  all,  only  this  amount  was 
to  be  divided  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  mem- 
bers of  each  congregation,  the  latter  being:  11,820 
Reformed,  6854  Roman  Catholics,  760  Lutherans,  148 
Walloons,  and  132  Israelites.  The  reasons  the  valuers 
advanced  were  : 

'•that  in  this  case  there  could  be  no  question  to 
take  in  consideration  what  these  churches  mio^ht  be 
said  to  be  worth,  if  such  as  should  acquire  them  might 
deal  with  them  as  they  should  choose,  but  that  now  the 
only  question  to  be  decided  upon  was,  What  is  the 
value  of  each  of  them,  considered  as  buildings  that 
are  for  the  future  merely  and  simply  to  be  used  for 
public  divine  service?" 

The  assembly  had  a  very  favorable  result,  as  appears 
from  a  letter  of  the  municipality,  dated  13th  of  March, 
1799,  to  the  delegated  members  of  the  Walloon  Con- 
sistory, from  which  it  appears  at  the  same  time  how 
uncertain  the  municipalit)'  was  about  the  right  of 
property,  as  they  give  the  information  that  after  the 
revocation  of  their  resolution  of  the  19th  of  December, 
1798.  there  had  also  been  a  voting  about  the  abandon- 
ment of  the  New  and  the  St.  John's  churches  to  the  Re- 
formed, and  the  Beguine  Church  to  the  Walloons,  and 
that,  moved  by  ''generous  sentiments,  the  other  cler- 
ical  congregations   had  given   up   all   claims   on   these 


churches,  leaving,  consequently,  the  Beguine  Church  in 
free  property  to  the  Walloons  for  religious  purposes." 
At  the  same  time  the  municipality  informed  them 
that  they  had  nominated  a  committee  in  order  to 
confer  with  the  delegated  members  of  the  Walloon 
Consistory  about  regulations  to  make  about  the 
building. 

The  result  of  this  meeting  was  that,  without  any  claim 
for  remuneration,  the  local  government  abandoned  all 
her  rights  upon  the  church,  about  which  on  the  19th 
of  March,  i  799,  the  following  instrument  was  drawn  : 

''  For  the  Walloon  Reformed  Church  in  Haarlem  : 

'*  The  Municipality  of  Haarlem,  considering  that  for 
such  clerical  congregations  of  this  town  as,  in  the 
same  way  as  the  Reformed,  in  accordance  with  the 
additional  articles  of  the  Constitution,  produced  a  claim 
for  the  churches  till  now  used  by  the  latter  for  their  Di- 
vine Service,  for  the  benefit  of  said  Reformed  churches 
most  generously  abandoned  all  and  any  claims  both 
for  the  churches  and  for  financial  profits  which  might 
result  from  them,  upon  deliberation  leaving  untouched 
the  reasons  which  induced  the  said  Municipality  to 
consider  only  the  Great,  or  St.  Bavo,  Church  and  the 
Bakenesse  Church  in  the  projected  agreement  about 
clerical  buildings  between  the  different  clerical  congre- 
gations in  this  place,  and  kindly  answer  the  generous 
sentiments  all  the  other  congregations  of  this  town 
manifested  for  the  Reformed  Church,  has  thought  fit 
and  understands  to  stipulate,  as  the  said  Municipality 
most  solemnly  stipulates  by  these  presents,  that  the 
Church  of  the  Beguinage,  in  use  by  the  Walloon 
Reformed  Church  and  considered  to  be  local  property, 
is  by  these  presents  abandoned  by  the  Municipality 
in  full  and  free  property  to  the  latter  merely  and  solely 
for  public  divine  service,  is  devolved  to  the  said  con- 
gregation, and  is  secured  to  the  same.      And  in  order 


214 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


that  the  said  property  may  at  any  and  every  time  be 
proved,  a  copy  of  the  present  resolution  shall  be  given 
to  the  said  Walloon  Reformed  Church. 

"  Done  and  given  in  the  Municipal  Buildings,  this  19th 
day  of  March,  1799,  being  the  5th  year  of  the 
Batavian  Liberty. 

*•  By  order, 
(Signed)     '*  VV.  van  Sypestein." 

By  this  act  the  congregation  had  become  owner  of 
the  building,  but  thf*  financial  difficulties  to  which  the 
introduction  of  the  Constitution  gave  rise  had  not  en- 
tirely disappeared.  These  related  both  to  the  keeping 
of  the  building  in  repair  and  the  payment  of  salaries, 
and  were  a  consequence  of  the  exceptional  condition  in 
which  the  Walloon  Church  had  continually  stood. 

But  here  a  word  is  in  place  respecting  the  condition 
and  history  of  this  congregation  before  i  799. 

The  Walloon  conorreiration,  which  had  been  founded 
in  Haarlem  as  early  as  1586,  had  never  been  con- 
sidered by  government  as  a  separate  church  but  as  a 
branch  of  the  Dutch  Reformed  Church,  and  takino-  this 
into  consideration  the  government  had  appointed  one 
minister  more  who  preached  the  Gospel  in  the  language 
which  the  new  members  understood.  As  for  this  ser- 
vice one  church  more  was  to  be  used,  government 
gave  the  Beguine  Church.  This  church  had  been  the 
property  of  the  municipality  by  an  agreement  with  the 
States  by  which  all  the  property  of  convents  and  re- 
ligious institutions  had  been  given  to  the  town  as  an 
indemnification  for  the  expenses  of  the  siege  (1573). 
That  the  Beguine  Church  was  chosen  and  not  one  of  the 
other  cloister  churches  not  yet  sold,  may  have  been  be- 
cause the  church  had  no  outhouses  and  consequently 
was  not  so  well   fit  to   be  sold   and  transformed  into 


The  French  Church  at  Haarlem 


215 


private  dwellings  as  had  been  the  case  with  the  con- 
vents. So  then  the  Reformed  Church  had  taken  in  use 
the  Bakenesse  Church  and  the  Great  Church,  where 
service  was  held  in  Dutch,  and  the  Beguine  Church, 
where  service  was  held  in  Walloon.  In  a  few  years  they 
acquired  the  St.  John's  and  the  St.  Anna  Church,  after- 
wards the  "  New  Church." 

If  the  project  of  the  municipality  had  been  realized, 
the  Walloon  Church  in  Haarlem  would  never  have  ex- 
isted as  a  separate  congregation,  and  there  would  be 
now  only  one  Reformed  church  more.  The  munici- 
pality nominated  a  minister  who  preached  in  French 
exactly  as  the  other  Dutch  ministers  had  been  nomi- 
nated. He  was  bound,  together  with  an  elder,  to  be 
present  at  the  consistorial  assembly,  that  was  held  on 
the  first  Sunday  every  month  in  the  Dutch  church 
after  the  twelve  o'clock  service,  and  was  attended  by  all 
the  clergymen,  in  order  to  discuss  matters  of  common 
interest. 

At  the  choice  of  members  for  the  Consistory  no  differ- 
ence was  made  between  persons  known  as  members 
either  of  the  Dutch  or  of  the  Walloon  Church.  How- 
ever, as  a  knowledge  of  French  was  necessary  to  service 
in  the  Consistory,  there  was  something  like  a  competi- 
tion between  the  Dutch  and  the  Walloon  churches  to 
have  some  persons  chosen  for  the  Consistory,  and  as 
these  generally  preferred  the  Walloon  church,  this 
caused  the  Dutch  congregation  to  complain  about  1655. 
On  the  third  of  March,  1693,  the  Burgomasters  ordered 
that  from  that  date  any  choice  for  elders  and  deacons 
should  first  be  submitted  to  themselves  for  approbation. 
It  was  strictly  forbidden  to  draw  up  the  list  until  the 
day  after  the  list  of  the  Dutch  congregation  had  been 
drawn  up.    As,  of  course,  the  persons  had  to  be  sounded, 


2l6 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


the  stipulation  had  no  result  at  all.  In  1797  the  two 
congregations  agreed  that  they  should  alternately  choose 
their  Consistory  in  such  a  way  that  one  year  the  Dutch 
congregation  should  first  make  a  choice  and  the  follow- 
ing year  the  Walloon.  Then  there  were  no  Walloon 
churchwardens,  and  the  whole  administration  and 
reparation  of  the  church  was  entirely  in  the  hands  of 
the  churchwardens  of  the  Dutch  Reformed  Church,  who 
had  also  to  supervise  the  burials  both  in  the  churchyard 
and  in  the  church  and  had  the  profits  of  it. 

The  Walloon  Churcli  of  Haarlem  now  is  most  flour- 
ishing, has  about  three  hundred  members,  of  which 
sixty  are  qualified  to  vote. 

The  Consistory  is  composed  as  follows  : 

Church  icardens. 

H.   VAN    WiCKEVOORT    CrOMMELIN, 
F.   H.    DOFFEGNIES, 

H.  T.  CiiAPPuis  (E.  5)  (R.A.  5). 


Ch.  Ensched^,  LL.D. 


Receiver. 


Parson. 


Dr.  p.  J.  Muller  (1896). 

Elders, 

F.  H.  H.  Doffegnies, 

Dr.  J.  B.  Wynhoff, 

H.  T.  Chappuis  (E.  5)  (R.A.  5), 

Ch.  Enschede,  LL.D., 

B.  F.  Westerouen  van  Meeteren. 

Decuons. 

Jhr.  p.  Quarles  van  Ufford,  President. 

E.  A.  A.  S.  VAN  Straalen,  LL.D.,  Secretary  and  Treasurer. 

J.  W.  Enschedf% 

R.  W.  Th.  D.  de  F'avauge. 


A^  <-'.  C.  S.  Vciidcr,  n.D„  LL.D. 

Pastar,  Fremh  iin}^enot  Church,  lesimi,  S,  C.     Delegate  from 

1/ttguenot  Society  of  South  Carolina. 


) 


THE  HUGUENOT  SOCIETY  OF  SOUTH 

CAROLINA 

Bv  THE  Rev.  CHARLES  S.  VEDDER,  D.D.,  LL.D., 

Pastor  of  the  Huguenot  Church  of  Charleston,  S.  C 

THE  French  proverb  declares  that ''  he  who  excuses, 
accuses  himself."  This  maxim  probably  owes  its 
origin  to  the  ingenious  play  upon  words,  rather  than  to 
its  obvious  truth.  And  yet  it  has  something  of  practi- 
cal application  to  the  present  circumstances.  The 
Huguenot  Society  of  South  Carolina  accuses  itself 
because  it  has  now  to  make  excuse.  It  should  have 
had  a  relay  of  speakers,  with  appropriate  papers,  so  that 
the  sickness  or  inability  to  be  present  of  any  one  could 
have  been  supplied  by  another.  So  anxious  was  the 
South  Carolina  Society  to  have  part  in  this  memorable 
celebration  that  it  deplores  the  oversight  which  did  not 
provide  an  alternate. 

The  present  speaker  hopes,  moreover,  that  his  Society 
accuses  itself  for  calling  upon  him  at  the  last  hour 
to  speak  for  it,  before  he  had  time  to  think  of  any- 
thing worth  the  saying — anything,  at  least,  which  he 
had  not  said  elsewhere.  And  this  all  the  more  because 
the  theme  assigned  to  the  South  Carolina  Society  was  a 
signal  compliment.  It  was  asked  to  prepare  a  paper  on 
"  The  Rise  of  the  Huguenots."  Now  it  was  remem- 
bered   that   a   learned   gentleman    of   whom   they   had 

'  The  appointed  delegate  being  absent,  Dr.  Vedder  responded  for  the  Huguenot 
Society  of  South  Carolina. 

217 


2l8 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


heard,  and  who  is  not  unknown  to  or  unpresent  at  this 
assembly, — Dr.  Henry  M.  Baird, — had  written  two  in- 
valuable volumes  upon  this  subject,  and  it  was  a  charm- 
ing courtesy  to  sug^^est  that  South  Carolina  could  say 
anything  upon  it  which  he  had  left  unsaid.  But  it  was 
found  that  no  Boaz  had  given  orders  to  this  reaper 
to  leave  ungathered  some  sheaves  for  our  timid  Ruth  to 
glean,  for  Dr.  Baird  had  been  ruthless  in  his  research. 
The  only  rise  in  the  South  Carolina  Huguenots  was 
when  they  formed  their  Society  in  glad  conjunction 
with  this.  Although  a  different  theme  was  afterwards 
substituted,  the  gentleman  who  was  appointed  to  treat 
it,  and  who  willingly  accepted  the  honorable  task,  was 
prevented  by  sickness  from  fulfilling  it,  and  from  being 
present. 

But  I  have  just  received  from  our  Society,  assembled 
like  your  own  on  this  anniversary,  a  telegram  of  greet- 
ing and  congratulation,  signed  by  Mr.  Daniel  Ravenel, 
the  Secretary,  to  the  Huguenot  Society  of  America,  in 
which  the  sentiment  is  uttered  that  the  memories  which 
cluster  around  the  name  they  bear  should  make  Hugue- 
nots one,  under  whatever  skies  they  live. 

I  am  commissioned,  moreover,  to  present  to  the 
Huguenot  Society  of  America  a  beautifully  bound  vol- 
ume of  all  the  publications  of  the  South  Carolina 
Society,  including  the  last,  which  was  presented  to  the 
Charleston  Society  yesterday — an  advance  copy  from 
the  printer  having  been  secured  in  order  to  include  it 
in  this  volume.  It  gives  me  great  pleasure  to  be  the 
medium  by  which  this  tribute  of  respect  and  regard  is 
conveyed  to  the  parent  organization. 

And,  in  order  that  we  may  not  be  wholly  unrepre- 
sented by  historic  papers  relating  to  South  Carolina 
Huguenots.  I  beg  to  present  the  following,  which  has 


The  Huguenot  Society  of  South  Carolina    219 

just  been  prepared  by  a  scholarly  friend,  Prof.  F. 
Muench,  of  the  city  of  Charleston,  who,  although  not  a 
Huguenot,  has  distinguished  himself  by  untiring  and 
enthusiastic  research  into  the  French  Protestant  annals 
of  our  State. 
\  [Editorial  Note. — The  Rev.  Dr.  Vedder  then  pre- 

^  scnted  a  copy  of  The  Sunday  Nei^^s  of  Charleston,  S.  C, 

for  April    10,    1898,  containing  Prof.   Muench's  paper, 

'^  "  The  Homes  of  the  Hucruenots."      From  it  the  follow- 

ing  list  of  names  of  Huguenots  who,  between  1567 
and  I  764,  came  to  South  Carolina,  arranged  under  the 
|)rovinces  of  France  from  which  they  emigrated,  has 
been  compiled.] 

Beginning  at  Languedoc  and  going  east,  ending  at 
Guienne,  which  joins  Languedoc  on  the  west,  the  prov- 
inces are  given  in  order  : 

LANGUEDOC. 

Montptilier.     **Monsieur  Brie" ;  Rousserie,  Francois  ue;  Gail- 
lard,  Joachim  (the  latter  with  his  wife  and  two  sons),  in  1687. 

Aismes.     Aunant,  Jean,  with  his  wife. 

Sf.  Ambroix.     Du  Bosc,  Jacques. 

St.  Atidr/.     GuiBAL,  Jean.' 

I'\ui uteres.     Carion,  Moise. 

Maxamct.     Cordes,  Antoine. 

These,  escaping  from  P'rance,  went   to   England,  thence  to 
South  Carolina. 

DAUPHINE. 

Grcfioble.  Bourdeaux,  Jacques  de  ;  Pepin,  Paul;  Rembert,  Andr^. 
year  Grenoble.     Andrivet,  Jean  ;  La  Motte,  Jean  Henri  (who 
died  in  New  York,  aged  89). 

LYONNAIS. 
Lyon.     L'Egari^,   Francois,  with  wife  and  four  sons,  escaped  to 
England,  thence  to  America.     While  the  rest  of  the  family 
went  to  Boston  and  Rhode  Island,  the  second  son,  Solomon 
L'Egare,  went  to  South  Carolina. 

'  See  Le  Cert,  under  "  Bretagne." 


220 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


La  Voulte.    Giton,  Judith  ;  first  m.  Roykr,  Noe  ;  then  Manigault, 
Gabriel  (also  from  England). 

LORRAlxVE. 

Saussure,  Henri  de,  to  Beaufort,  S.  C,  in  1730  ;  descend- 
ant of  Ant(3Ine  de  Saussure,  who  fled  with  his  family  to 
Lausanne  and  Geneva  in  1551. 

CHAMPAGNE. 

Sedan.     Trouillard,  Laurent  Philippe,  Rev.,  went  with  his  father 
to  Calais,  thence  to  England  ;  to  Charleston,  S.  C,  in  1686. 

ORLEANxXAIS. 

Orsemotit.     Poitenin,  Antoine. 

Chdteaudun.     Dutatre,  Pierre. 

Anthon-en-Perche.     Trezevant,  Daniel. 

Meaux.     Bochet,  Nicolas  ;  Sere,  No^  ;  Dugue,  Pierre. 

BERRY. 

Si.  Severe.     Richbourg,    Isaac    Porcher    de,    Rev.,    with    wife; 
Cherigny,   Claude. 

Richbourg,  Claude  Philippe  de,  Rev.,  arrived  1699,  Man- 
akin  Town,  Va.,  reached  S.  C.  1712,  bringing  with  him  most 
of  his  congregation. 

CITY  OF  PARIS. 

BoNHOSTE,  Jonas;  Picard,  Louis  (who  afterward  returned 
to  France)  ;   Hokrv,  Elie,  arrived  in  1690. 

PICARDIE. 

Leschelle.     Batton,  John  Isaac,  with  his  son  Jacques,  in  1672. 
D'Anseme.     Dr  iarque,  Luli^;  Bremar,  Solomon  ;  and  a  few  years 

later    Batin    (Batton?),     Richard;     Deyos,    Richard; 

Jours,  Jacques.     (John  Batton's  first  wife,  Lorme,  Marie 

DE  ;  his  second,   Fosteen,   Mary.) 
St.  Quentin.     Serrurier,   Jacques  le,   whose   daughter  or  sister 

married  Gignilliat,  J  fan  Francois. 
Abbeville.     Howe,  Dr.  John  de  la,  came  in  1764. 

ARTOIS. 
Concourt.     Gourdin,  Louis,  came  in  16S5. 


The  Huguenot  Society  of  South  Carolina    221 

normandie. 

Caen.     Le  Grand,  Isaac,  Lord  of  Anverille,  with  entire  family. 
Rouen.     Le    Bas,    Jacques,    with    entire    family,    fled    in     1685  ; 

Bataille,  Isaac,  and  Le  Gendre,  Daniel,  by  way  of  Nar- 

ragansett. 
Dieppe.     Longemare,  Nicolas  de,  with  his  wife,  Bonneau,  Marie  ; 

Le    Nud,    Nicolas  ;    Brugnet,    Marie  ;    Sover,    Marie  ; 

DuBOSC,  Isaac  ;  Potell,  Jean. 
I.'Aigie.     Gallepin,  Jacques. 

llarfleur.     Le  Sueur,  Abraham  —  ;  Poinset,  Catherine. 
Montirilliers.     Le  Moine,  Jacques  ;  Carri^re,  Jean. 


BRETAGNE. 

Viiry.  Ravenel,  Rene  ;  Bordieu,  Samuel  ;  St.  Julien,  Pierre 
DE  (Sieur  de  Malacar),  with  their  three  families  (see 
Vaurigaud,  iii.,  67,  68). 

X antes.    Lebert,  Jean  ;  Marbceuf,  Joseph. 

Rennes.     Le  Cert,  Jean  (daughter  of),  who  married  Jean  Guibal. 

POITOU. 

Ciiatellemud.     Fromaget,  Charles. 
Sossais.     Benoit,  Jacques. 
Poitiers.     Gerard,  Pierre. 
Chevreux.     Gaillard,  Pierre  ;  Juin,  George. 
Germon.     Norma nd,  Philippe. 
.SV.  Maixcnt.     Senechaud,  Daniel. 
Seporo.     GuERRi,  Pierre. 
Chainee.     Mounart,  Francois. 
La  Forge  Nossay.     Memin,  Auguste. 
St.  Soline.     Caillebceuf,  Isaac. 
La  Villedieu.     Michaud,  Pierre  and  Abraham. 
Lusignan.     Bourreau,  Antoine  ;  Prean,  Jean. 
La  Chaume.     Ribouteau,  Gabriel  ;  Girardeau,  Jean  ;  Marion, 
Benjamin. 

LA  BELLE  TOURAINE. 

Fleury  de  la  Plaine  :  Royer,  Noe  ;  Carron,  Sir  Claude  ; 
Gendron,  Philippe  ;  Pasqueraud,  Louis  and  Pierre  ; 
Bacot,  Pierre,  with  his  wife,  Mercier,  Jacquine  ;  all  came 
1694. 


222 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Huguenot  Society  of  South  Carolina 


223 


AUNIS. 

Sf.  Sauveur.     Laurent,  Andrk  (afterwards  Laurens),  with  his  bride. 

Perigny.     Lucas,  Marie. 

La  Chahossilre.  Bruneau  de  Revedoux  ;  Arman,  Paul,  and  Henri  ; 

RuPELL,  George  ;  Berchaud,  Jeanne,  wife  of  Boyd,  Jean; 

BoNNEAU,    Antoine;   Buretel,    Pierre;    Mouze,   C^sar; 

Perroneau,  Henri  ;  Videau,  Pierre  (all  came  in  1686). 
La  Rocht'lle.      Chastaigniers,    Henri   and   Alexandre  :    Mani- 

GAULT,  Pierre  and  Gabriel;  Cothonneau,  Jeremie,  with 

his  wife  and  child  ;  Gendron,  Jean  and  Philippe. 

ISLE-DE-RHK. 

JouET,  Daniel,  with  wife  and  children,  through  England; 
Bertonneau,  Jacques,  and  wife;  Barhot,  Jacques  and 
Jean  (1685);  Le  Brun,  Moise  (1694);  Garnier,  Daniel, 
with  wife,  six  children,  and  sister  (1685)  ;  Arnaud,  France, 
wife,  and  two  children  (1685)  ;  Huger,  Daniel,  wife,  and  two 
children  (1682);  Tauvron,  Etienne,  with  two  children; 
CoTTiN,  Pierre,  and  Mounier,  Pierre,  and  wife  (1696);' 
Jaudon,  Daniel,  and  his  mother,  Bertonneau,  Sara  (1696) ; 
Mazicq,  Isaac,  fled  in  1695  to  Amsterdam,  thence  to 
London  in  the  same  year,  sailed  in  1696  to  Charleston  ; 
Le  Serrurier,  Marianne,  came  in  the  same  ship,  and 
afterwards  married  Isaac  Mazicq. 
Isle  d'OUron.     Briscon,  Samuel,  and  Hkraud,  J  i.ax,  came  in  1681. 

SAINTONGE. 

Port  des  Barques.  Faucheraud,  Charles,  with  his  wife,  Vignaud, 
Anna,  and  children. 

St.  Nazaire.     Guerin,  Mathurin,  with  his  son. 

Soubise.     Poinsett,  Pierre,  Sr.  and  Jr.,  with  their  wives. 

Marennes.     Tadourneau,  Elie  ;  Boisseau,  Jean  ;  Dem^on,  Pierre. 

La  Tremblade.  Melet,  Mme.  (who  later  married  Pierre  Gail- 
lard)  ;  Roux,  Jacob  ;  Fougeraut,  Marie  (a  widow)  ; 
CoriLLANDEAU,  PiERRE,  and  his  daughter  Susanne  (the 
wife  of  Isaac  Dubosc). 

Chatelas.     Fontaine  and  Maury  (families  of). 

St.  Jean  d\4n^e/y.  Durouzeaux,  Daniel  ;  Bisset,  Elie  ;  Thomas, 
Jean  (families  of). 

Chalais.     Nicholas,  Jacques  (surnamed  Petit  Bois). 


^  Pons.     Prioleau,  Elias,  and  two  deacons  of  his  church  ;  Colineau, 

Mathieu  (Judge)  ;  Sarasin,  Jean-Lord,  of  Frignac.    These 

^  escaped  to  England,  thence  to  Charleston.     Prioleau   was 

naturalized  in  England,  April  15,  1687  ;  coming  to  Charles- 
ton, founded,  perhaps  with  the  Rev.  Trouillard,  the  French 
Church. 

GUIENNE. 

Bordeaux.  CoLiGNY  DE  Gorgue's  expeditions  started  for  South 
Carolina  in  1567  ;  Pastor  Gibert's  congregation  from  the 
Desert  came  to  South  Carolina  in  1764. 

Boyd,  Jean,  died  1696,  leaving  widow,  nee  Berchaud,  and 
six  children. 
Lasalle,  Pierre  ;  Pecotal,  Jean  (families  of). 

Toulouse.  Guillebeau,  Pierre,  and  his  wife  ;  Bouchillon, 
Joseph  Leonard  ;  Covin,  Lazarus  ;  Guillebeau,  Andre  ; 
Le  Roy,  Moragne,  and  Belotte  families. 

Eymet  in  Dordogne.  Thomas,  Stephen,  born  August  19,  1750, 
died  June  17,  1839,  in  Charleston,  '*  the  last  of  the  Hugue- 
nots," went  with  maiden  sister  to  London,  joined  Pastor 
Gibert's  congregation,  came  with  them  to  Charleston. 


THE    HUGUENOTS    IN    VIRGINIA 

Compiled  by  RICHARD    L.    MAURY, 

of  Virginia. 

Fifth  in  descent  from  Abraham  Maury  and  Marie  Fourquerean  of  Castel  Moron, 
1640,  and  eighth  from  Jean  de  la  Fontaine,  martyred  at  La  Mans,  1561. 

IT  is  esteemed  an  honourable  distinction  to  have  been 
chosen  by  the  Hug;uenot  Society  of  America  to 
narrate  the  many  trials,  great  sufferings,  and  ultimate 
greater  successes  of  our  Huguenot  forefathers  who 
came  to  Virginia.  To  record  the  achievements  of 
ancestry  so  eminent  and  so  illustrious  for  those  qualities 
which  entitle  men  to  veneration  and  respect,  and  women 
to  love  and  admiration  as  well,  is  pleasant  to  a  Vir- 
ginian whose  proud  heritage  it  is  that  so  much  of  their 
blood  flows  in  his  veins.  It  were  easy  perhaps  to  have 
selected  one  more  capable  for  the  task  allotted — but 
there  is  no  one  who  values  more  highly  his  Huguenot 
descent  ;  who  venerates  more  profoundly  the  virtues  of 
these  saints  and  martyrs,  or  is  more  deeply  moved  by 
the  story  of  their  wrongs,  afflictions,  and  endurance. 
He  were  cold  indeed  of  heart,  who  did  not  burn,  re- 
membering their  persecutions,  at  the  sight  of  the  lovely 
land  they  left,  doubly  endeared  in  that  they  had  fought 
so  long  and  valiantly  for  its  protection,  and  died  to  save 
it  from  ruin  ;  where  prominence  and  wealth  in  many  in- 
stances, and  estimation  and  confidence  in  all,  had  ever 
been  theirs  of  right,  and  was  freely  accorded  even  by 
their  enemies — all  tearfully  surrendered  for  conscience, 

224 


Col.  Richard  L.  Maury. 

Vice-President  from  Virgin  ia . 


r 


!:  I     1 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


225 


sake  alone  and  exchanged  for  the  poverty,  hardship,  and 
labor  of  a  life  in  a  hut  in  the  frontier  wilds  of  Virginia. 
It  is  greatly  to  be  deplored  that  the  materials  for  a 
full  account  of  their  coming  to  Virginia,  and  of  their 
early  life  and   troubles  there,   are   now  so  scanty  and 
difficult   of  access.      For    them,    history  again    repeats 
itself,  for  as,  during  the  religious  wars  and  persecution 
in  France,  constant  effort  was  made,  and  applauded,  to 
destroy  all  memorial  and  record  of  Huguenots,  even  to 
the  obliteration  of  their  burial-places,  the  destruction  of 
their  temples  and  of  all  public  and  private  records  con- 
cerning them  and  their  church,  so  in  Virginia  heis  wicked 
devastation  in  time  of  war  deprived  us  of  a  vast  deal  of 
information  concerning  their  early  life  here,  which  can 
never  be  recovered.     Virginia  has  been  again  and  again 
a  battle-ground,   and    her  invaders  have  in   many  sec- 
tions, and  chiefly  in  those  most  accessible  parts  where  the 
Huguenots  first   settled,    eagerly   destroyed  or  carried 
away  her   archives,  her   vestry   books,  her  court-house 
records,— with    their    long    accumulation    of  wills    and 
deeds,  and  ancient  suits  and  legal  proceedings, — and  in 
general  all  public  and  private  records  and  family  papers 
of  which  they  got  possession.      In   many  of  the  older 
counties  there  is  scarcely  a  single  original  old  public 
document  left.      The  records  of  the  Virginia  Company 
and  of  his  Majesty's  Council  in  Virginia   can    only  be 
consulted  in   London  ;    family  letters,  journals,  manu- 
scripts, and  other  private  papers  of  inestimable  historic 
value,  have  been  used  to  kindle  campfires  or  stolen  and 
appropriated.      The   ravages  of    Benedict    Arnold   and 
General    Tarleton   in    the    Revolution,   of  the  English 
in  the  War  of  181  2,  of  the  Federal  army  more  recently, 
and  the  great  fire  in  Richmond  in  1865,  which  consumed 
all  of  the  archives  of  our  General  Court  and  Colonial 


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The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


227 


Government,  have  left  Virginia  sadly  destitute  of  what 
is  so  zealously  preserved  in  other  countries. 

The  priceless  original  manuscript  diary  of  the  Rev. 
James  Fontaine,  the  most  charming  and  instructive  of 
all  the  Huguenot  family  papers, — and  which  has  been 
deemed  worthy  of  publication  in  edition  upon  edition 
as  well  in  the  United  States  as  in  Eni^^land  and  France 
also, — was  in  1864  stolen  when  the  residence  of  its 
owner,  Mr.  James  Fontaine  of  Rock  Castle,  in  Hano- 
ver County,  was  plundered,  and  when  returned,  thanks 
to  the  care  of  a  Federal  officer,  was  found  to  have  been 
mutilated,  torn,  and  partly  burned,  and  had  been  thrust 
through  with  a  bayonet  from  cover  to  cover. 

Nevertheless  the  field  is  far  from  barren  ;  of  our 
former  abundance  rich  gleanings,  though  widely  scat- 
tered, may  yet  be  had.  Many  hitherto  unpublished 
papers,  both  in  America  and  in  Europe,  are  being  brought 
to  light  anew  and  perpetuated  in  print.  The  tireless 
labors  of  the  brothers  Baird  in  New  York,  sadly  inter- 
rupted by  the  death  of  one,  ere  his  labors  in  the  Vir- 
ginia field,  so  eagerly  expected,  had  been  completed; 
the  publications  of  the  Huguenot  Historical  Societies 
in  New  York,  London,  and  Paris ;  the  many  delightful 
and  charming  books  of  the  Religious  Publication  So- 
ciety of  Toulouse,  and  others ;  the  collections  and 
publications  of  the  Departmental  Archives  in  France, 
and  of  the  Virginia  Historical  Society,  as  well  as 
the  numerous  local  church  histories  and  addresses  bv 
the  Huguenot  pastors  throughout  France,  afford  to  the 
Vircrinia  Hui^uenot  sources  of  information  of  his  fore- 
fathers  never  accessible  before,  and  testify  in  trumpet 
tones  to  the  interest  now  awakened  in  all  that  concerns 
these  noble  exiles  who  for  so  lonor  had  been  considered, 
at  home,  worthy  only  of  death  and  damnation. 


But  the  rich  mines  to  be  found  in  what  remain  of  the 
Virginia  County  Court  and  the  Vestry  Records,  and 
of  the  Land  Office  in  Richmond,  yet  remain  unexplored 
and  will  yield  abundant  return  to  patient  investigators. 
Be  it  mine  now  to  gather  from  whatever  source  avail- 
able for  this  occasion  as  much  as  may  be  of  informa- 
tion of  the  Virginia  Huguenots. 

Who,  then,  were  these  immigrants  to  the  Old  Do- 
minion ?  and  whence  came  these  Protestant  exiles 
whose  desperate  struggles  for  centuries  for  freedom 
of  thought,  self-government  in  part,  and  liberty  of 
conscience  so  long  seemed  to  have  been  useless  and  in 
vain,  and  yet,  after  so  many  years  of  apparent  oblivion, 
were  largely  instrumental  in  so  impressing  and  moulding 
the  already  independent  Virginia  convictions,  thought, 
and  character,  as  that  the  very  principles  for  which 
they  had  fought  in  France  were  made  the  foundation 
of  Virginia's  popular  tolerant  representative  form  of 
government,  and  through  her  and  their  influence  were 
likewise  embodied  and  perpetuated  in  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States,  and,  more  wonderful  still,  in 
the  Government  of  France  itself — their  own  France, 
who  years  before  had  banished  them  from  her  shores 
as  unworthy  and  traitors,  corrupters  of  public  morals, 
and  fit  only  for  the  halter,  because  they  promulgated 
and  maintained  these  same  principles  there  ? 

With  rare  exceptions  they  were  the  most  upright, 
intelligent,  and  highly  trusted  of  every  social  class 
in  France,  and  in  every  respect  the  flower  of  that 
favored  land,  and  most  of  those  who  came  to  Virginia 
were  from  its  western  provinces  which  border  upon  the 
Atlantic,  nearest  to  and  upon  the  same  latitude. 

Refugees  from  the  interior  eastern  departments, 
more    familiar,    through    travel    and    trade,    with    the 


1 


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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


229 


countries  across  their  nearer  borders,  naturally  sought 
new  homes  in  hospitable,  tolerant  Holland,  Prussia, 
and  the  Palatinate.  For  like  reasons  those  from  the 
south  took  refuge  in  Geneva  and  other  Swiss  towns. 
But  in  the  west,  the  chief  maritime  districts  of  France, 
tradition,  commerce,  and  the  business  interests  which 
were  chiefly  followed  had  for  centuries  made  the  inhab- 
itants more  familiar  with  the  attractions  of  Virginia, — 
as  the  whole  of  America  north  of  Florida  was  called 
for  nearly  two  hundred  years  after  its  discovery. 

From  the  Garonne  and  La  Rochelle  to  Brest  and 
St.  Malo  the  people,  both  high  and  low,  were  sailors, 
merchants,  and  adventurers  upon  the  sea.  La  Ro- 
chelle had  ever  been  France's  principal  seaport,  the 
home  of  her  richest  merchants  and  traders,  whose  ships 
sailed  to  and  fro  from  every  known  part  of  the  world. 
Her  inner  harbor,  guarded  then,  as  now,  by  the  grim 
towers.  La  Chaine  and  St.  Nicholas,  could  be  effec- 
tively closed  against  the  small  ships  of  the  day  by 
a  heavy  chain  of  iron  stretched  between  the  two,  and 
was  thus  a  favorite  snug  harbor  for  voyagers  from 
all  parts  of  the  world  from  the  pirates  and  sea-rovers 
with  which  that  coast  oft  abounded.  Thus  La  Ro- 
chelle had  frequent  news  from  every  foreign  land. 
Nantes  and  Brest,  St.  Ahilo,  Dieppe,  and  Rouen  also 
were  largely  engaged  in  foreign  commerce — were  nur- 
series for  sailors,  the  homes  of  the  wealthy  trading 
companies  of  the  period — and  their  ships,  too,  traversed 
the  seas  in  all  directions  and  brought  frequent  tidings 
from  every  port,  and  as  early  as  1472  Vitre  in  Brittany 
too,  had  its  famous  and  powerful  Confrch^ic  dcs  Mar- 
cluxnds  d' outre  Mcr  organized  by  Robert  Ravenel  and 
others,  whose  vessels  sailed  the  Atlantic  from  that  day 
for  nearly  three  hundred  years. 


Long  ere  Columbus  crossed  the  Atlantic  these  west- 
ern French  towns  had  been  sending  their  yearly  fishing 
fleets  to  the  BcUiks  of  Newfoundland.  Indeed  it  was 
claimed  that  Cousin  of  Dieppe  had  in  fact  preceded 
him,  having  been  blown  out  of  his  course  upon  the 
American  coast  as  early  as  1488,  and  that  one  of  his 
sailors,  Pinzon,  told  Columbus  of  the  discovery  thus 
involuntarily  made.  Whether  this  be  true  or  not,  cer- 
tain it  is  that  the  sailors  of  Western  France  were  the 
mariners  of  the  day,  and  doubtless  were  of  the  crew  of 
every  early  ship  that  sailed  the  seas. 

So  the  familiar  sea  had  no  terrors  for  them,  and  when 
later  the  returning  shipmates  of  the  earlier  navigators 
told  their  glowing  tales  of  the  wondrous  West  they 
found  willing  listeners,  anxious  to  adventure  their  ships 
still  farther  than  the  fishing-grounds,  and  to  explore  for 
themselves  the  riches  of  this  newly  discovered  world. 
Still  later,  the  colonists  of  Coligny  to  Brazil  and  to 
Florida  had  been  largely  recruited  from  these  parts, 
had  sailed  from  their  ports  in  ships  commanded  and 
manned  by  their  sailors,  and  the  accounts  they  gave  on 
returning  of  the  unbounded  attractions  of  the  countries 
they  had  seen,  being  confirmed  by  each  successive  voy- 
ager, were  repeated  from  counting-house  to  castle  and 
heard  in  every  field  and  at  every  fireside  from  Bayonne 
to  Brest,  with  increasing  interest,  long  before  those  of 
the  interior  had  been  aroused  to  their  siornificance. 
The  unfortunate  attempt  to  establish  a  colony  in  Brazil 
under  the  auspices  and  with  the  support  of  Coligny  and 
Calvin,  led  by  the  Protestants  Villegagnon  and  Du 
Pont,  had  sailed  from  Havre  to  prepare  a  Huguenot 
refuge  from  anticipated  storms  of  persecution,  and  a 
thousand  more  were  just  starting  to  join  it,  when  the 
news  of  its  utter  failure  was  brought  back  by  the  few 


I'll 


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!t«|il 


^ 


230 


Hui^uenot  Society  of  America 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


231 


survivors.  But  this  only  served  to  increase  the  interest 
already  felt  throughout  these  provinces  in  the  advan- 
tages offered  by  the  opposite  Atlantic  seaboard.  Later, 
the  unsuccessful  expedition  to  Florida,  wholly  of  Hugue- 
nots, the  tragic  endin;^^  of  both  its  expeditions,  together 
with  the  story  of  the  revenge  upon  the  Spaniard  so 
swiftly  taken  by  De  Gourges  of  Dieppe,  awakened  fur- 
ther inquiry  of  these  regions  and  spread  their  stories 
broadcast  all  over  Western  France. 

So  there  had  been  in  these  maritime  provinces  know- 
led<re  of,  and  affiHation  with,  and  attractions  towards, 
Virginia,  unknown  in  any  other  part  of  the  kingdom. 
Adventures  of  their  own  to  the  West  became  more  fre- 
quent—  their  navy,  't  w^as  said,  was  better  than  the 
King's — and,  as  year  by  year  passed  by,  these  Hugue- 
nots became  more  and  more  familiar  with  the  lands 
across  the  sea,  for  De  Monts  of  Pons  in  Saintonge  had 
founded  a  F>ench  colony  in  Acadia,  coterminous  to  the 
Virginia  of  that  day,  with  which  there  was  a  great  trade 
in  fish  and  fur,  and  frequent  passage  of  ships  and  set- 
tlers, and  the  Ravenels  of  Vitrc  during  three  centu- 
ries were  great  ''  Marchands  cToittrc  Mer'  from  the  St. 
Lawrence  to  the  St.  Jolin's. 

Therefore  when  persecution  prevailed,  and  there  was 
need  to  seek  new  homes  for  peace  and  security,  what 
more  natural  than  that  sad  hearts  should  turn  to 
that  happier  country,  with  whose  charms  they  were 
more  familiar  than  those  of  any  other  foreign  parts, 
with  which  there  had  been  trade  and  business  for  gen- 
erations, whose  climate  and  productions  were  most  alike 
to  their  own,  and  from  whose  inviting  shores  longing 
eves  mii:ht  turn  to  France  again,  with  naught  but  the 
same  familiar  sea  between  washing  their  own  beloved 
coasts  as  well.     They  all  first  sought  refuge  in  near-by 


En^^land, — and  Virginia  was  its  favorite  colony, — and 
thence  to  Chesapeake  Bay  free  transportation  and  other 
aid  was  offered  to  all,  and  ample  lands  upon  arrival, 
too.  Of  the  many  Huguenots  who  came  to  Virginia 
we  know  the  birthplace  of  but  few,  but  of  those  few 
almost  all  were  from  these  Atlantic  provinces.  De  la 
Muce  was  from  Nantes  ;  Maury  and  Latane  and  Four- 
querean  and  Cairon,  from  Gascony ;  Fontaine  and 
Mauzy  and  Barraud,  from  Aunis  and  Saintonge ; 
Lanier,  from  Bordeaux  ;  Micou  and  Panetier,  from 
Brittany  ;  while  only  Dupuy  and  Durand  were  from 
Champagne,  Rochette  and  Michaux  from  Sedan,  and 
Trabue  from  Montauban. 

In  no   uart   of   France  had   Protestantism  taken   an 

i. 

earlier  or  deeper  root  than  here.  Here  was  its  first 
and  its  last  stronghold,  for,  till  La  Rochelle  fell,  hope 
still  lived.  It  had  continued  to  grow  and  spread 
among  all  classes,  both  high  and  low,  in  spite  of 
the  Valois  oppression  and  the  Civil  Wars,  until  in  the 
peaceful  times  which  followed  the  Edict  of  Nantes  all, 
or  nearly  all,  of  the  w^orthy  people  were  of  The  Religion. 
Mass  had  not  been  said  in  La  Rochelle  for  forty  years 
when  the  renewed  persecutions  which  preceded  the 
Revocation  commenced,  and  when  the  hegira  which 
followed  it  ended,  thoucrh  manv  of  the  weaker  had 
recanted  and  remained,  and  many  of  the  stronger  who 
could  not  leave  still  braved  persecution  and  kept  their 
faith  in  secret,  more  than  half  the  population  had 
disappeared,  and  parts  of  Saintonge  and  Aunis  were 
almost  entirely  deserted.  Calvin  himself  had  been 
one  of  the  first  to  preach  his  doctrines  here  ;  and  the 
faithful,  indomitable  Palissy,  one  of  his  earliest  and 
most  steadfast  converts,  had  organized  a  congregation 
in    Saintonge,    to    which    he,    and   five    others    of    like 


i 


ii 


A 


<  Is 


232 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


^33 


conviction,  read  and  preached  and  taught  on  Sundays 

in  turn. 

As  in  the  early  Christian  times,  most  of  the  first 
and  most  earnest  followers  were  the  humble  and  the 
lowly, — the  peasants  and  the  sailors,  the  fisherfolk  and 
salt-makers  of  the  Garonne  and  the  Loire, — but  the 
hearts  of  the  rich  and  powerful  were  soon  touched 
as  well,  until  prince  and  noble,  merchant  and  farmer, 
landed  eentry  as  well  as  scientists  and  the  learned 
of  all  professions,  and  the  women  and  the  children  and 
the  old  and  the  young,  had  united  their  lives  and  for- 
tunes with  the  efforts  made  for  religious  reform,  and 
had  become  Protestants  — Huguenots. 

Notwithstanding  the  untiring  efforts  made  by  the 
kinijfs  and  the  Roman  Catholics  to  eradicate  this  so- 
called  heresy,  and  the  direful  persecutions  and  dangers 
to  which  its  supporters  were  subjected,  their  numbers 
and  their  power  and  intluence  continued  uninterrupt- 
edly to  increase.  Massacres,  tortures,  and  public  burn- 
ings no  longer  intimidated,  but,  on  the  contrary, 
excited  admiration  and  envy  for  the  faith  of  those 
martyrs,  thus  able  to  triumph  o'er  the  terror  of  the 
rack  and  the  stake.  A  king  became  their  leader,  the 
noblest  and  best  of  the  barons  were  their  supporters, 
together  with  their  followers,  the  landed  gentry,  small 
and  great,  and  sturdy  yeomen  and  peasantry  without 
number. 

In  1 56 1,  the  Cardinal  de  Sainte-Croix  wrote  to  the 
Pope  :  "  The  kingdom  is  already  half  Huguenot"  ;  and 
Catharine  de'  Medici  writes  him  about  the  same  time  : 

**  The  number  of  those  who  have  separated  them- 
selves from  the  Roman  Church  is  so  great  that  it 
can  no  longer  be  restrained  by  severity  of  law  or 
force   of    arms.     They   have    become    so    powerful    by 


reason  of  the  nobles  and  magistrates  who  have 
joined  the  party  ;  they  are  so  firmly  united  and  daily 
acquire  such  strength,  that  they  are  becoming  more 
and  more  formidable  in  all  parts  of  the  kingdom.  In 
the  meantime,  by  the  grace  of  God,  there  are  among 
them  neither  Anabaptists  nor  libertines,  nor  any  par- 
tisans of  odious  opinions."  (Smiles,  Hugiicnots,  p.  52.) 

Nor  was  this  estimate  of  the  Queen,  their  bitter 
enemy,  overwrought,  for  so  near  were  they  to  equality 
with  the  Catholics,  that  of  the  battle  of  Dreux — almost 
a  drawn  battle,  and  really  gained  by  the  foreign  mer- 
cenaries— one  of  the  Royalist  crenerals  there  wrote 
years  afterwards  that  had  the  Huguenots  been  victori- 
ous there,  the  government,  as  w^ell  as  the  religion,  of 
France  would  have  been  changed  (Smiles,  Hugiienots, 

pp.  53-58). 

Again  and  again  during  the  religious  wars  w^ere  they 

able  to  conquer  peace  and  compel  edicts  of  liberty,  par- 
don, and  approval,  and  of  religious  equality,  from  the 
King,  and  when  these  edicts  did  not  endure,  were  of 
sufficient  numbers,  strength,  and  determination — not- 
withstanding the  organized  forces  and  machinery  of  the 
government  —  to  reassemble,  reorganize,  rearm,  and 
rewage  successful  war,  until  w^eakened  and  destroyed, 
not  by  arms,  but  by  the  insidious  arts  of  priest  and 
Jesuit, — persecution,  death,  and  exile.  But  not  only 
were  they  strong  in  numbers  :  they  were  the  very  best 
and  most  potential  of  their  several  classes  and  commu- 
nities throuerhout  the  land.  "  As  honest  as  a  Huorue- 
not,"  was  a  familiar  proverb.  The  first  of  statesmen, 
soldiers,  sailors,  divines,  savants,  merchants,  artisans, 
gentlemen,  and  peasants  were  Huguenots.  There  was 
the  great  Henry, — his  mother  the  Queen  of  Navarre, 
his  Minister,  the  great  Sully,  and  his  physician,  Ambroise 
Pare,  the  most  eminent  doctor  of  his  day — D'Aubigny, 


1 


II' 


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I 


) 


w 


■M 


i      I' 


1 


A 


234  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

De  Mornay,  Palissy,  \'auban,  the  Condcs,  Turrcnne, 
De  la  Noue,  the  noble  brothers  ColiL^ny,  I)u  Quesne, 
Schomber^;,  Rohan,  Soubisc,  Claude,  Ruvigny,  and  a 
host  of  others  of  the  nobles  and  the  leaders  of  France, 
and  thousands  of  the  most  skilful  artisans  in  the  world, 
whose  intelligence  and  al)ility  had  secured  to  their  coun- 
try the  monopoly  of  many  arts  and  manufactures  which 
broui^dit  millions  of  money  to  her  borders  from  abroad. 

When  they  had  gone,  France  fell.  Xo  longer  did 
her  savants  lead  Europe  in  advanced  thought,  literature, 
arts,  or  experimental  philosoph\  ;  the  navy  was  crippled 
and  the  army  victorious  no  more  ;  Science  was  silent ;  of 
true  reliirion,  save  in  the  *'  Desert,"  there  was  none — 
infidelity  and  immorality,  which  Huguenot  piety  and 
purity  had  combated  so  successfully,  now  prevailed  ; 
commerce  was  ruined,  while  milHons  of  money  was 
deported,  and  the  industries  which  had  been  the  founda- 
tion of  France's  wx\alth  were  transferred  to  her  com- 
petitor nations,  wdio  thus  received  a  rich  reward 
for  their  generosity  and  liberal  sympathy  with  these 
desolate  exiles.  They  w^ere  the  conservators  and  pre- 
servers of  their  dear  France  ;  without  them  she  rapidly 
declined  ;  demoralization,  riot,  and  rebellion  in  time  suc- 
ceeded prosperity  and  strength,  and  like  the  unfortunate 
ship  de[)rived  of  rudder  and  l)allast,  she  drifted  at  the 
mercy  of  winds  and  waves  upon  the  fearful  rocks  of  the 
cjreat  Revolution. 

Theirs  was  the  life-blood  of  their  nation  ;  the  blind 
bigotry  and  stupendous  folly  which  transfused  it  to  the 
veins  of  others  entailed  incalculal)le  disasters  upon 
France.  The  results  of  its  loss  are  the  best  proof  of  its 
value.  What  these  results  were  is  thus  graphically 
stated  in  Dr.  Baird's  Huo[Henot  Em  in- at  ion  io  America, 
from  whose  fruitful  pages  I  have  freely  drawn  : 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


235 


"...  There  were  results  of  the  fatal  decree  of 
Louis  the  Fourteenth  which  the  distant  future  alone 
could  reveal.  Contemporaries  could  make  a  shrewd 
niuss  respecting  them,  but  had  no  certain  knowledge. 
The  nearer  effects,  however,  were  patent  even  to  men 
of  that  generation.  The  Duke  of  St.  Simon  w^as  a  boy 
of  ten  years  when  Louis  signed  the  edict  at  Fontaine- 
hleau.  He  lived  to  see  and  to  record  what  he  saw  of 
the  mischievous  fruits  of  the  recall  in  a  well-known 
passage,  which  I  shall  quote,  because  it  is  perhaps  the 
most  fearless  and  outspoken  condemnation  uttered  in 
that  age  b\'  a  Roman  Catholic  and  a  courtier  : 

"  The  '  Revocation  of  the  Fdict  of  Nantes,  without  the 
slightest  pretext  or  the  least  necessity,  as  w^ell  as  the 
various  declarations,  or  rather  proscriptions,  that  fol- 
lowed, were  the  fruits  of  that  horrible  plot  which  de- 
poinilated  a  fourth  part  of  the  kingdom,  ruined  its  trade, 
enfeebled  it  in  every  quarter,  gave  it  over  for  so  long 
a  time  to  open  and  avowed  pillage  at  the  hands  of  the 
dragoons,  and  authorized  those  torments  and  sufferings 
1)V  means  of  which  they  actually  compassed  the  death 
of  so  many  thousands  of  innocent  persons  of  both  sexes 
—a  plot  that  brought  ruin  on  so  great  a  body  of  people, 
that  tore  asunder  countless  families,  arraying  relatives 
against  relatives,  for  the  purpose  of  getting  possession 
of  their  goods,  whereupon  they  left  them  to  die  of  hun- 
ger— a  plot  that  caused  our  manufactures  to  pass  over 
to  foreiirners,  made  foreiij^n  states  flourish  and  overflow 
with  wealth  at  the  expense  of  our  own,  and  enabled 
them  to  build  new  cities — that  presented  to  the  nations 
the  spectacle  of  so  vast  a  multitude  of  people  that  had 
conimitted  no  crime,  proscribed,  naked,  wandering  fugi- 
tives, seeking  an  asylum  afar  from  their  country — that 
consigned  the  noble,  the  wealthy,  the  aged,  those  highly 
esteemed,  in  many  cases  for  their  piety,  their  learning, 
their  virtue,  those  accustomed  to  a  life  of  ease,  frail, 
delicate,  to  hard  labor  in  the  galleys,  under  the  over- 
seer's lash,  and  for  no  reason  save  their  religion — a  plot 
that  to  crown  all  other  horrors,  filled  every  province  of 
the  kingdom  with  perjury  and  sacrilege  ;  inasmuch  as 


1 


236 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


while  the  land  rang-  with  the  cries  of  these  unhapjjv 
victims  of  error,  so  many  others  sacrificed  their  con- 
science's for  their  })roperty  and  their  ease,  purchasin<r 
both  by  means  of  feigned  abjurations  ;  abjurations  from 
which  they  were  dragged,  without  a  moment's  interval, 
to  adore  what  they  did  not  believe  in,  and  to  receive 
what  was  really  the  divine  body  of  the  Most  Holy  One, 
while  they  still  remained  convinced  that  they  were  eat- 
ing nothing  but  bread,  bread  indeed  which  they  were 
bound  to  abhor.  Such  was  the  general  abomination 
begotten  of  tlattery  and  cruelty.  Between  torture  and 
abjuration,  between  abjuration  and  the  Communion, 
there  was  often  not  an  interval  of  twenty-four  hours, 
and  their  torturers  were  their  conductors  and  their  wit- 
nesses. Those  who  subsequently  seemed  to  have  made 
the  chancre  with  i^reater  deliberation,  were  not  slow  in 
giving  the  lie  to  their  pretended  conversions  by  the 
tenor  of  their  lives  or  by  tlight.'  " 

The  first  PVench  immiorrants  into  Virj^inia  of  whom 
we  have  knowledge  seem  to  have  come  with  Captain- 
General  and  Governor  Lord  I)e  la  Warr  in  June,  16 10. 

Before  proceeding  up  James  River  the  Governor  an- 
chored for  a  day  in  Hampton  Roads,  opposite  the 
Indian  village  of  Kicquotan,  now  Hampton,  about  mid- 
way between  Old  Point  Comfort  and  Newport  News. 
With  several  officers  he  went  ashore  there,  and  attracted 
by  the  luxuriance  of  the  vegetation  which  had  so  sur- 
prised all  of  the  English  before,  ''determined,"  says 
William  Strachey,  who  wrote  an  account  of  the  voyage 
to  the  Virginia  Company  in  London  (see  Pnrchas  His 
Pilgrims,  iv.,  p.  1755)  "to  set  a  Frenchman  heere 
awork  to  plant  V^ines  which  grew  naturally  in  great 
plentie."  Lord  De  la  Warr,  with  his  three  ships  of  new 
colonists  and  fresh  supplies,  "exceedingly  well  furnished 
with  all  Necessaries,"  had  arrived  most  opportunely,  for 
next  day,  proceeding  up  the  river  towards  Jamestown, 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


237 


I 


he  met  the  vessels  of  Gates  and  Somers,  who  had  em- 
barked all  of  the  wholly  disheartened  colonists  and  set 
sail  for  home.  These  he  turned  back,  and  all  together 
thev  reached  the  abandoned  Jamestown, — happily  saved 
from  wished  destruction  by  Sir  Thomas  Gates, — where, 
on  the  loth  of  June,  16 10,  he  heard  a  sermon,  read  his 
commission  as  Governor,  re-established  the  colony,  ''  and 
constituted  proper  Officers  of  all  Kinds,  and  allotted 
every  Man  his  particular  Place  and  Business.  The 
French  prepared  to  plant  the  Vines ;  the  English 
laboured  in  the  Woods  and  Grounds  "  (Stith's  Hist. 
of  Virginia,  p.  1 18). 

Thus  commenced  that  direct  actual  connection  be- 
tween Virginia  and  France  which  has  resulted  so  hap- 
pily for  both.  Of  the  attractions  of  Virginia  much  had 
been  told  for  many  years  in  France  by  travellers  and 
sailors  casually  visiting  its  waters,  but  now  w^ere  settled 
here  some  of  her  own  sons  of  the  soil,  satisfactory  news 
of  whom  doubtless  soon  was  current  among  the  vine- 
dressers of  Languedoc,  for  other  French  laborers  in 
this  vineyard  were  continually  engaged  and  despatched 
from  the  south  of  France,  and  an  abiding  interest  in 
Virginia  was  thus  created  among  the  people  there. 

The  Virginia  Company  in  London  had  great  hopes 
of  their  plantation  as  a  wine-producer.  Both  the  Com- 
pany and  the  King  were  active  in  efforts  to  promote  and 
foster  this  industry,  and  continued  from  time  to  time  to 
procure  and  send  out  numbers  of  ''  French  vignerons 
and  Vines." 

Reporting  to  the  Company  in  16 19  what  had  been 
sent  to  Virginia,  its  treasurer.  Sir  Edwin  Sandys, 
enumerates 

"Vines;  whereof  the  country  yieldeth  naturally  great 


I 


li 


i/i 


4 


238 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


store  and  of  sundry  sorts,  which  by  culture  will  be 
brought  to  excellent  perfection.  For  the  effectincr 
whereof  divers  skilful  Viornerons  are  sent.  .  .  .  Our 
Frenchmen  assure  us  that  no  Countrie  in  the  World  is 
more  proper  for  Vines  .  .  .  than  Virginie  and  that  it 
excelleth    their    owne    Countrey"    (Purchas,  iv.,    1777, 

I  784). 

Again  in  1620  he  reports 

**that  moreover  as  the  country  yielde  naturall)-  a 
wond(irful  Variety  of  excellent  Grapes,  there  had  been 
sent  divers  skilful  Vignerons  together  with  a  store  of 
Vine  Slips  of  the  best  European  kinds,"  (Stith's  Hist, 
of  Virgviia,  p.   177). 

and  that  for  this  business,  and  that  of  tending  silkworms 
and  making  silk,  the  Company  had  hopes  of  procuring 
many  more  skilful  **  artists  from  France."  And  the 
Company  then  determined 

"to  procure  men  skilful  in  the  planting  and  dressing  of 
vines,  out  of  F'rance  .  .  .  and  thence  also  to  procure 
plants,  as  likewise  from  the  Canaries,  tlie  cost  of  which, 
and  for  silkworms  and  for  Salt-men  &c  was  estimated 
at  ^1,000." 

In  1 62 1  the  Company  instruct  the  new  Governor, 
Sir  Francis  Wyatt,  that  it  shall  be  his  duty, 

*'  next  to  corn,  to  plant  Mulberry  trees  and  make  silk, 
and  take  care  of  the  Frenchmen  and  others  sent  about 
that  work  :  to  try  silk  grass,  to  plant  abundance  of 
vines,  and  take  care  of  the  vignerons  sent  "  (Virginia 
Hist.  Soc.     Also  Purchas,  iv.,  1787). 

The  transactions  of  the  Grand  Assembly  of  Virginia 
held  that  autumn  relate  almost  entirely  to  these  sub- 
jects,   and    especially   to    the    compulsory    planting   of 


ill 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


^39 


mulberry  trees  and  the  culture  of  silk,  for  wdiich  French- 
men were  specially  needed. 

In  1622  the  records  of  the  Company  in  London  recite 

"  that  the  Frenchmen  declared  the  Mulberry  trees  of 
Virt>'inia  to  be  of  the  very  best  kind,  and  daily,  by  their 
Example  Encourage  the  People  to  plant  them  in  Abun- 
dance, so  that  they  were  in  high  Expectation  of  shortly 
succeeding  in  bringing  to  Perfection  that  rich  Com- 
modity of  Silk  ;  that  the  French  Vignerons  had  con- 
ceived great  Hopes  of  speedily  making  Plenty  of  good 
Wine  whereof  they  had  already  made  an  Experiment 
and  sent  home  a  taste  by  that  ship,  and  in  short  that 
they  had  a  fairer  Prospect  and  more  certain  Hope  than 
ever  yet  of  soon  becoming  a  rich  and  flourishing  coun- 
try. For  which  joyful  news  and  happy  success  the 
Company  voted  and  resolved  that  a  sermon  should  be 
preached  to  testify  and  express  their  thankfulness  to 
God  for  his  Blessing  on  their  Labour  and  Undertaking. 
And  Mr.  Copeland  a  Brother  of  the  Society  who  by 
his  hearty  Zeal  for  the  Enterprise  was  well  acquainted 
with  the  Success  of  their  Affairs  for  the  last  Year,  was 
requested  to  undertake  the  Performance  of  this  holy 
Exercise,  w^hich  he  accordingly  did  at  Bow  Church  the 
17th  day  of  April  "  (Stith,  218). 

Beverley,  the  Virginia  historian,  says,  page  107: 

"The  year  before  the  massacre— 1622 — which  de- 
stroyed so  many  good  prospects  for  Virginia,  some 
French  vignerons  were  sent  hither  to  make  an  experi- 
ment with  these  vines.  These  people  were  so  in  love 
with  their  new  country  that  the  character  they  then 
gave  of  it  in  their  letter  to  the  Company  in  England 
was  very  much  to  its  advantage  ;  that  it  far  exceeded 
their  own  country  of  Languedoc,  the  vine  growing  in 
great  abundance  and  variety  all  over  the  land  ;  that 
some  of  the  grapes  were  of  that  unusual  bigness  that 
they  did  not  believe  them  to  be  grapes  until  by  opening 


5 


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240 


Huuucnot  Societv  of  America 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


241 


them  they  had  seen  their  kernels ;  that  they  had 
planted  the  cuttings  of  their  vines  at  Michaelmas  and 
had  grapes  from  these  very  cuttings  the  Spring  follow- 
ing, adding  in  the  conclusion  that  they  had  not  heard 
of  the  like  in  any  other  country." 

Nor  was  this  statement  overdrawn,  adds  the  author, 

•'  for  I  have  made  the  same  experiment  both  of  the 
natural  vine  and  of  the  plants  sent  hither  from 
England." 

In  1623  the  Company  in  London  thus  reports  to  the 
King  : 

•*  For  the  making  of  Wine  it  is  to  be  known  that 
the  soil  there  doth  of  itself  produce  vines  in  great 
abundance,  and  some  of  a  very  good  sort,  besides 
divers  plantations  [have]  been  sent  thither  of  the  better 
hands  [lands?]  of  Christendom.  There  hath  also  been 
sent  thither  eight  vignerons  procured  from  Languedock 
and  careful  order  hath  been  taken  for  setting  up  of  that 
Commodity  which  we  doubt  not  in  a  short  time  will 
show  itself  in  great  plenty,  and  had  not  the  business 
been  interrupted  by  the  massacre,  ere  this,  effects  had 
been  seen,  there  being  divers  vine  yards  planted  in  the 
country  whereof  some  contain  ten  thousand  plants" 
(Va.  Hist.  Soc). 


In  1624  the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia,  replying 
to  questions  from  the  King,  says  that  vines  and  mul- 
berry trees  are  being  planted  throughout  the  whole 
country.  And  in  1628,  in  reply  to  further  questions, 
says  that  with  respect  to  the  planting  of  vines  they  have 
great  hopes  that  it  will  prove  a  beneficial  commodity, 
but  that  the  vignerons  sent  here  did  not  understand 
the  business,  or  concealed  their  skill,  for  they  spent 
their  time  to  little  purpose. 


But  in  justice  to  these  Frenchmen  it  should  be  noted 
that  at  that  early  day  tobacco  was  the  only  Virginia 
crop  that  really  paid  its  cultivators,  and  as  its  price 
was  enormous  in  London,  it  was  very  profitable  to 
raise  it.  The  entire  colony  was  devoted  to  this  in- 
dustry almost  exclusively,  to  the  great  disappointment 
of  the  Crown  and  the  Government,  who  were  continu- 
ally resorting  to  strenuous  measures  to  restrict  its 
cultivation,  and  direct  the  industry  to  other  *'  com- 
modities." 

*•  Tobacco  is  a  stinking,  nauseous  and  unpalatable  Weed," 
writes  Stith,  p.  183, "and  certainly  an  odd  commodity 
to  make  the  Staple  and  Riches  of  a  Country.  It  is 
neither  of  Necessity  nor  Ornament  to  human  Life ; 
but  the  use  of  it  depends  upon  Humour  and  Custom 
and  may  be  looked  upon  as  one  of  the  most  singular 
and  Extraordinary  Pieces  of  Luxury  that  the  Wanton- 
ness of  Man  hath  yet  invented  or  given  into." 

Doubtless  these  vignerons  had  ascertained  that  which 
experience  has  abundantly  taught  since,  and  it  was  not 
the  fault  of  these  "  ffrenchmen  that  the  vineyards  did  not 
flourish,"  but  of  the  climate  and  soil  of  lower  Virginia, 
which  is  not  suited  to  vine  culture.  They  were  skilful 
enough  to  have  ascertained  this  for  certain,  and  had 
turned  their  attention  to  the  cultivation  of  the  con- 
temned, though  remunerative,  tobacco.  Thus  they 
had  incurred  the  enmity  of  the  officials,  who,  in  1632, 
procured  the  passage  of  a  law  by  the  General  Assembly 
which  thus  quaintly  censures  them  : 

"  Upon  a  remonstrance  preferred  to  the  assembly 
complayninge  that  the  ffrenchmen  who  were  about  ten 
years  since  transported  into  this  country  for  the  plant- 

inge  and  dressinge  of  vynes,  and  to  instruct  others  in 

16 


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i 


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242 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


the  same,  hav^e  willinglie  concealed  their  skill,  and  not 
only  neglected  to  plant  any  vynes  themselves,  but  have 
also  spoyled  and  ruinated  that  vyniard  which  was  with 
great  cost  planted  by  the  charge  of  the  late  Company, 
and  theire  officers  here  ;  and  yet  notwithstanding  have 
received  all  favour  and  encouragement  thereto,  which 
hath  disheartened  all  the  inhabitants  here. 

*'  //  IS  there/ore  ordered  that  the  said  ffrenchmen 
togeather  with  their  families  be  restrayned  and  pro- 
hibited from  plantinge  tobacco  uppon  penaltie  to  forfeit 
their  leases  and  imprisonment  untill  they  will  depart 
out  of  this  colony."     (Hening's  Va.  Siat.,  i.,  161.) 

Henceforward  and  until  after  the  culmination  of  the 
Huguenot  emigration  into  Virginia  a  century  later, 
both  King  and  colony  were  earnest  and  liberal  in  effort 
to  promote  the  successful  cultivation  of  these  two  French 
staples,  silk  and  wine.  From  time  to  time  all  planters 
were  required  to  set  out  a  prescribed  number  of  mul- 
berry trees.  "  Twenty  per  poll,"  says  an  act  of  163 1-2, 
''upon  penaltie  to  forfeit  one  barrell  of  corne  for  every 
one  that  shall  make  default."  It  was  forbidden  to  de- 
stroy or  cut  down  any.  Over  and  again  laws  are  made 
prescribing  that  vines  shall  be  set  out  and  cultivated,  and 
liberal  premiums  are  offered, — for  *'  two  tunne  "  of  wine, 
or  fifty  pounds  of  wound  silk,  ten  thousand  pounds  of 
tobacco.  It  is  said  that  for  especial  encouragement  of  his 
favorite  Virginia  industry.  King  Charles's  coronation 
robes  were  made  of  Virginia  silk  raised  in  the  county  of 
Gloucester. 

Intellieence  of  this  liberal  fostering  care  of  these,  the 
special  industries  of  Southern  France,  must  soon  have 
found  its  w^ay  to  Saintonge,  Languedoc,  and  the  Gironde, 
whence  the  vine-dressers  had  come.  Some  were  mar- 
ried, and  some  with  their  children  had  doubtless  returned 
home  and  spread  the  knowledge  of  the  many  attractions 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


•43 


of  soil,  climate,  and  waters  of  Virginia,  where  lands  were 
bestowed  upon  settlers  gratuitously,  and  bounties  paid 
for  the  cultivation  of  staples  in  which  by  their  superior 
skill  and  knowledge  they  easily  excelled  all  others. 

And  inquiring  further  of  these,  they  would  learn  of 
others  more  inviting  still,  /.  e.,  that  the  great  principles 
for  which  they  and  their  ancestors  had  been  battling  so 
valiantly  for  generations  w^ere,  in  that  favored  colony, 
the  fundamental  law  of  the  land.  The  system  in  Vir- 
ginia of  church  government  in  parishes,  by  vestries 
chosen  by  the  congregation,  was  practically  the  same  as 
in  their  own  Huguenot  communities.  The  right  of  rep- 
resentation in  government  had  been  first  adopted  and 
rigidly  adhered  to  there,  and  foreigners  of  France  and 
elsewhere  were  cordially  invited  to  come,  and  were 
promised  naturalization  and  all  the  rights  of  the  native- 
born.  She  was  the  asylum  of  civil  and  religious  liberty, 
the  blessings  of  which  were  freely  offered  to  the  op- 
pressed and  persecuted  of  all  nations. 

The  pages  of  her  history  furnish  abundant  evidence 
of  a  constant  desire  by  Company,  King,  and  colony  to 
procure  PVench  immigration.  There  is  no  evidence  of 
any  efforts  in  this  respect  being  made  to  procure  settle- 
ments from  other  foreigners.  And  this  preference  and 
desire,  together  with  the  many  other  attractions  of  this 
pleasant  land  of  Virginia,  had  long  been  known  to  the 
persecuted  Huguenots,  especially,  as  we  have  seen,  in 
the  maritime  departments  of  France.  De  Monts  of 
Pons  had  founded  Acadia  on  the  borders  of  what  was 
then  Virginia — and  some  of  his  settlements  had  been 
burned  by  Capt.  Argall,  one  of  Virginia's  Governors, 
and  colonists  to  and  from  La  Rochelle  would  tell  of 
Virginia  and  its  softer  southern  climate.  The  vigner- 
ons    offered   another  channel  of   information,    and  the 


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244 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


245 


Dutch,  the  chief  foreign  traders  with  Virginia,  were  an- 
other, especially  to  the  vast  number  of  Huguenots  who 
had  taken  refuge  under  their  generous  protection. 

As  early  as  1658  the  spirit  of  liberty  which  prevailed 
in  Virginia  was  extended  to  trade  and  commerce,  and  all 
foreiLrners  were  invited  to  send  their  ships  to  the  Ches- 
apeake — the  King's  chamber — upon  the  same  terms  re- 
quired of  English  vessels  for  foreign  ports  ;  and  in  1659 
it  was  enacted  that 

"  Whereas  the  restriction  of  trade  hath  appeared  to 
be  the  greatest  impediment  to  the  advance  of  the  esti- 
mation and  value  of  our  present  only  commodity,  to- 
bacco— Bee  it  enacted  and  conjirvied  that  the  Dutch  and 
all  strangers  of  what  Xtian  Nation  soever  in  amity  with 
the  people  of  England,  shall  have  free  liberty  to  trade 
with  us  for  all  allowable  commodities  and  receive  pro- 
tection from  us  to  our  utmost  powers  while  they  are  in 
our  jurisdiction,  and  shall  have  equal  right  with  our  own 
nation  in  all  courts  of  judicature."  (Henings's  Va.  Stat., 
i.,  458). 

About  the  same  time  the  general  Denization  Act  was 
passed,  which  provides 

*•  that  all  aliens  and  strangers  who  have  inhabited  the 
country  for  the  space  of  ffour  yeares,  and  have  a  firme 
resolution  to  make  this  countrey  their  place  of  residence 
shall  be  free  denizens  of  this  collony."  (Hening's  Va. 
Stat.,  i.,  486.) 

Another  act,  passed  September,  1671,  allowed 

"  any  stranger  .  .  .  upon  petition  to  the  grand 
assembly  and  takeing  the  oaths  of  allegiance  and  suprem- 
acy to  his  Majestie,"  to  be  naturalized  and  '*  be  capable 
of  office  traffique  and  trading,  of  takeing  up,  purchasing, 
conveying,  diviseing  and  inheriteing  of  lands,  etc.,  .  .  . 
and  all  such  liberties,  privileges,  and  immunities  what- 
soever as  a  natural  born  Englishman  is  capable  of." 


The  preamble  of  this  act  shows  how  liberal  was  the 
spirit  of  the  times  in  Virginia — how  attractive  to  the 
oppressed  abroad.      It  recites  that 

*'  Whereas  nothing  can  tend  men  to  the  advancement 
of  a  new  plantation  either  to  its  defence  or  prosper- 
ity, nor  nothing  more  add  to  the  glory  of  a  prince  than 
being  a  gratious  master  of  many  subjects,  nor  any  better 
way  to  produce  these  effects,  than  by  the  inviteing  of 
people  of  other  nations  to  reside  amonge  us  by  commu- 
nication of  priviledges,  Bee  it  therefore,"  etc.  (Hening's 
Va.  Stat.,  i.,  290.) 

Under  these  laws  numerous  patents  of  naturalization 
were  granted  to  immigrants,  many  of  whose  names  indi- 
cate French  nationality.  Oneof  them — of  1 660 — declares 

*'  That  John  Johnson  millright  being  a  Dutchman,  be, 
for  the  encouragement  of  other  artificers  of  whatever 
nation  soever,  admitted  to  be  a  denizen  of  Virginia,  he 
haveing  been  resident  here  much  longer  than  the  act  for 
denizens  requires.  And  intending,  according  to  the 
tenor  thereof,  to  make  this  the  place  of  his  future  resi- 
dence. Therefore  vpon  oath  taken,  according  to  act, 
his  letters  of  denization  are  ordered  to  issue  forth." 
(Hening's  Va.  Stat.,  i.,  545). 

Much  later,  in  1702,  a  number  of  the  Huguenots  just 
then  arrived  were  naturalized  by  special  act  :  **  Claude 
Philip  de  Richbourg,  Francis  Rebot,  Peter  Faurr, 
John  Joanny,  James  Champain  and  others,"  —  the 
"  others  "  beinor  the  other  inhabitants  at  Manakin  Town. 

Nor  was  the  spiritual  welfare  of  the  colony  forgotten,  for 
inducements  were  offered  to  ministers  as  well  as  to  traders 
and  settlers,  hearing  of  which  pious  Huguenots  could  not 
but  be  inclined  to  come.      In  1656  it  was  enacted  that 

"Whereas  many  congregregations  in  this  collony  are 
destitute  of  ministers,  whereby  religion  and  devotion 
cannot  but  suffer  much  impairment  and  decay,  which 


• 


.  I 


I 


1' 


4h 


. 


246 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


want  of  the  destitute  concrregations  ought  to  be  sup- 
plied b)  all  meanes  possible  to  be  used.  As  also  to 
invite  and  encourage  ministers  to  repaire  hither  and 
merchants  to  bring  them  in,  Bee  it  therefore  hereby 
enacted  for  the  reasons  aforesaid  that  what  person  or 
persons  so  ever  shall  at  his  or  their  proper  cost  and 
charge  transport  a  sufficient  minister  into  the  collony 
without  agreement  made  with  him,  shall  receive  for 
satisfaction  of  his  or  their  said  charges  of  him  the  said 
minister  or  they  that  shall  entertaine  him  for  their  min- 
ister twenty  pound  sterling,  by  bill  of  exchange,  or  two 
thousand  pounds  of  tobacco,  and  also  for  what  money 
shall  be  disbursed  for  them  beside  their  transportation 
to  be  allowed  for."    (Hening's  Va,  Stat.,  p.  418.) 

And  by  special  act,  i.d.,y^,  424,  all  ministers  and  their 
servants  to  the  number  of  six  "shall  be  free  from  pub- 
lique  levies." 

Before  the  century  was  ended  the  Act  of  Toleration, 
being  the  first  of  William  and  Mary,  was  promulgated  in 
Virginia  ;  and  a  few  years  later,  for  the  special  benefit  of 
the  Huguenot  settlers  at  Manakin  Town,  as  well  as  the 
foreign  Protestants  in  Stafford  and  Spottsylvania  coun- 
ties, they  were  allowed  to  entertain  their  own  minister, 
and  exempted  from  parish  levies. 

Thus  were  all  barriers  to  the  coming  of  the  French 
removed.  Virginia's  doors  were  opened  wide  for  them, 
and  hospitable  invitation  extended  to  come  within  her 
borders  and  with  her  own  children  enjoy  all  the  liberties, 
freedom,  and  privileges  she  had  established  and  main- 
tained. What  these  were,  and  what  were  the  other 
varied  and  valuable  charms  and  delights  of  this  favored 
land  to  which  nature  had  been  so  bountiful,  an  impar- 
tial historian  thus  glowingly  portrays  (Bancroft,  Hist. 
U.  S.,  i.,  230)  : 

**.  .  .  Religious  liberty  advanced  under  the  influ- 
ence of  independent  domestic  legislation.      No  churches 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


247 


had  been  erected  except  in  the  heart  of  the  colony  ;  and 
there  were  so  few  ministers,  that  a  bounty  was  offered 
for  their  importation.  Conformity  had,  in  the  reign  of 
Charles,  been  enforced  by  measures  of  disfranchise- 
ment and  exile.  By  the  people  under  the  common- 
wealth, though  they  were  attached  to  the  church  of 
their  fathers,  all  things  respecting  parishes  and  parish- 
ioners were  referred  to  their  own  ordering  ;  and  reli- 
crious  liberty  would  have  been  perfect  but  for  an  act  of 
intolerance,  by  which  all  Quakers  were  banished,  and 
their  return  regarded  as  a  felony. 

*•  \^irginia  was  the  first  state  in  the  world,  composed  of 
separate  boroughs,  diffused  over  an  extensive  surface, 
where  the  government  was  organized  on  the  principle 
of  universal  suffrage.  All  freemen,  without  exception, 
were  entitled  to  vote.  An  attempt  was  once  made  to  , 
limit  the  right  to  house  keepers  ;  but  the  public  voice  | 
reproved  the  restriction  :  the  very  next  year  it  was 
decided  to  be  '  hard,  and  unagreeable  to  reason,  that 
any  person  shall  pay  equal  taxes,  and  yet  have  no  votes 
in  elections'  ;  and  the  electoral  franchise  was  restored 
to  all  freemen.  Servants,  when  the  time  of  their  bond- 
age was  completed,  at  once  became  electors,  and  might 
be  chosen  buri^esses. 

"  Thus  Virginia  established  upon  her  soil  the  suprem- 
acy of  the  popular  branch,  the  freedom  of  trade,  the 
independence  of  religious  societies,  the  security  from 
foreign  taxation,  and  the  universal  elective  franchise. 
If,  in  following  years,  she  departed  from  either  of  these 
principles,  and  yielded  a  reluctant  consent  to  change,  it 
was  from  the  influence  of  foreign  authority.  Virginia 
had  herself,  almost  unconsciously,  established  a  nearly 
independent  democracy  ;  and  already  preferred  her  own 
sons  for  places  of  authority.  The  country  felt  itself 
honored  by  those  who  were  *  Virginians  born  '  ;  and 
emigrants  never  again  desired  to  live  in  England. 
Prosperity  advanced  with  freedom  ;  dreams  of  new 
staples  and  infinite  wealth  were  indulged  ;  while  the 
population  of  Virginia,  at  the  epoch  of  the  restoration, 


A 


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51 


248 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


249 


may  have  been  about  thirty  thousand.  Many  of  the 
recent  emigrants  had  been  royalists  in  England,  good 
officers  in  the  war,  men  of  education,  of  property,  and 
of  condition.  The  rev^olution  had  not  subdued  their 
characters  ;  but  the  waters  of  the  Atlantic  divided  them 
from  the  political  strifes  of  Europe  ;  their  industry  was 
employed  in  making  the  best  advantage  of  their  planta- 
tions ;  the  interests  and  liberties  of  Virginia,  the  land 
which  they  adopted  as  their  country,  were  dearer  to 
them  than  the  monarchical  principles  which  they  had 
espoused  in  England  ;  and  therefore  no  bitterness  could 
exist  between  the  firmest  partisans  of  the  Stuarts  and 
the  friends  of  re[)ublican  liberty.  Virginia  had  long 
been  the  home  of  its  inhabitants.  *  Among  many 
other  blessings,'  said  their  statute-book,  *  God  Al- 
mighty hath  vouchsafed  increase  of  children  to  this 
colony  ;  who  are  now  multi|)li(!d  to  a  considerable  num- 
ber '  ;  and  the  huts  in  the  wilderness  were  as  full  as  the 
birds'  nests  of  the  woods. 

**The  genial  climate  and  transparent  atmosphere  de- 
lighted those  who  had  come  from  the  denser  air  of 
England.  Every  object  in  nature  was  new  and  won- 
derful. The  loud  and  frequent  thunder-storms  were 
phenomena  that  had  been  rarely  witnessed  in  the  colder 
summers  of  the  north  ;  the  forests,  majestic  in  their 
growth,  and  free  from  underwood,  deserved  admiration 
for  their  unrivalled  magnificence  ;  the  purling  streams 
and  the  frequent  rivers,  flowing  between  alluvial  banks, 
quickened  the  ever-pregnant  soil  into  an  unwearied  fer- 
tility ;  the  strangest  and  the  most  delicate  flowers  grew 
familiarly  in  the  fields  ;  the  woods  were  replenished  with 
sweet  barks  and  odors  ;  the  gardens  matured  the  fruits 
of  Europe,  of  which  the  growth  was  invigorated,  and 
the  flavor  improved,  by  the  activity  of  the  virgin  mould. 
Especially  the  birds,  with  their  gay  plumage  and  varied 
melodies,  inspired  delight;  every  traveller  expressed  his 
pleasure  in  listening  to  the  mocking-bird,  which  carolled 
a  thousand  several  tunes,  imitatinof  and  excellinor  the 
notes  of  all  its  rivals.     The  humminor-bird,  so  brilliant  in 


its  plumage,  and  so  delicate  in  its  form,  quick  in  motion, 
yet  not  fearing  the  presence  of  man,  haunting  about  the 
ilovvers  like  the  bee  gathering  honey,  rebounding  from 
the  blossoms  into  which  it  dips  its  bill,  and  as  soon  re- 
turning 'to  renew  its  many  addresses  to  its  delightful 
objects,'  was  ever  admired  as  the  smallest  and  the  most 
beautiful  of  the  feathered  race.  The  rattlesnake,  with 
the  terrors  of  its  alarms  and  the  power  of  its  venom  ; 
the  opossum,  soon  to  become  as  celebrated  for  the  care 
of  its  young  as  the  fabled  pelican  ;  the  noisy  frog,  boom- 
ing from  the  shallows  like  the  English  bittern  ;  the  fly- 
ing squirrel  ;  the  myriads  of  pigeons,  darkening  the  air 
with  the  immensity  of  their  flocks,  and,  as  men  believed, 
breakinor  with  their  weig^ht  the  bouorhs  of  trees  on  which 
they  alighted, — were  all  honored  with  frequent  commem- 
onition,  and  became  the  subjects  of  the  strangest  tales. 
The  concurrent  relation  of  all  the  Indians  justified  the 
belief,  that,  within  ten  days'  journey  toward  the  setting 
of  the  sun,  there  was  a  country  where  gold  might  be 
washed  from  the  sand,  and  where  the  natives  them- 
selves had  learned  the  use  of  the  crucible ;  but  definite 
and  accurate  as  were  the  accounts,  inquiry  was  always 
baffled;  and  the  regions  of  gold  remained  for  two  cen- 
turies an  undiscovered  land. 

"Various  were  the  employments  by  which  the  calmness 
of  life  was  relieved.  George  Sandys,  an  idle  man,  who 
had  been  a  great  traveller,  and  who  did  not  remain  in 
America,  a  poet,  whose  verse  was  tolerated  by  Dryden 
and  praised  by  Izaak  Walton,  beguiled  the  ennui  of  his 
seclusion  by  translating  the  whole  of  Ovid's  Metamor- 
phoses. To  the  man  of  leisure,  the  chase  furnished  a 
perpetual  resource.  It  was  not  long  before  the  horse 
was  multiplied  in  Virginia  ;  and  to  improve  that  noble 
animal  was  early  an  object  of  pride,  soon  to  be  favored 
by  legislation.  Speed  was  especially  valued ;  and  the 
'  planter's  pace  '  became  a  proverb. 

"  Equally  proverbial  was  the  hospitality  of  the  Virgin- 
ians. Labor  was  valuable  ;  land  was  cheap  ;  competence 
promptly   folovved  industry.     There  was  no  need  of  a 


^ 


I 


\v 


^4 


Ui 


250 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


251 


scramble  ;  abundance  orushed  from  the  earth  for  all. 
The  morasses  were  alive  with  water-fowl  ;  the  crteks 
abounded  with  oysters,  heaped  to^^ether  in  inexhaustible 
beds  ;  the  rivers  were  crowded  with  fish  ;  the  forests  were 
nimble  with  e^me  ;  the  woods  rustled  with  coveys  of 
quails  and  wild  turkeys,  while  they  ranj^  with  the  merry 
notes  of  the  sini^ino-birds  ;  and  hogs,  swarming  like  ver- 
min, ran  at  large  in  troops.  It  was  'the  best  poor 
man's  country  in  the  world.'  '  If  a  happy  peace  be  set- 
tled in  poor  England,'  it  had  been  said,  'then  they  in 
Virginia  shall  be  as  happy  a  people  as  any  under 
heaven.'  " 

It  was  from  Holland — whose  Protestantism  was 
French,  not  German,  the  favorite  refuge  of  the  French 
exiles,  whose  ships  had  been  frequent  in  Virginia  waters 
from  the  earliest  days,  and  who  later  became  her  most 
favored  nation  and  the  chief  carrier  of  her  trade  and 
commerce  when  she  was  left  practically  indepemlent 
during  the  period  of  the  Commonwealth  in  England — 
that  the  first  organized  Huguenot  movement  towards 
Virtrinia  was  made. 

On  July  19,  1 62  I,  Sir  Dudley  Carleton,  British  Am- 
bassador at  The  Hague,  whites  to  his  Government  that 
there  had  been  with  him  of  late  a  Walloon  of  Leyden, 
representing  French  and  Walloon  families  there  of  all 
trades  and  occupations,  who  desired  to  go  to  Virginia,  if 
admitted  upon  equality  in  all  respects  with  the  other 
colonists  there.  He  had  brought  a  petition  to  that 
effect,  signed  by  fifty-six  heads  of  families,  all  of  the 
Reformed  Religion,  numbering  al)out  300,  the  signa- 
tures to  which  were  arranged  in  a  circle,  doubtless  to 
avoid  questions  of  rank,  for  it  appears  that  there  were 
noblemen  and  gentry  among  them,  as  well  as  men  of 
*'  all  trades  and  occupations."  "  His  Lordship  is  humbly 
entreated  to  advise  and  answer  the  petitioners,  as  follows : 


-  Whether  it  would  please  his  Majesty  to  permit  fifty 
or  sixty  families  as  well  Walloons  as  French  all  of  the 
Reformed  Religion  to  go  and  settle  in  Virginia  .  .  . 
and  whether  it  would  please  him  to  undertake  their 
protection  and  defense  from  and  against  all,  and  to 
maintain  them  in  their  religion  ?  "  i^State  Papers,  Hol- 
land, 1622.) 

Their  further  requests  were  that  a  ship  might  be 
criven  them  for  their  voyage  and  trade;  that  upon 
arrival  they  might  choose  their  own  location,  not  to 
exceed  sixteen  miles  in  diameter,  and  have  exclusive 
control  there,  subject  to  the  laws  of  the  land,  where 
they  should  select  their  own  officers  and  to  which  none 
others  but  themselves  should  be  admitted  of  right  ;  that 
they  might  establish  manorial  rights  among  themselves 
therein,  and  those  of  their  number  who  are  noblemen  be 
recognized  as  such.  And  there  were  further  stipula- 
tions of  detail  showing  that  the  desire  was  to  establish 
a  distinct  community  in  Virginia,  separate  and  apart 
from  the  English  settlements. 

Sir  Dudley  Carleton  favored  the  project.  The  Lords 
in  Council  referred  it  to  the  Virginia  Company,  whose 
reply  was  favorable,  except  that  the  material  help  de- 
sired could  not  be  afforded,  "being  utterly  exhausted 
and  unable  to  afford  other  help  than  advice  and  counsel 
as  to  the  cheapest  mode  of  transporting  themselves  and 
goods,  and  the  most  prudent  and  profitable  manage- 
ment of  their  affairs."     And  the  Company  also  said 

"  that  for  the  prosperity  and  principally  securing  of  the 
plantation  in  his  Majesty's  obedience,  it  is  not  expedi- 
ent  that  the  said  families  should  be  set  down  in  one 
gross  and  entire  body,  but  that  they  should  rather  be 
placed  by  convenient  numbers  in  the  principal  cities, 
borroughs,  and  Corporations  in  Virginia  as  themselves 
shall  choose ;  there  being  given  them  such  proportion 


11 


'■    T,'! 


252  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

of  land  and  all  other  privileges  and  benefits  whatsoever 
in  as  ample  manner  as  to  the  natural  English.  This 
course  the  Company  out  of  their  own  experience  do 
conceive  likely  to  prove  better,  and  more  comfortable 
to  the  said  Walloons  and  Frenchmen  than  that  other 
which  they  desire."      {State  Papers,  Colonial,  i.,  No.  55.) 

In  this  manner  the  Company  would  welcome  the  peti- 
tioners  to  Virginia,  they  taking  an  oath  of  allegiance  to 
his  Majesty,  and  to  conform  to  the  form  of  government 
established  in  the  Church  of  England. 

The  reasons  given  by  the  Company  for  their  unwill- 
ingness to  establish  a  separate  French  settlement  in 
the  midst  of  their  thinly  settled  and  easily  accessible 
colony  upon  the  waters  of  the  Chesapeake,  were  prudent 
and  wise.  Already  difficulties  had  arisen  among  them- 
selves because  of  privileges  of  this  kind  given  to,  or 
claimed  by,  members  of  their  own  body,  and  serious 
embarrassments  had  resulted.  But  apart  from  those 
stated  there  were  others  equally  potent.  England  and 
France  were  at  variance  concerning  their  American  pos- 
sessions. English  Virginia  and  French  Acadia  ad- 
joined, and  the  latter  had  already  been  attacked — and 
at  this  very  time  France  was  strengthening  herself 
there.  The  Capes  of  Virginia  were  still  thought  to  be 
the  possible  entrance  to  the  coveted  route  to  the  South 
Seas,  and  her  scattered  colonists  w^ere  but  a  few  thou- 
sand, so  that  it  was  scarcely  prudent  to  allow  a  hundred 
or  more  Frenchmen  to  establish  and  fortify  a  settle- 
ment in  their  midst — perhaps  in  the  very  best  harbor 
on  their  coast. 

But  for  these  objections  a  successful  arrangement  with 
these  Leyden  petitioners  would  have  been  made,  for  they 
were  of  the  classes  most  desired,  and  doubtless  many 
of  them  were  skilful  vine-dressers  and  silk-cultivators, 


The  Hucruenots  in  Virginia 


253 


which  at  that  very  juncture  the  Company  were  seeking 
••out  of  France  and  on  the  Rhine." 

In  the  meantime,  however,  the  Dutch,  learning  of  the 
movement,  and  its  West  India  Company  being  just  then 
formed,  were  able  to  direct  it  in  part  to  the  mouth  of 
the  Hudson,  where  those  who  went,  chiefly  Walloons, 
arrived  in  May,  1623,  and  where  they  found  a  French 
ship  preparing  to  take  possession  in  France's  name! 
—an  abundant  proof  of  the  prudent  forethought  of  the 
Virginia  Company  in  refusing  a  "separate  settlement," 
because  of  possible  difficulties  with  their  nation,  in  Vir- 


crmia. 


Well  it  was  for  them  that  they  did  not  locate  in  Vir- 
ginia as  desired,  for  the  following  year  was  that  of  the 
great  massacre  there,  when  most  of  the  outlying  settle- 
ments were  destroyed,  and  the  settlers  with  their  fam- 
ilies butchered  by  the  Indians — of  whom  the  Monocan 
tribe  were  the  most  fierce. 

The  next  organized  effort  to  transport  a  body  of 
Huguenots  to  Virginia  was  made  by  the  distinguished 
Baron  de  Sance,  who,  as  the  first  who  actually  led,  and 
actually  seated,  though  not  permanently,  a  Huguenot 
colony  in  Virginia,  deserves  especial  notice. 

He  was  one  of  those  faithful  Huguenots  who  stoutly 
opposed  the  destructive  policy  of  Richelieu,  and  with 
the  noble  Catharine  of  Parthenay  and  her  illustrious 
sons,  the  Duke  of  Rohan  and  the  Duke  of  Soubise, 
maintained  that  never-to-be-forgotten  defence  of  La 
Rochelle,  admired  of  all  men  who  respect  valiant  deeds, 
heroic  sacrifices,  and  brave  endurance  for  the  right, 
whose  final  fall  and  ruthless  destruction  practically  ter- 
minated the  Huguenot  struggles  in  arms  against  the 
power  of  the  King. 
After  the  fall  of  La  Rochelle,  De  Sance,  with  the 


(i 


H 


iv 


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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


255 


Duke  de  Soubise,  took  refuge  in  England,  and  in  1629 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  Government  asking  leave  to 
orcranize  and  settle  a  colony  of  French  Protestants  in 
Vir<nnia  to  cultivate  vines  and  to  make  silk  and  salt 
there  ;  and  with  the  view  also  of  communicating  person- 
ally with  those  Huguenots  in  France  whom  he  wished 
to  associate  with  himself  in  the  enterprise,  he  asked  for 
patents  of  denization  for  himself  and  his  son  as  English 
subjects,  and  for  English  protection  in  France,  that 
he  might  return  there  in  safety  for  his  family  and 
property.     {State  Papers,  Colonial,  v.,  No.  14.) 

The  requests  were  favorably  received,  careful  prepa- 
rations were  made,  and  in  due  course  the  expedition 
sailed.  It  safely  reached  Virginia,  where  it  landed  on 
the  south  side  of  James  River,  in  what  is  now  the 
county  of  Nansemond,  then  "Southampton  Hundred," 
a  patent  of  200,000  acres  granted  several  years  before. 

I  have  not  been  able  to  learn  further  of  this  colony ; 
manifestly  it  did  not  tlourish,  and  must  have  soon  dis- 
persed, having  left  no  enduring  memorial.  The  London 
Company  was  quite  right  in  its  advice  to  the  Leyden 
petitioners — It  was  not  best  for  the  Huguenots  to  live 
apart  in  "  one  gross  body," — and  experience  has  demon- 
strated that  those  succeeded  most  rapidly  who  mingled 
freely  with  the  resident  population  and  thus  let  their 
superior  merits  and  qualifications  be  more  widely  known. 
But  the  location  w^as  by  no  means  a  desirable  one,  as 
Colonel  William  Byrd,  writing  subsequently,  when  it  was 
proposed  to  seat  the  expedition  of  the  Marquis  de  la 
Muce  hereabouts,  so  clearly  shows.  That  eminent  Vir- 
ginian wrote  to  the  Lords  in  Council,  in  1698,  advoca- 
ting a  location  upon  the  upper  James  at  Manakin  (Va. 
Hist.  Soc,  v.,  5)  in  preference  to  that  proposed  by  Dr. 
Daniel  Coxe  in  Norfolk  County, 


"because  that  part  of  lower  Norfolk  to  the  Southward 
of  Corotuck,  is,  according  to  its  name,  for  the  most  part 
low  swampy  ground,  unfit  for  planting  and  Improve- 
ment and  ye  air  of  it  very  moist  and  unhealthy  so  that 
to  send  Frenchmen  thither  that  came  from  a  dry  and 
serene  Clymate  were  to  send  them  to  their  Graves,  and 
that  would  very  ill  answer  his  Maj'tys  charitable  inten- 
tion, and  prove  as  unsatisfactory  as  ye  late  expedition 
to  Darien."     (Va.  Hist.  Soc,  v.,  6.) 

Unfortunately  there   was   no  Colonel   Byrd   to   offer 
such  sound  advice  to  the  Baron  de  Sance,  and  his  set- 
tlement as  such   failed   altogether.      There  can  be  no 
doubt  that  some  of  his  companions  remained  here  and 
others  dispersed  themselves  separately  to  other  parts  of 
Virginia,  for  there  were  no  further  organized  expeditions 
till   the  end  of  the  century,  and  yet  many  Huguenots 
were  in  the  colony  ere  then,  and  Huguenot  names  are 
thenceforward  frequent    upon   the  records  of   Norfolk 
County.     They  came  over  from  time  to  time,  however, 
alone  and  unaided, — as  we  now  know  a  great  many  sub- 
sequently did  after  the  settlement  at  Manakin  Town, — 
and  seated  themselves  upon  lands  of  their  own — (every 
immigrant  was  entitled  to  fifty  acres  per  poll,  for  him- 
self and  his  family,  free),  upon  the  James,  the  Rappa- 
hannock, and  the  Potomac. 

As  the  seventeenth  century  waxed  so  did  Huguenot 
emigration  to  Virginia  continuously  increase — inspired 
by  the  favorable  accounts  which  came  from  pioneer 
relatives  and  friends.  They  came  singly  and  in  isolated 
groups  and  families  ;  some  from  the  French  settlements 
in  other  colonies,  some  escaped  convicts  for  religion, 
from  the  French  West  Indies,  some  direct  from  France, 
and  England  and  the  other  European  refuges.  Their 
names  from  this  time  onward  are  scattered  through  the 


m 


k 


i  11 


ill 


2^6 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


257 


Virginia  records  and  private  papers,  increasing  as  the 
persecutions  preliminary  to  the  Revocation  were  re- 
vived in  France,  until  the  cuhiiination  which  followed 
that  disastrous  repeal.  Saved  from  war  and  spoliation 
there  yet  remains  in  Richmond  a  record  of  great  value 
and  interest,  especially  to  the  genealogist.  It  is  the 
unbroken  series  of  the  Land  Books  of  the  colony  and 
State  from  1623  until  now,  being  copies  of  every  patent 
for  land  granted  by  Virginia,  with  a  description  of  its 
location  and  the  name  of  the  grantee,  and  often  of  other 
landowners  adjoining.  Upon  its  pages  Gallic  names 
are  frequent  from  the  time  of  the  "  ffrench  vignerons," 
one  of  whom,  Elias  La  Guard,  was  granted  100  acres 
•'  to  cultivate  tobacco"  near  Buck  Roe,  on  Chesapeake 
Bay,  adjoining  the  lands  of  another,  James  Bonall,  in 
1629.  And  so  also  such  names  often  occur  during  the 
middle  third  of  the  century  upon  the  record  books  of 
Norfolk  County — relics  doubtless  of  De  Sauce's  abor- 
tive effort — and  of  the  counties  Nansemond,  Warwick, 
Elizabeth  City,  James  City,  as  well  as  others  upon 
lower  tidewater. 

There  was  a  grant  of  200  acres  in  New  Kent  County 
to  Cornelius  de  Bony  (D'Aubigne,  Dabney)  in  1664, 
another  on  Totomoy  Creek  of  York  River  of  640  acres 
in  1666,  and  one  to  Sarah  Dabney  in  King  and  Queen 
County  (now)  of  179  acres  in  1701  ;  and  from  1630 
until  the  end  of  the  century  there  were  grants  to  vari- 
ous Frenchmen,  some  of  whom  were  John  Battaile, 
Richard  Durand,  De  la  Mundayes,  Durant,  Cornelius 
De  Hull,  John  De  Bar,  William  De  Baum,  Gozen  De  la 
Nome  (De  la  Noue?),  De  Young,  De  Bandy,  De 
Berry,  Roger  Fontaine  (1655),  Steven  F'ouace,  Hensha 
Gilliam.  John  HilHer,  William  Jordan,  Samuel  Jourdan, 
Anthony  La  Furder,  Robert  Linnee,  Lewis,  Lassall,  La 


Mont,  Theodore  Moyses,  Nicholas  Martian,  Hannah 
Mountrey,  William  Michael,  Michael  Mellaney,  Michael 
Millechops,  Thomas  Moyssier,  Thomas  Morel,  Stephen 
Norman,  Cornelius  Noel,  Francis  Poythers,  Perin, 
Poleste,  Thomas  Paule,  Richard  Perrot,  Frances  Place, 
Prosner,  Peter  Pluvier,  Daniel  Pensax,  Mary  Peron, 
Edward  Pere,  Francis  Pettit,  Henry  Pruett,  Thomas 
Palliser,  Nicholas  Robins,  William  Ravenell,  Rabnett, 
John  Rosier,  Ralph  Rowzee,  Christopher  Regault, 
Matthew  Roden,  Hugh  Roye,  John  Rue,  Daniel  Re- 
gaut,  John  Revell,  Royall,  Sully,  Nicholas  Sabrell, 
Robert  Sorrel,  Samuel  Sallis,  Tollifer  (Talliaferro, 
Tailfer,)  William  Therrialt,  John  Toton,  John  Tra- 
mier,  Thomas  Vicomte,  John  Vasler,  Robert  Vaus, 
John  Vallentine,  Robert  Vaulx,  Richard  Vardie,  Isaac 
Vodin,  Vaudery. 

And  there  are  probably  hundreds  of  others,  whose 
names,  anglicized,  misspelt,  or  translated,  do  not  so  cer- 
tainly indicate  French  nationality. 

John  Toton,  one  of  those  just  enumerated,  was 
granted  100  acres  in  York  County,  November  24,  1686, 
and  is  the  same  of  whom  further  information  is  found 
upon  the  Massachusetts  Archives,  CXXVL,  p.  374,  in 
a  petition  from  him  saying  that  he  was  a  doctor  from 
La  Rochelle,  and  that  ever  since  1662  he  had  been  an 
inhabitant  of  the  territory  of  his  Majesty,  and  was  a 
free  denizen  of  Virginia  by  favor  of  Lord  Howard  of 
Effingham,  its  Governor  ;  that  being  then  bound  for 
Terceira  on  business  for  William  Fisher  of  Virginia, 
and  hearing  that  French  Protestants  were  treated  with 
much  severity  in  that  island,  asks  the  General  Court  of 
Massachusetts  for  letters  representing  him  as  an  Eng- 
lishman. As  the  Marquis  of  Effingham  did  not  arrive 
in  Virginia  until  1680,  and  letters  of  denization  required 


>^ 


Ifl 


«7 


,      1       15 


^ 


258  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

a  previous  residence  of  not  less  than  four  years,  Dr. 
Touton  must  have  settled  there  ere  1676.  He  was  evi- 
dently the  Dr.  John  Touton  of  La  Rochelle  who  was 
compelled  to  leave  that  city,  with  three  hundred  other 
good  citizens,  by  the  tyrannous  order  of  1661,  which 
required  all  Huguenots  to  go  away  within  fifteen  days, 
who  had  not  been  residents  prior  to  1627,  unless  they 
abjured.  Perhaps  Dr.  Touton  did  so  to  gain  time  for 
preparation,  as  was  quite  customary,  for  his  application 
to  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts,  given  by  Baird,  i., 
270,  is  dated  the  following  year,  and  he  is  still  at  La 
Rochelle.  This  is  his  application,  but  manifestly  he 
and  his  friends  preferred  Virginia : 

"...  To  the  honoured  Governor,  deputy  Governor 
and    Maiistrates   of  the   Massachusetts   Colonie — The 
petition  of  John  Touton  of   Rochell  in  France,  Doctor 
Chirurgion,  in  behalfe  of  himselfe  and  others.      Humbly 
shewing,  that  whereas  your  petitioner  with  many  other 
protestants,  who  are  inhabitants  in  the  said  Rotchell, 
(a  list  of  whose  names  was  given  to  the  said  honoured 
Govnr.)  who  are,  for  their  religion  sake,  outted  and 
expelled  from  their  habitations  and  dwellings  in  Rot- 
chell aforesaid,  he,  your  said  petitioner  humbly  craveth, 
for  himselfe  and  others  as  aforesd.,  that  they  may  have 
liberty   to    come    heather,  here  to    inhabit    and  abide 
amongst  the  English  in  this  Jurisdiction,  and  to  follow 
such  honest  indeavours  and  ymployments,  as  providence 
hath  or  shall  direct  them  unto,  whereby  they  may  get  a 
livelihood  and  that  they  might  have  so  much  favour 
from  the  Govmt.  here,  as  in   some   measure  to  be  cer- 
tayne  of  their  residence  here  before  they  undertake  the 
voyage,  and  what  priviledges  they  may  expect  here  to 
have,  that  so  accordingly  as  they  find  incoridgmt.  for 
further   progress    herein,    they   may    dispose    of   their 
estates  of    Rotchell,  where    they   may   not   have   any 
longer  continuance.     Thus  humbly  craveing  you  would 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


259 


be  pleased  to  consider  of  the  premisses,  and  your  peti- 
tioner shall  forever  pray  for  your  happiness." 

On    May   3,  1683,  the  Huguenot  Relief  Committee 
in  London 

''  Paid  Mr  David  Dashaise,  Elder  of  the  French  Church 
in  London  for  fifty  five  french  Protestants  to  go  to  Vir- 
ginia, Seventy  pounds  sterling."    (Baird,  ii.,  175.) 

In  1687  six  hundred  French  Protestant  refugees  were 
sent  to  America  at  the  Committee's  charges.  Steven 
Fouace,  who  came  direct  from  London  with  letters 
from  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  about  that  time,  may 
have  been  one  of  these.  He  was  soon  after  made  a 
trustee  of  William  and  Mary  College  at  Williamsburg, 
and  established  as  rector  of  a  parish  near  Williamsburg 
in  James  City  County.  Another  Huguenot  whose  name 
first  occurs  about  this  time  was  the  Rev.  James  Bois- 
seau,  who  sailed  from  the  Downs  in  1689  for  Virginia 
{Collections  Hug.  Sac,  of  America,  i.,  p.  334).  He  was  of 
the  Virginia  clergy  soon  after  his  arrival,  and  seems  to 
have  been  involved  in  difficulties  with  his  Vestry  in 
1693,  who,  like  some  others  in  the  colony  at  that  time, 
sought  to  be  rid  of  the  expense  of  maintaining  a  minis- 
ter by  nailing  up  the  church  door  and  refusing  him 
admission,  in  which,  it  was  claimed  by  Mr.  Commissary 
Blair,  they  were  encouraged  by  Governor  Nicholson. 
The  settlers  at  Brenton,  soon  to  be  spoken  of,  were  in 
all  probability  among  the  six  hundred  of  1687. 

Abroad,  interest  and  inquiry  increased,  and  in  Vir- 
ginia some  of  the  largest  landholders  now  turned  their 
attention  to  this  means  of  procuring  tenants  or  pur- 
chasers for  their  own  territory ;  and  individual  enter- 
prise for  personal  gain,  on  both  sides  of  the  Atlantic, 


It 


\\\ 


ill 


26o  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

co-operated  with  the  finer  feelings  of  charity  and  be- 
nevolence. 

Col.  William  Fitzhugh,  of  Bedford,  on  the  Potomac, 
— a  member  of  the  Council  and  one  of  the  prominent, 
influential  men  of  the  colony,  a  wealthy  lawyer,  planter, 
and  merchant, — was  one  of  these.      Mr.  George  Brent, 
of  Woodstock,  and  of  Brenton,  on  Occoquon  Creek,  of 
the  same  neighborhood,   the  Receiver-General  for  his 
district,    also    a    distinguished    lawyer    and    successful 
planter,  was  another  ;  and  the  far-seeing,  astute,  and  pub- 
lic-spirited Col.  William  Byrd,  of  Westover,  on  the  James, 
— the  most  prominent  man  then  in  Virginia,  the  founder 
of  Richmond,  the  pioneer  in  Virginia,  and  therefore  in 
America,  of  the  coal  and  iron  industries, — was  another. 
And  they  no  doubt  had  many  imitators  of  lesser  note 
who  aided  in  the  advertisement  of  Virginia's  attractions 
through   their   London   and   Bristol   factors  and  corre- 
spondents.    They  were  all  owners  of  immense  bound- 
aries of  land.     Colonel  Byrd,  who  owned  more  land  than 
any  other  Virginian,  had  large  tracts  on  the  James  and 
Rappahannock  rivers,  and  in  other  parts.      Colonel  Fitz- 
hugh's  were  chiefly  on    the  Potomac — he  left   54,000 
acres  when  he  died  ;  and  Brent's  were  in  Stafford  and 
up  towards  the  mountains  at  Manassas.     Promoters  and 
agents  were  busy  in  Europe  distributing  prospectuses 
and  advertisements,  and  seeking  to  organize  expeditions 
to  settle  in  Virginia  under  private  arrangements  with 
the  landholders  there,  profitable  to  the  leaders.     There 
were  the  usual  companies  and  corporations  formed  to 
promote  emigration  and  settle  large  tracts  of  land  for 
purposes  of  profit.     And  Massachusetts,   South  Caro- 
lina, Pennsylvania,  and  other  colonies,  eager  for  French 
refugees  for  settlers,  had  their  special  advocates  in  Lon- 
don for  that  purpose. 


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261 


In  1685  Mr.  George  Brent  and  Nicholas  Hay  ward,  mer- 
chants, of  London,  were  endeavoring  to  procure  Hugue- 
nots to  settle  upon  a  large  tract  of  land  of  theirs  on 
Occoquon  Creek, — about  30,000  acres,  called  Brenton, 
where  Brentsville,  now  in  Prince  William  County,  stands. 
The  active  mind  of  the  alert  Fitzhugh  at  once  perceives 
how  profitable  such  a  settlement  upon  part  of  a  tract 
would  be  to  the  owner  of  the  remainder,  and  himself  pro- 
ceeds to  offer  some  of  his  lands  for  settlement  also.  The 
price  was  moderate  and  the  arrangement  for  supplies 
most  provident  and  considerate.  For  lack  of  such  the 
subsequent  Manakin  Town  settlement  was  shorn  of  half 
its  members  and  so  seriously  crippled  at  the  very  begin- 
ning that  it  never  revived.  The  following  is  an  extract 
from  his  letter  of  proposal  to  Mr.  Nicholas  Hay  ward. 
It  was  written  from  his  residence  on  the  Potomac,  then 
in  Westmoreland  County,  now  King  George,  not  far 
from  Gunston  and  Mount  Vernon. 

"Bedford.  May  20th.  1686 

*'Mk.  Nicholas  Hayward 

*'.  .  .  Also  in  the  said  letter,  you  seem  to  have  an 
inclination  of  disposing  your  new  purchase  in  my  Neigh- 
bourhood, to  some  French  Hugonots.  If  your  inten- 
tions therein  be  as  well  led  by  charity  to  help  the 
distressed,  as  p  advantage  to  make  profit  of  your  Pur- 
chase, I  believe  it  may  lay  in  my  power  to  answer  both 
or  either  of  them,  for  if  you  are  designed  for  sale,  if  you 
please  to  give  me  the  offer,  and  to  set  your  lowest  price, 
I  will  accept,  and  make  you  punctual  and  good  pay- 
ment, either  in  money  or  Tob°.  And  for  the  French 
Protestants,  I  have  convenient  and  good  Land  enough 
to  seat  150  or  200  familys  upon  one  Dividend,  w*=^  con- 
tains 21996  Acres,  which  I  will  either  sell  them  in  fee  at 
£1.  sterling  for  every  hundred  acres,  or  else  lease  it  to 
them  for  three  lives,  paying  20  shillings  p  annum  for 
every  hundred  acres,  and  they  may  have  the  liberty  of 
renewing  one,  two  or  three  lives  at  any  time,  paying  for 


I 


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each  life  to  be  renewed  one  years  Rent,  without  de- 
manding any  fine  or  other  consideration  for  their  first 
purchase,  and  will  engage  to  find  them  with  meal  and 
meat  for  the  first  year,  meat  at  2-6  p  hundred,  and  corn 
at  2-6  p  bushel  for  as  many  soever  as  comes  in,  if  it  be 
three  or  four  hundred  people,  and  all  other  necessarys 
for  their  money  at  the  Country  Market  price.  The 
Land  I  offer  to  Sell  or  lease,  is  situate  in  this  country, 
lyes  within  a  mile  and  half  of  Potomack  River,  and  of 
two  bold  navigable  creeks,  is  principal  good  Land,  and 
is  more  proper  for  frenchmen,  because  more  naturally 
inclined  to  vines  than  yours,  or  any  about  our  Neigh- 
borhood, and  will  engage  to  naturalize  every  soul  of 
them  at  ^3  p  head,  without  any  more  or  other  matter 
of  charge  or  trouble  to  them,  whereby  the  heirs  will  be 
capacitated  to  inherit  the  fathers  purchase.  S'  I  am 
more  afraid  of  falling  upon  Scylla  to  avoid  Charybdis, 
that  is,  of  one  sea,  if  I  should  endeavour  to  be  perspicu- 
ous, I  should  be  too  impertinent  and  troublesome,  and 
if  I  should  be  very  short  I  doubt  obscurity,  therefore 
I'll  rather  venture  a  breach  of  good  manners  and  a  tres- 
pass upon  your  patience  (which  your  respected  letter 
manifests  to  be  soon  tired)  by  repetitions,  rather  than 
hazard  an  obscurity  in  my  propositions  and  intentions, 
for  whereas  I  have  said  if  so  many  familys  comes,  my 
meaning  is,  let  few  or  many  familys  come,  not  exceeding 
that  number,  I  am  provided,  and  will  certainly  seat  them 
and  provide  for  them  upon  the  conditions  expressed. 
And  if  I  lease  for  three  lives,  my  meaning  is  they  shall 
pay  no  fine  or  Purchase,  but  only  their  annual  Rent, 
also  one  man  may  have  2.  3.  4.  or  500  acres  or  as  many 
hundred  as  he  pleases,  paying  for  each  hundred  20  sh. 
annually  and  renewing  i.  2.  or  3  lives  at  any  time  for 
the  full  of  the  yearly  rent.  S'  If  these  offers  be  accept- 
able or  pleasing  to  the  frenchmen  or  any  other  of  your 
friends  it  will  be  double  advantageous  to  me,  first 
by  meeting  an  opportunity  to  serve  you  through  your 
friends,  and  secondly,  by  profitably  either  selling  or 
tenanting  my  Land,  which  till  so  done,  is  rather  a 
Charge  than  profit."      (Va.  Hist.  Soc,  i.,  409.) 


But  these  efforts  to  establish  a  separate  settlement 
were  not  successful.     They  never  were  in  Virginia,  and 
the  soundness  of  the  old  Virginia  Company's  judgment 
in  this  respect  was  verified  every  time  such  attempts 
were   made.     They  were  successful    in   bringing  over 
some  families,  and  in  sufficient  numbers  to  be  accom- 
panied by  their  minister ;  but  how  many  came,  or  their 
names,  or  how  long  the  settlers  continued  together,  and 
how  many  made  their  homes  here,  we  do  not  know,  for 
the  records  of  Stafford  County  were  ruthlessly  destroyed 
during  the  late  war.     Abraham    Michaux  (of    Sedan) 
was  probably  one  of  these.     The  family  tradition  is  that 
under  the  encouragement  offered  by  King  William  he 
came  from   Holland  to  Virginia  with  his  wife  and  six 
children,  and  landed  in  Stafford  County,  on  the  banks 
of  the   Potomac,  but  afterwards  removed  to  Manakin 

Town. 

Campbell,  in  his  History  of  Virginia,  states  that  in 
1690  William  HL  sent  a  number  of  Huguenots  to  Vir- 
ginia, and  this  is  about  the  date  of  the  short-lived  Bren- 
ton  colony,  most  of  whom  had  moved  to  Maryland, 
writes  Colonel  Mason  to  the  Governor,  October  28, 
1 701  : 

"Wee  have  no  news  in  these  parts  only  that  ye 
ffrench  Refugees  is,  most  of  them  gone  to  Maryland  and 
have  left  an  ill  distemper  behind  them,  ye  bloody  flux 
which  has  effected  some  of  our  neighbours.  Ye  ffrench 
Refugees  great  friend  Col'l  Fitzhugh  dyed  tuesday  ye 
2ist  at  night."     (Va.  Hist.  Soc,  v.,  44.) 

Several  years  before,  in  a  very  characteristic  letter, 
this  great  friend  of  the  Huguenots  offers  an  uncon- 
scious tribute  to  the  high  character  and  attainments  of 
the  unnamed  Huguenot  minister  who  had  probably  ac- 
companied the  Brenton  settlers,  in  that  he  sends  his  son 


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265 


to  England  for  his  education  to  be  continued  by  another 
like  him.  This  letter,  now  among  the  records  of  the 
Virginia  Historical  Society,  addressed  to  George  Mason, 
merchant,  of  Bristol,  *'  per  Richard  &  John,"  and 
dated  July  21,  1698,  has  never  been  published.  It  is  as 
follows  : 


n 


Sir. 


**  By  this  comes  a  large  and  dear  consignment  from 
me,  the  consignment  of  a  son  to  your  care  &  conduct.  I 
am  well  pleased,  and  assure  myself  of  a  careful  &  Ingen- 
ious manage,  if  you  will  please  to  undertake  it,  the  gen^eral 
good  character  of  your  most  virtuous  Lady,  whom  I 
must  esteem  the  Cape  Merchant  in  the  adventure,  puts 
me  under  the  assurance  that  he  will  be  as  well,  if  not 
better,  under  your  Conduct  there  than  he  can  be  possi- 
bly with  us  here.  He  is  furnished  with  cloaths  only 
for  his  Sea  Voyage,  for  I  thought  it  was  needless  to 
make  him  up  cloaths  here  for  his  wear  there  because  it 
might  be  there  better  &  more  suitably  done,  therefore 
I  shall  refer  to  you  for  furnishing  of  him  with  what  is 
fit  and  decent  as  befits  an  honest  Planter's  or  farmer's 
son,  not  with  whats  rich  or  gaudy,  I  shall  refer  that  to 
your  own  discretion.  Now  Sir,  to  tell  you  that  he  is 
eleven  years  &  a  half  old  &  can  hardly  read  or  write  a 
word  of  English  might  make  you  believe  that  either  he 
was  a  dull  boy,  or  that  I  was  a  very  careless  and  neg- 
lectful Parent.  Indeed  it's  neither  carelessness  in  me, 
nor  dulness  in  him,  for  although  he  cannot  read  or 
write  English,  yet  he  can  both  read,  write,  &  speak 
French  &  has  run  over  the  Rudiments  of  the  Latin 
Grammar  according  to  the  french  method,  for  he  has 
been  a  considerable  time  with  a  most  ingenious  french 
Gentleman,  a  Minister  who  had  the  government  and 
tutorage  of  him  &  indeed  did  it  singularly  well,  but  the 
unhealthfulness  of  his  seat  &  the  sickness  of  the  child 
occasioned  his  removal  from  thence.  Therefore  if  it 
can  be,  as  Capt  Jones  tells  me  it  may,  I  would  have 


him  put  to  a  french  Schoolmaster  to  continue  his  french 
and  learn  latin.  Now  Capt  Jones  tells  me  there  is  such 
a  school  or  two,  about  three  or  four  miles  from  Bristol 
&  if  it  could  conveniently  be  done  I  would  have  him 
boarded  at  the  Schoolmaster  House.  Now  S'  I  have 
told  you  my  mind  &  how  I  would  have  him  managed  if 
I  could,  I  must  at  last  say  in  general  that  I  refer  the 
whole  to  your  discreet  &  prudent  manage  assuring 
myself  that  if  you  are  pleased  to  undertake  the  trouble, 
you  will  do  by  him  as  if  he  were  a  child  or  relation  of 
your  own,  &  shall  without  more  saying  refer  him  to 
your  Conduct  &  hope  within  a  week  after  his  arrival 
you  will  contrive  him  to  his  business  ;  what's  necessary 
for  him  either  for  books.  Cloths  or  now  &  then  a  little 
money  to  buy  apples,  plums  &"  is  left  wholly  to  yourself 
&  all  charges  shall  be  punctually  answered  &  thankfully 
acknowledged     ..." 

Upon  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  in  1685, 
half  a  million  of  the  most  desirable  of  the  people  of 
France  were    suddenly   forced    into  exile   and   sought 
refuge  chiefly  in  those  Protestant  countries  of  Europe 
which  so  willingly  received  them.     England,  Holland, 
and    the     Palatinate    especially,    were    crowded    with 
those  noble  sufferers,  who,    relinquishing  all  they  had 
at  home,   preferred    poverty  and    expatriation    to   the 
sacrifice  of  their  belief  in  God.     Many  of  them,  skilful 
in  arts  and  manufactures,  found  ready  employment  and 
prompt  support,  but  there  were   many   others   not   so 
qualified  whose  increasing  numbers  taxed  to  the  utmost 
the  powers  of   their  generous  friends.     The  pressing 
need  for  permanent  settlement  where  they  could  gain 
their  own  support  and  make  a  new  home  for  their  chil- 
dren was  felt  by  all,   and  the  eyes  of  many  naturally 
turned   to  Virginia,  whose  attractions  were  just   then 
given  such  conspicuous  prominence. 

The    Dutch   were   familar   with    the   free    spirit   of 


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Virginia's  people  and  the  rich  products  of  her  teeming 
soil,  having  been  her  chief  traders  for  many  years.  Their 
sovereign,  the  new  King  of  England,  was  the  Hugue- 
not's great  friend  and  supporter.  He  was  the  champion 
of  the  Protestants — as  had  been  his  illustrious  ancestor 
William  of  Orange — and  had  been  accepted  as  such  in 
lieu  of  the  Catholic  James. 

He  was  deeply  grateful  to  his  valiant  Huguenot  allies, 
— the  flower  of  his  army, — whose  gallantry  he  readily 
acknowledged  had  contributed  so  effectively  to  his 
speedy  success,  and  he  was  anxious  to  establish  them 
in  his  American  colonies. 

Numbers  of  their  own  leaders  too,  men  of  wide  influ- 
ence and  of  good  report,  were  of  the  same  mind  and 
ready  to  undertake  to  collect  their  scattered  compa- 
triots into  bands  of  two  or  three  hundred  and  conduct 
them  to  Virginia,  some  actuated  by  motives  of  pure 
benevolence  alone,  others  also  by  the  expectation  of  the 
rewards  offered  by  Virginia  and  her  landowners.  Vir- 
ginia liberally  gave  to  all  who  brought  colonists,  *'  Head 
rights  "  of  fifty  acres  per  poll,  and  her  planters  paid 
generously  those  who  brought  them  tenants. 

The  Huguenot  contingent — of  thousands — in  the 
Dutch  army  was  no  longer  needed  there  and  must  soon 
settle  themselves  anew. 

And  Virginian  planters  themselves,  through  private 
channels,  were  active,  and  thoroughly  alive  to  the  ad- 
vantages to  accrue  to  the  colony  from  the  introduction 
of  such  superior  men  to  cultivate  her  vacant  lands — and 
to  themselves  individually  also,  for  they  too  held  much 
land,  well  selected  and  of  the  best  quality,  and  some 
of  the  settlers  would  surely  find  their  way  thereto. 

Thus  as  the  century  approached  its  end,  many  pow- 
erful influences  combined   in   favor  of  Virginia.     The 


Huo-uenots  were  needy  and  most  anxious  for  an  abid- 
ingliome.     The  King  was  kind  and  his  proffered  aid 
bountiful  ;  he  gave  ;^3000  for  the  ''  incouragem't  of  that 
design  to  defray  the  charges  of  500  persons  in  crossing 
the  "seas,   and  to   relieve  their  own   necessities"   (Va. 
Hist.    Soc,   v.,    54).       The   charms    of   Virginia  were 
as  familiar  to  many  as  household  words,—  she  offered 
to   newcomers   all  the    rights   and  immunities   of   the 
native  born,  liberal  gifts  of  land,  valuable  special  privi- 
leges  and  exemptions,  perfect  liberty  to  worship  God 
in  their  own  way  and  with  their  own  minister,  and  a  hand- 
some bonus  to  those  who  brought  them  to  her  shores. 
The  Virginians  were  sincerely  desirous  of  their  coming ; 
the  chief\mong  them,  both  members  of  the  Council  and 
of  great  power  and  high  official  station  in  the  colony, 
announced  themselves  their  special  friends,  and  offered 
their  private  lands  and  ample  support  till  a  crop  could 
be  made.     The  Huguenots  who  had  already  gone  to 
Virginia  were  prosperous  and  pleased.     No  doubt  it 
was  deemed,  by   most,  especially  attractive  that  they 
might  settle  in  a  separate  community  of  their  own  and 
thus  preserve  among  themselves  the  language,  customs, 
and  industries   of    France— for   many   still    had  lively 
hopes   of   ultimately    returning   there    in  better  times. 
And  there  was  in   London  a  Protestant   Relief  Com- 
mittee, with  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  at  its  head, 
who  had  funds  for  their  transportation  and  equipment. 

Such  an  unusual  combination  of  favorable  circum- 
stances could  not  fail  of  large  fruition,  z\  e.,  a  body  of 
colonists  in  number,  character,  influence,  importance, 
and  value  far  exceeding  any  that  had  ever  crossed  the 

sea. 

For  their  benefit  the  King  appealed  to  his  generous 
subjects,  who   added  ^12000  to  the   Protestant  Relief 


■ 


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Fund.  He  specially  ordered  the  Governor  of  Virginia 
to  give  them  all  possible  encouragement  upon  their 
arrival,  and  to  grant  them  at  once  Letters  of  Denization 
and  such  lands  as  were  usual  to  newcomers.  Virginia 
responded  by  a  gift  of  10,000  of  her  richest  acres  upon  the 
James  River, — an  allotment  of  nearly  thrice  the  amount 
**  usual  to  newcomers"  (50  acres  was  "  usual,"  but  these 
Huguenots  received  133), — an  exemption  from  all  taxa- 
tion for  many  years,  freedom  to  worship  God  under 
their  own  ministers,  and  by  granting  them  at  once  all 
the  rights,  privileges,  and  immunities  of  natural-born 
Englishmen — for  which,  hitherto,  a  four  years'  resi- 
dence had  been  required. 

The  King's  order  in  Council  and  the  Acts  of  Vir- 
ginia were  as  follows.  The  first  is  reproduced  from 
Perry's  Virginia  Chu7'€h  Papers,  p.  113,  the  second,  from 
Hening's  Virginia  Statutes  at  Large.     Ed.  1823,  iii.,  201. 

*'  Order  of  Council  for  the  Relief  of  the  French 
Refugees  going  to  plant  in  Virginia. 

**  At  the  Court  of  Kensington  the  7^*"  day  of  March 
1699.  Present.  The  King's  Most  Excellent  Majesty 
in  Council. 

*'  Upon  reading  this  day  at  the  Board  a  representation 
from  the  Lords  Commissioners  of  trade  &  plantations 
in  the  words  following  to  wit,  viz, 

*'  May  it  please  your  Majesty 

**  In  obedience  to  your  Majesty's  commands  signi- 
fied to  us  by  the  R'  Hon^'*"  Mr  Secty  Vernon  upon  the 
petition  of  the  Marquis  de  la  Muce,  Mon'  De  Sailly, 
and  other  Protestant  refugees  desiring  leave  to  settle 
in  Norfolk  County  in  Virginia,  we  do  humbly  represent 
unto  your  Majesty  that  the  said  County  being  a  place 
more  secure  than  other  remoter  parts  formerly  proposed 
for  the  Petitioners,  your  Majesty  may  be  pleased  in 
their  favour  to  send  orders  to  the  Gov'  of  Virginia 
(under  whose  Gov^  that  Countie  lies)  to  give  them  all 


possible  encouragement  upon  their  arrival  there  — 
settling  their  family  and  promoting  their  endeavours 
in  planting,  &  by  granting  them  such  tracts  of  land  as 
usual  to  New  Comers  ;— the  said  Pet""  referring  them- 
selves to  your  Majesty  for  such  further  gratification  and 
Charitable  assistance  as  to  your  Majesty  in  your  great 
wisdom  and  bounty  shall  seem  meet.  It  being  further 
requisite  that  before  their  departure  they  be  made 
denizens  of  Engl*^  for  their  greater  encouragement  in  the 
enjoyment  of  the  privileges  accruing  thereby. 

''  All  which  nevertheless  is  most  humbly  submitted. 

Lexington.  J  no  Pollexfen. 

Ph  Meadows.  Abr"^  Hill. 

W"  Blathwayt.       Geo  Stepney. 

Whttehall.  March  ) 

^th  i6g      j-  j^jg  Majesty  in  Council  approv- 

ing the  said  representations  having  thereupon  been 
pleased  to  give  directions  for  the  preparing  of  orders  to 
be  sent  to  the  Gov""  of  Virginia  to  give  all  possible  en- 
couragement to  the  Petitioners  upon  their  arrival  there 
in  settling  their  families  and  promoting  their  endeav- 
ours in  planting,  and  by  granting  them  such  tracts  of 
land  as  usual  to  New  Comers.  His  Majesty  is  further 
pleased  to  order  that  as  a  Charitable  assistance  to  the 
Petitioners  in  their  undertaking,  allowance  be  made  to 
such  Vaudois  and  other  protestant  refugees  as  have  not 
had  a  share  beyond  Sea  of  the  benevolence  collected 
upon  the  late  brief  on  their  behalf,  &  are  either  already 
come  over  into  Engl'^  or  shall  come  speedily  over,  in 
order  for  their  going  to  the  above  said  settlement,  for 
their  transportation  &  for  the  building  of  a  Church  & 
for  a  competent  number  of  Bibles  Common  Prayer 
Books  &  other  books  of  devotion,  as  also  for  the  neces- 
sary accommodation  for  lodging  of  2  ministers  who  are 
to  accompany  them,  as  the  Lords  Commissioners  ap- 
pointed for  the  brief  granted  by  his  Majesty  for  the 
Vaudois,  French,  &  other  Protestant  refugees  in  this 
Kingdom,  shall  think  fit,  the  said  allowance  being  not 
to  be   made    to  the   Petitioners  till   they  are  actually 


! 


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shipped  in  order  to  their  transportation  to  Virginia,  & 
his  Majesty  is  further  pleased  to  declare  that  letters  of 
Denization  shall  be  granted  to  the  Petitioners,  or  such 
of  them  as  shall  be  certified  to  this  board,  according  to 
the  usual  form,  before  their  going  out  of  this  Kingdom." 

"ACT  II. 

**  An  act  making  the  French  refugees  inhabiting  at  the 
Manakin  towne  and  the  parts  adjacent  a  distinct 
parrish  by  themselves,  and  exempting  them  from 
the  payment  of  publick  and  county  levyes  for 
seaven  years. 


*'  Whereas  a  considerable  number  of  French  protes- 
tant  refugees  have  been  lately  imported  into  this  his  maj- 
jesty's  colony  and  dominion  severall  of  which  refugees 
have  seated  themselves  above  the  falls  of  James  River 
at  or  near  a  place  comonly  caled  and  known  by  the 
name  of  Manakin  towne,  for  the  encouragement  of  the 
said  refugees  to  settle  and  remaine  together  as  near  as 
may  be  to  the  said  Manakin  towne, 

**  Bee  it  enacted  by  the governour,  councill,  and  burgesses 
of  this  present  generall  assembly,  and  it  is  hereby  enacted, 
That  the  said  refugees  inhabiting  at  the  said  Manakin 
towne  and  the  parts  adjacent,  shall  be  accounted  and 
taken  for  inhabitants  of  a  distinct  parrish  by  themselves 
and  the  land  which  they  now  do  or  shall  hereafter  possess 
at  or  adjacent  to  the  said  Manakin  towne,  shall  be  and 
is  hereby  declared  to  be  a  parish  of  itselfe,  distinct  from 
any  other  parish  to  be  caled  and  knowne  by  the  name 
of  King  Williams  parish  in  the  county  of  Henrico,  and 
not  lyable  to  the  payment  of  parish  levies  in  any  other 
parish  whatsoever. 

"  And  be  it  further  enacted  by  the  authority  aforesaid, 
That  such  and  so  many  of  the  said  refugees  as  are 
already  settled  or  shall  hereafter  settle  themselves  as 
inhabitants  of  the  said  parish  at  the  Manakin  towne  and 
the  parts  adjacent  shall  themselves  and  their  familys  and 


every  one  of  them  be  free  and  exempted  from  the  pay- 
ment of  publick  and  county  levies  for  the  space  of  seven 
years  next  ensuing  from  the  publication  of  this  act,  any 
law,  statute,  custome,  or  usage,  to  the  contrary  in  any 
wise  notwithstanding."     (Hening's  Va.  Stat,,  iii.,  201.) 

Subsequently  this  period  of  exemption  was  extended 
to  December  25,  1708.     {Id,,  478.) 

In  1702  a  special  act  was  passed  naturalizing  in  bulk 
the  settlers  at  Manakin  Town,  designated  therein  as 
'•Claude  Philip  de  Richbourg,  Frances  Ribot,  Peter 
Faurr,  John  Joanny,  James  Champaine  &  others."    {Id,, 

228.) 

Three  years  afterwards,  at  the  request  of  the  Gov- 
ernor and  Council,  stating  that  they  had  '*  received 
divers  petitions  heretofore  presented  by  the  ffrench 
Refugees  settled  at  Manikin  town" — doubtless  those 
who  had  settled  there  after  the  date  of  the  previous 
act — praying  for  naturalization,  a  general  law  of  natural- 
ization was  passed  applicable  to  all. 

One  of  the  friends  and  promoters  of  Huguenot  emi- 
gration to  Virginia  at  this  period  was  Dr.  Daniel  Coxe, 
former  Physician  to  Queen  Anne,  and  a  courtier  of  in- 
fluence in  London.  He  held  large  landed  grants  in 
Virginia,  and  in  Carolina  also,  and  it  was  to  the  latter 
that  the  Virginia  expedition  now  being  organized  was 
at  first  expected  to  be  sent,  for  we  find  that  on  May  2, 
1698,  he  made  a  contract  with  its  organizers  and  leaders, 
the  Marquis  de  la  Muce  and  the  Sieur  Charles  de 
Sailly,  to  sell  them  50,000  acres  in  Carolina  at  a  nominal 
price,  upon  which  they  were  to  seat  one  hundred  Prot- 
estant families.     {Id.,  52.) 

For  some  reason,  however, — perhaps  because  the 
colonists  were  unwilling  to  go  to  these  "  remoter  parts 
formerly  proposed  for  them  "  (see  his  Majesty's  order 


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in  Council  heretofore  given), — the  county  of  Norfolk  in 
Virginia  was  selected  for  them,  where  Dr.  Coxe  also 
had  a  large  tract  of  land,  under  an  original  grant  to 
Lord  Maltravers  in  1639. 

The  active  organizers  and  leaders  of  the  expedition 
were  the  Marquis  Olivier  de  la  Muce  and  the  Sieur 
Charles  de  Sailly.     {Id.,  54.) 

The  former,  the  chieftain  of  this  important  colony, 
was  an  eminent  French  nobleman  whose  ancestors  from 
the  dawn  of  the  Reformation  had  been  faithful  and 
valorous  Huguenots,  and  whose  family  had  been  con- 
spicuous for  excellence  of  character  and  for  piety. 
*'  Va-t-en  au  nombre  des  elus,  Bonaventure  de  la 
Musse "  is  inscribed  upon  the  register  of  deaths  of 
the  Protestant  Church  of  the  ultra- Huguenot  city 
of  Vitre,  the  city  of  the  great  De  la  Noue  of  the  *'  Iron 
arm."  And  so  lovely  was  the  short  life  of  a  younger 
sister  who  died  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  that  her  memoirs 
were  published  in  Holland  for  the  encouragement  and 
emulation  of  all.  Our  lamented  associate,  the  Rev. 
Charles  W.  Baird, — that  tireless  Huguenot  historian, 
whose  loss  Virginians  so  greatly  deplore,  and  who  has 
accomplished  so  much  in  bringing  to  light  the  forgotten 
records  of  our  ancestry, — thus  relates  what  little  is 
known  of  this  eminent  Breton  nobleman  ere  he  came 
to  Virginia.  Virginia  records  reveal  something  of  his 
short  career  there,  but  of  him  subsequently  we  know 
nothing.    Dr.  Baird  says  {Htigue?iot  Emigration,  ii.,  ^^)  : 

**.  .  .  Not  far  from  the  city  of  Nantes,  in  southern 
Bretagne,  was  the  seat  of  the  noble  house  of  La  Muce- 
Ponthus.  Bonaventure  Chauvin,  seigneur  de  la  Muce- 
Ponthus,  the  head  of  this  house  in  the  early  days  of  the 
French  Reformation,  was  one  of  the  first  among  the 
nobility  of  the  province  to  embrace  the  new  faith.  He 
became    its   most   earnest   supporter,   *  consumed   with 


zeal '  for  the  cause  of  religion  ;  and  his  descendants  in- 
herited the  same  devotion.     His  three  sons  fought  in 
the  Huguenot  armies  under  Henry  IV.  ;  and  his  grand- 
son David,  Marquis  de  la  Muce,  presided  over  the  po- 
litical assembly  of  the  Protestants,  held  in  La  Rochelle 
in  the  year  1621.     For  his  attendance  upon  that  assem- 
bly,  contrary  to    the    King's  commands,  he  was  con- 
demned to  be  drawn  and  quartered  ;  a  sentence  which 
was  executed  upon  him  in  effigy  ;  whilst  his  beautiful 
castle  was  actually  demolished  and  razed  to  the  ground. 
C^sar,  his  son,  and  Olivier,  his  grandson,  were  elders  in 
the    Reformed    Church    of    Nantes.       Under   the    pro- 
visions   of   the   Edict  of   Nantes,  the  Seigneurs  de  la 
Muce  claimed  the  right  of  holding  religious  services  in 
their  own  house,  and  besides  supporting  this  worship, 
they  contributed  generously  to  the  funds  of  the  '  temple  ' 
in  the  adjoining  village  of  Suce.     The  church  of  Suce 
had  two   pastors,   one   of  whom  preached   also   in  the 
chdtemt  of  La  Muce.     The  ministrations  of  these  pas- 
tors  were   frequently    attended    by    Protestants   from 
Nantes,    who   went   to    Suce   by  water,   singing   their 
psalms   in    the    good    old    Huguenot    fashion,   as    they 
rowed  along  the  banks  of  the  little  river  Erdre,  which 
flows  past  that  village,  and  empties  into  the  Loire  at 
Nantes.      Urseline    de  la   Muce,  widow  of  Cesar,    re- 
nounced Protestantism  at  the  period  of  the  Revocation; 
though  complaint  was  made  that  she  gave  no  signs  of 
a  true  conversion.      But  her  son  Olivier,  worthy  of  his 
Huguenot  ancestors,  remained   inflexible.     Soon   after 
the  Revocation,  he  fled  from  his  home,  and  was  arrested 
on  the  island  of  Re,  while  waiting  for  an  opportunity 
to  make  his  escape  to  England.     Imprisoned  for  two 
years,  first  in  La  Rochelle,  and  afterwards  in  the  castle 
of  Nantes,  he  resisted  every  effort  to  persuade  him  to 
deny  his  faith.     At  length  an  order  was  given   for  the 
expulsion  of  the  Marquis  de  la  Muce  from  the  kingdom, 
as  an  obstinate  heretic.     Accordingly  he  was  placed  on 
board    a   foreign   ship,  the  captain  of   which    received 
orders  to  land  him  in  England,  but  carefully  to  conceal 
from  him  the  fact  that  he  was  about  to  be  set  free.    This 


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274  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

method  was  occasionally  resorted  to  by  the  government, 
in  dealing  with  the  Protestants  of  high  rank,  whose 
prolonged  imprisonment  or  summary  execution  would  be 
likely  to  attract  public  notice  and  occasion  remonstrance 
from  abroad.  The  mystery  maintained  to  the  last  in 
such  cases  was  designed  to  deepen  the  terror  of  the 
prisoner,  and  perhaps  induce  him  to  recant  before  the 
moment  set  for  his  actual  liberation.  Ignorant  of  his 
destination,— supposing  that  like  many  others  at  that 
period  he  was  but  to  exchange  a  prison  for  slavery  in 
the  West  Indies,— his  suspense  terminated  only  when 
the  vessel  came  in  sight  of  the  English  coast." 

Until  their  arrival  the  colonists  all  expected  to  be 
seated  in   Norfolk  County,  near  the  mouth  of  James 
River.     Dr.  Coxe  held  large  grants  of  lands  there  also, 
and  there  is  reason  for  believing  that  when  the  location 
upon  his  Carolina  lands  was  abandoned,  he  and  the 
Marquis  had  sufficient  interest  at  Court  to  procure,  in 
spite  of  the  remonstrance  of  Colonel    Byrd,   that  his 
lands  in  Norfolk  County  should  be  its  destination,  to 
which  he  had  transferred,  no  doubt,  his  agreement  with 
De  la  Muce  and   De  Sailly.     And  no  doubt  many  of 
the  party  had  been  induced  to  reject  other  applications 
to  settle  elsewhere  from  some  of  the  colonization  agents 
with  which   London  then  abounded,  and  to  decide  to 
accompany  him,  upon  his  promise  and  representation 
that  the  settlement  was  to  be  upon  the  Norfolk  lands— 
practically  upon  the  shores  of  their  own  Atlantic,  and 
far  more  convenient  and  accessible  than  **  the  other  re- 
moter parts  "  upon  the  upper  James,  to  which  upon  arrival 
they  learned  with  dismay  they  were  to  be  transferred. 

The  change,  however  judicious, — and  who  can  say  that 
it  was  not  ill-judged  ?— was  felt  to  be  arbitrary  and  an 
unjust  disregard  of  the  agreement  they  had  made,  for  it 
sent  the  settlers  to  a  remote  and  isolated  frontier,  and 


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deprived  the  leaders  of  the  expected  benefit  of  the 
contract  with  Dr.  Coxe  for  the  seating  of  a  hundred 
Protestant  families  upon  his  lands. 

That  this  change  was  a  great  disappointment  to  them 
and  caused  unexpected  hardships  and  losses  to  the  set- 
tlers, abundantly  appears  from  the  tone  of  a  petition 
addressed  to  the  Council  **  sitting  at  Mr  Auditor  Byrds 
14'*^  of  Nov  :  1700,"  about  five  months  after  their  arrival, 
asking  for  further  aid  and  support ;  for, 

*'.  .  .  corn,  clothes,  seeds,  tools  and  some  cattle, 
because  for  want  of  lands  upon  Nantsmund  River, 
where  they  thought  to  be  settled  and  set  down  by 
the  Ship  altogether  with  their  goods  without  any 
charge,  they  have  been  obliged  to  goe  up  about  150 
miles  into  ye  woods  25  miles  from  ye  plantations,  and 
to  bear  great  and  extra  ordinary  charges  for  their  trans- 
portation and  of  all  their  goods  and  victualls,  besides 
ye  loss  they  suffered  at  James  town  by  ye  sinking 
of  their  sloop,  where  they  had  their  goods  lost  and 
spoiled  to  ye  value  of  300;^,  and  ye  sicknesse  they  have 
laid  under  at  ye  falls  these  4  months,  having  been 
above  1 50  sick  at  once,  w'th  soe  little  help  and  assist- 
ance in  a  place  where  provisions  are  so  scarse  and 
dear,  y't  they  have  been  forced  for  some  small  relief 
and  supply  to  sell  their  arms,  clothes  and  other  goods 
after  having  spent  what  money  they  had,  and  so  to  re- 
main naked  and  deprived  of  all  commodities  till  his 
Maj'tie  be  pleased  to  assist  and  relieve  them  to  enable 
y'm  to  make  good  plantations  and  to  build  ye  Town." 
(Va.  Hist.  Soc,  v.,  50.) 

A  pitiable  picture  indeed  ;  and  no  doubt  these  unfor- 
tunates were  constantly  assailing  their  leaders  with  com- 
plaints and  reproaches  which  the  latter  felt  to  be  unjust  ; 
and  naturally  resented.  So  the  change  of  location  not 
only  added  greater  difficulties  to  the  actual  seating  of 
the  colony  than   had  been  bargained  for,   but  caused 


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bitter  divisions  and  dissensions  in  the  ranks.  The  un- 
successful are  always  wrong  :  the  bright  anticipations  in 
London  were  wofully  different  from  the  actual  experi- 
ence at  the  James  River  falls  ;  censure  and  blame  were 
loudly  spoken  of  De  la  Muce  at  home,  so  that  what  w^ith 
failure,  censure,  dissatisfaction,  and  an  inability  to  cope 
with  these  unexpected  difficulties  he  seems  to  have  lost 
all  heart,  and  a  few  months  after  leaves  Virginia  and 
we  hear  of  him  no  more. 

It  is  but  fair  to  his  memory,  however,  to  recall  that 
in  his  petition  to  the  Virginia  Council  just  referred  to,  he 
and  De  Sailly  expressly  state  that  they  had  come  solely 
to  plant  the  colony  and  to  settle  it  conveniently  and  com- 
fortably, and  desired  to  return  to  London  to  render 
their  accounts  and  answer  the  charges  which  both 
French   and   Catholics  were    circulating    against  them 

there. 

De  la  Muce  probably  sailed  for  England  in  February, 
1 70 1,  for  from  Captain  Webb's  house  (at  the  falls)  he 
writes  to  Governor  Nicholson  on  the  15th  of  that  month 
asking  that  his  contract  with  Dr.  Coxe  be  returned, 
**  which  cost  us  a  great  deal  of  money  which  w^e  expect 
to  recover,  or  part  of  it,"  and  desiring  to  know  of 
Colonel  Byrd  whether  he  can  return  to  England  in  one 
of  the  ships  '*  now  Lying  by  Westopher."  (Va.  Hist. 
Soc,  v.,  25.) 

This  disastrous  change  of  location  was  probably  due 
altogether  to  the  influence  of  Colonel  Byrd,  who  op- 
posed the  Norfolk  site  because  he  said  that 

**  in  a  competition  betwixt  a  Plantation  belonging  to 
ye  King  and  another  belonging  to  Proprietors,  the  first 
ought  always,  in  duty  and  by  Virtue  of  ye  Prerogative, 
to  be  prefer  d,"     (Va.  Hist.  Soc,  v.,  7.) 

and  prevailed  upon  the  Governor  and  Council  to  make 


the  change.  He  was,  as  his  father  had  been,  an  earnest 
advocate  of  the  settlement  of  European  Protestants  in 
Virginia,  and  was  active  and  untiring  in  effort  to  pro- 
cure them,  and  to  help  and  assist  them  when  they 
came  :  but  his  great  care,  liberality,  and  friendliness  for 
these  settlers  clearly  indicates  that  he  felt  himself  in  a 
manner  responsible  for  their  desolate  condition. 

The  error  committed  was  that  the  change  had  been 
arbitrarily  made,  and  without  consulting  those  most 
interested.  Colonel  Byrd's  objections  were  founded 
upon  excellent  reasons,  both  of  public  utility  and  in  the 
interests  of  the  colonists  themselves.  But  Colonel  Byrd 
was  a  most  active  and  clever  man  of  business,  with  eyes 
ever  watchful  for  his  own  personal  interests.  He  had 
very  large  territories  of  land  at  the  James  River  falls, 
where  he  afterwards  founded  the  city  of  Richmond,  and 
there  may  have  been  a  spice  of  worldly  wisdom  in  pro- 
curing the  settlement  of  so  large  a  number  of  colonists 
like  these  in  advance  of  his  own  frontier,  and  between 
him  and  the  Indians,  w^ho  not  so  very  long  before  had 
massacred  all  the  whites  at  these  very  falls— at  Bacon's 

Quarter. 

The  Norfolk  location,  however  undesirable  then,  is 
to-day  the  most  fruitful  and  prosperous  of  all  Virginia. 
It  is  her  loveliest  land,  whose  fertile  soil  is  first  in 
spring  to  burst  forth  in  beauteous  fruits  and  flowers 
most  bountiful.  Its  fields  are  gardens  of  earliest  fruits 
and  vegetables  and  berries  of  every  kind,  and  its  woods 
teem  with  natural  flowers  in  tropical  profusion  most 
lavishly  displayed.  Wild  roses  of  all  colors  and  perfec- 
tion cover  the  fences  and  line  every  lane  and  road; 
the  air  is  heavy  with  the  sweet  odors  of  jasmine, 
honeysuckle,  rhododendron,  ivy,  laurel,  and  mag- 
nolia ;  violets,  marguerites,  goldenrod,  and  the  Hugue- 


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not  aster  cover  the  meadows ;  while  the  watercourses, 
which  give  every  farmer  ready  access  to  market  from 
his  own  door,  are  full  of  French  flags  and  lilies  and  all 
manner  of  flowering  water  plants. 

But  it  was  plainly  to  Colonel  Byrd's  own  interest  as 
well  as  to  that  of  the  public  that  the  settlement  should 
not  be  made  upon  Dr.  Coxe's  lands  in  Norfolk  County, 
as  well  because  a  location  above  the  falls  would  advance 
the  frontier,  as  because  opportunity  might  then  occur  to 
secure  some  of  the  most  desirable  of  these  coveted  im- 
migrants for  his  own  lands,  either  there  or  elsewhere. 
He  had  written  to  the  Lords  in  Council  as  follows  : 

**  Proposalls  Humbly  Submitted  To  The  L'ds  Of  Ye 
Councill  Of  Trade  And  Plantations  For  Sending 
Ye  French  Protestants  To  Virginia 

*' [Presented  in  the  year  1698] 
**  Whereas,  His  Majesty  has  been  pleased  to  refer  to 
your  L'ps  the  care  and  Disposal  of  a  Considerable 
number  of  French  and  Vaudois  Refugees  that  have 
had  ye  hard  fortune  to  be  driven  out  of  their  Country 
on  account  of  their  Religion,  and  some  Proposals  have 
been  offered  to  your  L'ps  for  ye  sending  'em  to  a  small 
Tract  of  Land  lying  betwixt  Virginia  and  Carolina, 
which  the  Proprietors  of  Carolina  call  theirs,  in  order  to 
Settle  a  New  Colony  there  ;  Upon  a  full  enquiry  into 
ye  matter,  and  due  examination  of  all  Circumstances,  I 
humbly  conceive  it  will  appear  that  Territory  is  upon  no 
account  so  fit  a  Place  for  this  small  Colony  as  ye  upper 
Parts  of  James  River  in  Virg'a,  and  that  for  these 
several  Reasons  : 

**  I — Because  that  part  of  lower  Norfolk  claim'd  by 
No.  Carolina,  to  the  Southward  of  Corotuck,  is  accord- 
ing to  its  name,  for  ye  most  part,  low  Swampy  ground, 
unfit  for  planting  and  Improvement,  and  ye  air  of  it 
very  moist  and  unhealthy,  so  that  to  send  Frenchmen 
thither  that  came  from  a  dry  and  Serene  Clymate  were  to 


send  'em  to  their  Graves,  and  that  wou'd  very  ill  answer 
his  Maj'ty's  charitable  Intention,  and  prove  as  unsuccess- 
full  as  ye  late  expedition  to  Darien,  whereas  on  ye  con- 
trary, ye  upper  part  of  James  River  affords  as  good  land 
and  as  wholesome  Air  as  any  Place  in  America,  and  here 
is  room  enough  for  'em  to  live  Comfortably  altogether 
under  a  very  easy  Governm't,  tho'  perhaps  it  were 
better  that  they  were  to  be  disperst  in  small  numbers 
all  over  ye  Country,  for  then  they  would  be  less  Capa- 
ble of  raising  any  disturbance  and  wou'd  be  much  more 
easily    Supply'd    w'th    necessarys    towards    their    first 

Settlement. 

*'  2 — In  that  part  of  Virginia  they  will  not  be  put  to 
so  many  difficultys  and  distress'd  at  their  first  Settlem't 
as  of  necessity  they  must  in  that  dismal  part  of  Caro- 
lina, Provisions  being  there  much  Cheaper  and  Assist- 
ances of  all  kinds  nearer  at  hand,  and  then  ye  Expence 
of  settling  them  will  be  much  more  reasonable,  for  if 
these  poor  wretches  be  sent  recommended  to  Collo. 
Nicholson,  Gove'r  of  Virg'a,  he  will  be  exceedingly 
active  in  an  undertaking  of  so  great  Charity,  and  will 
place  them  in  such  a  part  of  ye  Country  as  may  be  most 
happy  for  them,  and  by  his  generous  Example  will 
encourage  other  People  of  Substance  to  contribute  to 
their  assistance. 

•         ••••• 

''4_'Twill  be  more  for  ye  Interest  of  His  Majesty 
and  of  the  Kingdom  of  England  to  send  them  to  Virg'a, 
for  'tis  well  known  how  use  full  such  Subject  there  is  to 
this  Nation,  Whereas  in  a  New  Colony  'twill  be  long 
before  they'll  be  able  to  Supply  their  own  necessitys, 
and  much  longer  before  they  can  possibly  yield  any  ad- 
vantage to  England. 

'*  5 — In  a  competition  betwixt  a  Plantation  belonging 
to  ye  King  and  another  belonging  to  Proprietors,  the 
first  ought  always,  in  duty  and  by  Virtue  of  ye  Prerog- 
ative, to  be  prefer'd. 

♦*6 — If  these  People  shou'd  be  settled  in  that  Fog 
end   of    N.    Carolina    under    the    Proprietors,    all   our 


28o  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

Criminals  and  Servants  wou'd  run  away  thither  for  pro- 
tection, as  those  of  Maryland  do  to  Pensilvania,  and  those 
of  New  York  to  ye  Jerseys,  and  they'll  be  sure  to  receive 
em  upon  good  Terms  for  ye  Service  and  advancement 
of  their  new  Colony,  and  I  humbly  Submit  it  to  your 
L'd  ps  Consideration  whether  it  were  not  necessary  to 
injoin  all  Governors,  under  Severe  penaltys,  to  cause 
diligent  Search  to  be  made  after  all  Such  Fugitives,  and 
to  send  'em  back  to  ye  Province  from  whence  they 
made  their  Escape,  for  hitherto  the  Governor  of  Pro- 
prietys  have  been  particularly  deaf  to  all  Such  Com- 
plaints, to  the  great  prejudice  of  his  Maj't's  more  use 
full  Plantations  ;  and,  indeed,  if  the  illegal  Trade,  En- 
tertainment and  Protection  of  Pyrates  and  other  foul 
Practices  of  those  lawless  Governments  were  fully  un- 
derstood, the  King  wou'd  be  so  far  from  establishing  of 
New  Proprietys  that  He  wou'd  have  good  Reason,  as 
well  as  legal  Title,  to  sieze  the  old  ones.  So  that  I 
hope  your  L'ps,  upon  Consideration  of  all  these  partic- 
ulars, will  please  to  determine  this  matter  in  favour  of 
Virginia,  which  prides  it  self  on  being  ye  most  advan- 
tageous to  ye  Crown  of  England  of  all  its  Dominions 
on  the  Continent."     (Va.  Hist.  Soc,  v.,  5.) 

Nevertheless,  their  Lordships,  presumably  influenced 
by  Dr.  Coxe,  adherred  to  the  Norfolk  County  location, 
and  the  Governor  of  Virginia  was  so  instructed. 

It  is  significant  of  the  free  spirit  which  prevailed  in 
Virginia,  that  notwithstanding  the  direct  order,  issued 
after  full  consideration  of  Colonel  Byrd's  remonstrance, 
the  Governor  and  his  two  councillors.  Colonel  Byrd 
and  Colonel  Harrison,  determined  to  seat  this  colony 
upon  the  upper  James,  where  Colonel  Byrd  desired. 

The  accounts  of  the  Relief  Committee  in  London  at 
this  period  show  how  active  were  the  efforts  to  enlist 
the  Huguenots  in  this  emigration.  There  are  charges 
for  printing  5000   "projects";    for  distributing  them, 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


281 


and  maps,  throughout  England,  Germany,  and  Switzer- 
land ;  for  printing  1600  tickets,  and  for  the  expense  of 
-Mr.  Borel.  Minister  &  horse"  for  seven  or  eight 
months,  visiting  the  refugees  in  England  about  this 
matter.  There  are  charges,  too,  for  ''bringing  75 
colonists  come  from  Switzerland."  And  for  tools,  and 
arms,  and  some  small  supplies  of  clothing,  hats,  stock- 
ings,'and  other  goods,  £14;  and  ''bleu  Cloth  handker- 
chiefs, cravats  &c  £^6  "  ;  and  ten  shillings  for  "  a  greate 
Black  Trunck  to  put  ye  goods  in."   (Va.  Hist.  Soc, v.,  1 3.) 

The  voyagers  were  dispatched  as  fast  as  a  ship-load 
was  gathered  in  London.  Four  vessels  sailed  to  Vir- 
ginia^hat  year.  The  first  was  the  Mary  Ann,  George 
Hawes,  captain;  she  cleared  from  London  April  19, 
1700,  and  arrived  at  Hampton  July  23,  1700.  The  sec- 
ond was  the  Peter  and  Anthony,  galley,  Captain  Perreau, 
which  arrived  October  6,  1 700 ;  of  the  third  we  know 
but  little,  save  the  names  of  the  few  of  her  passengers 
who  joined  the  colony  at  Manakin  Town  ;  and  the  fourth 
was  the  Nassau,  Captain  Tragian— she  sailed  Decem- 
ber 8,  1700,  and  arrived  in  York  River  March  5,  1701. 

It  is  estimated  that  these  vessels  brought  about  eight 
hundred  souls.  But  many  others  were  induced  to  come 
by  the  notoriety  of  the  preparations  made  for  these,  and 
by  the,  to  them,  attractive  prospect  of  so  many  Hugue- 
nots living  together  in  their  own  community  in  Virginia. 
Probably  two  or  three  hundred  preceded  or  followed 
them,  individually  or  a  few  together,  and,  being  able  to 
defray  their  own  expenses,  preferred  to  do  so  and  to 
make  their  own  choice  of  new  homes,  for  all  the  lands 
in  Virginia  were  cheap  enough.  A  few  pounds  in- 
vested in  "  Head  right  certificates,"  lavishly  issued  and 
often  fraudulently  procured,  would  secure  as  much  land 
as  was  needed.     Every  immigrant  was  entitled  to  fifty 


282 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


283 


acres  in  fee  for  himself  and  each  one  of  his  family,  and 
many  of  the  planters  were  ready  and  anxious  to  sell  or 
rent  to  settlers  upon  moderate  terms, — a  few  shillinas 
the  acre,  or  one  fourth  the  crop,  and  provide  sufficient 
supplies  till  harvest  as  well.  Besides,  men  of  labor, 
skill,  industry,  and  cultivation,  as  these  refugees  were, 
were  welcomed  and  greatly  needed  everywhere  in  Vir- 
ginia, and  opportunities  for  gaining  their  livelihood 
were  elsewhere  better  than  in  the  isolated  community  at 
Manakin  Town. 

In  a  few  years  new  French  names  appear  upon  our 
Virginia  records — other  than  those  upon  the  passenger 
lists  of  these  ships  ;  and  while  it  is  true  that  the  Mana- 
kin Town  settlement  never  realized  the  sanguine  expecta- 
tions entertained  of  it  as  a  community,  it  is  also  true 
that  those  who  settled  in  the  country  apart,  and  mingled 
at  once  with  their  neighbors,  as  there  was  abundant  op- 
portunity for  them  to  do,  greatly  prospered  from  the 
first,  and  being  able  to  write  most  encouraging  accounts 
to  friends  left  behind,  soon  influenced  others  to  join  them. 

A  copy  of  the  Charter-Party  of  one  of  these  ships — the 
Nassatt,  galley,  five  hundred  tons — may  be  seen  among 
the  archives  of  the  Virginia  Historical  Society  at  Rich- 
mond, as  may  be  many  other  documents  concerning 
this  emigration  to  which  I  have  referred. 

It  provides  that  the  vessel  shall  proceed  to  Blackwall 
by  December  5,  1700,  and  lay  there  three  days  to  em- 
bark such  French  passengers  as  may  be  sent  on  board, 
and  then  sail  for  Jamestown,  Virginia,  by  the  usual 
route  ;  that  the  owners  were  to  be  paid  £^  per  pas- 
senger, and  ^100  for  one  fourth  of  the  hold  of  the  ship 
for  passenger's  baggage  and  effects  ;  that  the  passen- 
gers were  to  be  berthed  in  separate  apartments,  two  in 
each,  or  in  hammocks,  and  were  to  be  provided  with 


provisions  of  the  same  kind  and  quality  as  served  to  the 
crew,  and  upon  arrival  were  to  be  safely  landed  with 
their  effects  upon  the  shore  at  Jamestown.  And  then 
follows  this  special  stipulation  : 

^^  Memorandum.— \t  is  agreed,  That,  although  it   is 
mentioned  that  the  Passengers  shall  have  the  same  al- 
lowance of  provisions  as  the  Ship's  company,   It  is  the 
intent  and  meaning  of  the  s'd  parties  y't  they  shall  have 
the  allowance  as  followeth  (vizt)  :  to  every  passenger 
above  the  age  of  6  years,  to  have  7  pounds  of  Bread 
every  weeke,  and  to  a  mess,  8  passengers  in  a  mess,  and 
to  have  2   peeces  of   Porke,  at  2  pounds  each  peece, 
5  days  in  a  weeke,  with  pease  ;  and  2  days  in  a  week  to 
have  2  four  pound  peeces  of  Beefe  a  day  and  pease,  or 
one  four  pound  peece  of  Beefe  with  a  Pudding  with 
pease ;  and  at  any  time  if  it  shall  happen  that  they  are 
not  willing  the  Kettle  should  be  boyled,  or  by  bad  weather 
cannot.  In  such  case  every  passenger  shall  have  i  pound 
of  cheese  every  such  day ;    and  such  children   as  are 
under  6  years  of  age  to  have  such  allowances  in  flower, 
oatmeal.  Fruit,  Sugar  and  Butter  as  the  overseers  of 
them  shall  Judge  Convenient."     (Va.  Hist.  Soc,  v.  41.) 

The  pioneer  vessel,  as  already  said,  was  the  Mary 
Ann,  Captain  George  Hawes.  She  sailed  April  19th, 
and  arrived  at  Hampton  July  23,  1 700.  She  brought  205 
passengers,  including  many  little  children,  and  the 
leaders  of  the  movement,  the  Marquis  de  la  Muce  and 
M.  Charles  de  Sailly,  who  had  left  instructions  in  Lon- 
don that  others  with  supplies  were  to  be  forwarded  as 
they  assembled.  M.  Claude  Phillipe  de  Richebourg 
was  the  minister,  and  Pierre  Chastain  their  physician. 
Her  passenger  list  was  as  follows : 

"LIST  OF  YE  REFUGEES 

"  Pierre  Delome,  and  wife.      Marguerite  and  daugh- 
ter.   Magdalaine  Mertle.    JeanVidau.   Tertulien  Sehult, 


\ 


284  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

wife  and  2  ch.  Pierre  Lauret.  Jean  Roger.  Pierre 
Chastain,  wife  and  5  ch.  Philippe  Duvivier.  Pierre 
Nace,  wife  and  2  daughters.  Francois  Clere.  Symon 
Sardin.  Soubragon,  and  Jacques  Nicolay.  Pierre  du 
Loy.  Abraham  Nicod.  Pierre  Mallet.  Francoise, 
Coupet.  Jean  Oger,  wife  and  3  ch.  Jean  Saye. 
Elizabet  Angeliere.  Jean  and  Claude  Mallefant  and 
mother.  Isaac  Chanabas,  his  son,  and  Catherine  Bo- 
mard.  Estienne  Chastain.  Adam  Vignes.  Jean 
Menagerand  Jean  Lesnard.  Estienne  Badoiiet.  Pierre 
Morriset.  Jedron  Chamboux  and  wife.  Jean  Farry. 
Jerome  Dumas.  Joseph  Bourgoian.  David  Bernard. 
Jean  Chevas  and  wife.  Jean  Tardieu.  Jean  Moreau. 
Jacques  Roy  and  wife.  Abraham  Sablet  and  2  ch. 
Quintin  Chastatain.  Michael  Roux.  Jean  Ouictet, 
wife  and  3  ch.  Henry  Cabanis,  wife  and  child.  Jaques 
Sayte.  Jean  Boisson.  Fran9ois  Bosse.  Jean  Fou- 
chie.  Fran^oise  Sassin.  Andre  Cochet.  Jean  Gaury, 
wife  and  ch.  Pierre  Gaury,  wife  and  ch.  Jaques 
Hulyre,  wife  and  4  ch.  Pierre  Perrut  and  wife.  Isaac 
Panetier.  Jean  Parransos  &  sister.  Elie  Tremson 
and  wife.  Elizabet  Tignac.  Antoine  Trouillard.  Jean 
Bourru.  Jean  Bouchet.  Jaques  Voyes.  Elizabet 
M ingot.  Catharine  Godwal.  Pierre  la  Courru.  Jaques 
Broret,  wife  and  2  ch.  Abraham  Moulin  and  wife. 
Francois  Billot.  Pierre  Comte.  Etienne  Guevin. 
Rene  Massoneau.  P^an^ois  du  Tartre.  Isaac  Verry. 
Jean  Parmentier.  David  Thonitier  and  wife.  Moyse 
Lewreau.  Jean  Constantin.  Claud  Bardon  and  wife. 
Jean  Imbert  and  wife.  Elizabet  Fleury.  Loys  du 
Pyn.  Jaques  Richard  and  wife.  Adam  and  Marie 
Prevost.  Jaques  Viras  and  wife.  Jaques  Brousse  and 
ch.  Pierre  Cornu.  Louiss  Bon.  Isaac  Fordet.  Jean 
Pepre.  Jean  Gaillard  and  son.  Anthonie  Matton  and 
wife.  Jean  Lucadou  and  wife.  Louiss  Orange,  wife 
and  ch.  Daniel  Faure  and  2  ch.  Pierre  Cupper. 
Daniel  Roy.  Magdelain  Gigou.  Pierre  Grelet.  Jean 
Joanny,  wife  and  2  ch.  Pierre  Ferrier,  wife  and  ch. 
Isaac  Arnaud  and  wife.  Pierre  Chatanier,  wife  and 
father.     Jean  Fonasse.     Jaques  Bibbeau.     Jean  March. 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


285 


Catherine  Billot.  Marie  and  Symon  Jourdon.  Abra- 
ham  Menot.  Timothy  Moul,  wife  and  ch.  Jean  Savm, 
wife  ch.  Jean  Sargeaton,  wife,  ch.  Claud  Philipe  and 
wife  Gabriel  Sturter.  Pierre  de  Corne.  Helen 
Trubyer.  Jean  Cautepie.  Michel  Cautepie,  wife  & 
.  ch  The  widow  Faure  &  4  ch.  Pierre  Tillou.  Mane 
Levesque.  59  women  and  girls— 38  children  108  men, 
and  Messrs.  De  la  Muce  and  de  Sailly— making  in  all 
'207  persons"  (Va.  Hist.  Soc,  vi.,  65.) 

Evidently  the  Marquis  was  not  the  man  qualified  to 
overcome  the  stern  difficulties  in  which  he  was  soon  in- 
volved.    The  party  he  led  being  the  first  ready  to  start, 
because  being  without  property  or  employment,  were 
probably  poorer  and  more  thriftless  than  others.   Certain 
it  is  that  they  were  vastly  inferior  to  those  who  followed. 
He  had  no  just  appreciation  of  the  duties  incumbent 
upon  the  leader  of  such  an  enterprise.     An  illustrious 
member  of  an  illustrious  and  devoted  Huguenot  family 
of  the  high  nobility  of  France,  whose  traditions  forbade 
familiarity  with  trade  or  commerce,  he  could  not  have 
aptitude  for  the  business  details  necessary  to  such  a 
position.      Already,   in  England  he  had  made  a  bad 
bargain  with   the    captain   of   the    ship    first    engaged, 
costing  his  scanty  fund  a  sum  which  it  could  not  spare, 
and  living,  as  he  had,  in  the  most  populous  and  produc- 
tive provinces  of  France,  what  conception  had  he  of  the 
necessities   of  a  crowd  of  men,   women,   and  children 
making  their  way  through  the  forests  of  Virginia,  miles 
and  miles  beyond  the  nearest  habitation,  where  after 
arrival  they  would  have  to   build,  and  clear,  and  plant, 
and  wait  for  a  year  at  least  ere  they  could  gather? 
Faithful  and  pious  Huguenot  as  he  was,  still  he  was  of 
the  nobility,  and  between  them  and  the  class  of  those  he 
led,,  the  social  distance  was  immense  even  in  exile  and 


286 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


poverty.  Doubtless  he  thought  to  be  lord  of  a  success- 
ful settlement,  perhaps  of  many,  which,  like  his  tenantry 
of  old,  would  all  willingly  do  him  grateful  honor  for  the 
smiling  homes  and  comforts  he  had  secured  them.  But 
cruel  disappointments  met  him  at  the  threshold.  He 
felt  himself  unjustly  blamed.  His  disconsolate  follow- 
ers murmured,  and  dissension  broke  out  against  him. 
He  becomes  embittered,  dismayed,  and  bears  himself 
somewhat  haughtily,  as  his  followers  no  longer  trust 
him,  and  a  spirit  of  independence  appears.  He  refuses 
the  second  party,  who  arrive  a  few  months  after  his, 
equal  participation,  and  thus  caused  a  faction  when 
unanimity  and  harmony  were  all-essential  to  success ; 
and  according  to  his  own  statement  his  conduct  had 
become  the  subject  in  London 

**  of  many  tales  and  false  reports  of  ye  ffrench  and 
Popish  Emissaries  who  have  always  endeavoured  to 
cross  and  oppose  this  undertaking,  and  as  we  see  have 
prevailed,  and  sent  over  some  men  to  cross  and  contra- 
dict us,  and  to  make  us  suspect  to  ye  Nation,  Govern- 
ment and  Clergy  &  to  all  other  people."  (Va.  Hist. 
Soc,  v.,  51.) 

The  fact  that  he  was  pecuniarily  interested  in  the  ad- 
venture must  have  weakened  his  influence  also. 

His  party  seem  to  have  been  in  trouble  from  the 
moment  of  arrival.  They  are  at  variance  with  Captain 
Hawes  who  '*  abuses  them  and  their  goods,"  ere  they 
land,  and  many  desert  their  companions  as  soon  as  the 
shore  is  reached,  and  prefer  to  remain  at  Jamestown. 
The  rest  are  compelled  to  toil  a  long  way  up  the  river, 
when  they  thought  to  be  landed  from  the  ship  upon  their 
own  ground  ;  and  are  put  to  heavy  charges  for  vessels 
to  transport  their  goods,  and  lose  ^300  by  the  sinking 
of  one  and  the  damage  to  their  effects.     And  finally, 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


287 


uhen  the  falls  are  reached  and  further  progress  must  be 
afoot,  half  of  their  number  are  too  feeble  and  sick  to 
proceed,  and  remain  there  for  months,  without  shelter 
and  in  extreme  destitution. 

Upon  arrival  at  Hampton,  Governor  Nicholson  hast- 
ens to  meet  them,  and  thus  tells  of  what  he  found  : 

**  Virginia,  James  City,  August  12,  1700. 

''May  it  please  Ydr  LorcTp.  : 

•'  The  24th  of  the  last  month,  I  had  the  good  Fortune 
of  receiving  his  May's  Royal  Commands  of  March  ye 
i8th,  ifff,  sent  me  by  yo'r  Lord  p,  concerning  the  Mar- 
quis de  la  Muce,  Mon'r  de  Sailly,  and  other  French 
Protestant   Refugees;  and  I   beg  leave  to  assure  yo'r 
Lord'p,  that  as  I  have,  so  I  will  endeavor  to  obey  them 
(they  were  on  board  the  ship  Mary  and  Ann,  of  Lon- 
don,  George   Haws,   Commander,   who  had  about   13 
weeks  passage,  and  the  23d  of  the  last  month  arrived  at 
the  mouth  of  this  River)  and  upon  receipt  of  them,  I 
immediately  went  down  to  Kickotan,  to  give  directions 
in  order  to  their  coming  hither,  some  of  wh.  came  on 
Sunday  in  the  evening,  the  rest  the  next  day.     I  wrote 
to  Colo.  Byrd  and  Colo.   Harrison  to  meet  them  here, 
w'ch    they  did,   and  we  concluded  that  there  was   no 
settling  them  in  Norfolk  nor  thereabouts,  because  es- 
teemed an  unhealthful  place,   and  no  vacant  land,  ex- 
cept some  that  is  in  dispute  now  betwixt  us  and  No. 
Carolina :  So  we  thought  it  would  be  best  for  them  to 
cro  to  a  place  about  twenty  miles  above  the  Falls  of 
James    River,    commonly   called    the    Manikin    Town. 
There   is  a  great  deal  of  good  Land  and  unpatented, 
where  they  may  at  present  be  all  altogether,  w'ch  we 
thought   would   be   best   for   his    Ma'ty's   Service  and 
Interests,  and  that  they  would  be  strengthening  to  the 
Frontiers,  and  would  quickly  make  a  settlement,   not 
only  for  themselves,  but  to   receive  others   when   his 
majesty  shall  be  graciously  pleased  to  send  them.    They 
may  be  prejudicial  to  his  Ma'ty's  interest  and  Service, 


288 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


289 


vizt.,  by  living  long  together,  and  using  their  own  lan- 
guage and  customs,  and  by  going  upon  such  manufac- 
tures, and  handicraft  Trades,  as  we  are  furnished  with 
from  England  ;  but  according  to  duty,  I  shall  endeavour 
to  regulate  these  affairs,  and  when,  please  God,  the 
Council  meets,  I  shall  lay  before  them  the  matters  re- 
lating to  these  Refugees.  On  Tuesday  I  mustered 
them,  and  No.  i  is  a  copy  of  the  List  of  them.  Colo. 
Byrd  went  before  them  in  order  to  meet  them  at  the 
Falls  of  this  River,  where  he  formerly  lived,  to  dispose 
of  them  thereabouts,  till  they  can  gett  houses  or  sheds 
in  the  place,  for  their  Reception,  and  he  promised  to  go 
along  with  the  Marquis  and  Mons'r  de  Sailly  to  show 
them  the  Land.  The  people  at  present  seem  to  be 
very  well  affected  towards  them,  and  to  commiserate 
their  condition,  and  some  who  have  seen  them  have 
given  them  money,  viz.  Colo.  Harrison,  5^;  Mr  Com- 
missary Blair,  the  like  Sum.  The  Reverend  Mr  Ste- 
phen Fouace,  thereabouts  ;  Mr  Benjamin  Harrison,  5/.; 
Mr  Attorney  General  Fowler,  something,  as  likewise 
Mr  William  Edwards,  Merchant  of  this  place.  I  am 
apt  to  think  that  Several  Gentlemen  and  others  will  be 
charitable  to  them.  They  went  from  hence  yesterday. 
"If  his  majesty  be  graciously  pleased  to  send  over 
more,  I  humbly  propose  that  Mr  Micajah  Perry,  mer- 
chant of  London,  may  be  spoken  with  about  their  pas- 
sage hither,  and  that  they  may  have  their  passage  on 
board  the  Ships  which  come  to  the  upper  parts  of 
James  River,  w'ch  is  the  nighest  place  to  their  settle- 
ment, and  that  there  may  not  above  40  or  50  come  in 
any  one  Ship  :  So  they  may  be  better  accommodated  in 
all  respects,  for  I  have  observed  that  when  Ships  that 
come  into  these  parts,  are  crowded  with  people,  'tis  ver)' 
prejudicial  to  their  health  ;  some  getting  sicknesses, 
w'ch  not  seldom  prove  catching,  some  dy  on  board,  and 
others  soon  after  they  come  on  shore."  (Va.  Hist.  Soc, 
vi.,  63.) 

On  the  20th  of  September  arrives  the  second  ship, 
the   Peter   and  Anthony,    galley,    of    London,    Daniel 


Perreau,  Commander,  with  106  refugees,  under  the 
change  of  Pastor  Benjamin  de  Joux,  who  has  been  speci- 
ally ordained  in  England  to  be  the  minister  of  the  whole 
colony.     Here  is  her  passenger  list : 

"List  of  All  Ye  Passingers  From  London  To  James 
River,  In  Virginia,  Being  French  Refugees  Im- 
barqued  hi  The  Ship  Ye  Peter  And  Anthony, 
Galley  Of  London,  Daniel  Perreau  Commander 
( Viz't :) 

•'  Monsieur  de   Joux,   minister.     Jean    Bossard,  wife 
and  3    ch.     Jean    Morroe.     Pierre    Masset.     Solomon 
Jourdan.     Estienne  Chabran  and  wife.      Susanne  Soblet 
and  3  ch.     Jean   Hugon.      Michel   Michel.     Theodore 
de  Rousseau.      Pierre  Cavalier,  wife  and  son.      Pierre 
Anthonie  Eupins.     Jean  Martain.      Isaac  Le  ffeure  [Le- 
few    in    Virginia].     Jean    Combelle.      Pierre     Renaud. 
Marthien    Roussel.     Augustin    Coullard.      Jean    Coul- 
lard.     Jacque  du  Crow,  wife  and  daughter.      Paul  Lau- 
rion.     Moise    Broc.     Jean    Pierre    Bondurand.     Pierre 
La    Badie.      Guilleaume     Rullet.      Anthony    Gioudar. 
Anne  Carbonnet  and  ch.     Guillemme  Guervot,  wife  and 
son.      Louis  Robert  and  d'gt.     Estienne  Tauvin,  wife 
and  2  ch.      Paul  Castiche.     Jean  Mazeris.      Noel  Dela- 
marre,  wife  and  daughter.     Jean  le  Vilain.     Jean  Ma- 
risset.     Jean    Maillard    and    3   ch.     Thimotthee  Roux. 
Gaspard  Guamondet  and  wife.     Jean  Pilard.      Estienne 
Ocosand.     Abraham  Remis  and  wife.     Jean  Le  Franc 
Verdurand.       Daniel    Maison    Dieu.      Pierre    Baudry. 
David  Menestrier.     Jacob  Fleurnoir,  wife,  2  sons  and 
2  dgts.     David  Blevet,  wife  and  6  ch.     Elizabeth  Lemat. 
Abraham  Le  Faix,  wife,  and  4  ch.     Jean  Arnaut,  wife 
and  dgt.     Jean  Genge  de  Melvis.     ffrancois  de  Launay 
and  ch.      Gaspart,  wife  and    7  ch.      Samuel   Mountier, 
wife  and  2  ch.     Jacques  Corbell.     Jacob  Capen.     Isaac 
Troc.      Elie  Gastand.     Anthonie   Boignard.     Nicholas 
Mare,  wife  and  2  ch.     Jacques  Feuillet  and  wife.    Pierre 
Sarazin.     Jean  Perrachou.      Phillippe  Claude.     Simon 
19 


290 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


291 


Hugault.  Samuel  Barrel.  Caspar  Gueruer,  wife  and  3 
ch.  Jean  Soulegre.  Louis  Desfontaine  and  wife. 
Daniel  Rogier.  Pierre  Gosfand.  Solomon  Ormund. 
Louis  Geoffray.  Maize  Verneuil,  wife  &  5  ch.  Joseph 
Olivier.  Jaques  Faucher.  Pierre  La  Grand,  wife  &  5 
ch.  Pierre  Prevol.  Daniel  Riches.  Francis  Clapie. 
Jacob  Riche,  wife  &  ch.  Mathieu  Passedoit.  Pierre 
Hiuert.  Michel  Fournet,  wife  &  2  ch.  Jean  Monnicat. 
Simon  Faucher.      169."     (Va.  Hist.  Soc,  v.,  14.) 

These  were  far  better  organized  and  much  better  led 
by  their  minister,  the  faithful  father  of  his  flock,  a 
practical  man  of  great  force  of  character,  sound  com- 
mon sense,  and  indomitable  energy  and  industry,  in  full 
sympathy  with,  and  enjoying  the  entire  confidence  of, 
his  charge.  They  were  heartily  welcomed  by  the  plant- 
ers, cheerful  and  pleased  with  the  prospect  before  them, 
and  proceeded  to  their  destination  without  misadven- 
ture or  complaint. 

Their  superiority  was  at  once  demonstrated,  and 
asserted  itself  as  soon  as  they  were  brought  into  antag- 
onism with  the  leaders  of  the  first  party  —  for,  seeing  the 
incompetency  of  the  Marquis,  they  gave  him  great 
umbrage  by  proceeding  without  hesitation  to  act  for 
themselves.  In  fact,  they  were  the  real  settlers  of 
Manakin  Town, —  for  nothing  of  consequence  had  been 
accomplished  ere  they  arrived, —  and  their  leader,  De 
Joux,  became  its  head  and  in  a  short  time  superseded 
both  the  Marquis  and  De  Sailly. 

Before  they  came,  De  Sailly,  who  was  manager  under 
the  Marquis,  had  proceeded  to  the  old  Indian  village 
and  done  some  small  work  of  preparation  in  clearing  out 
a  street  or  two,  and  in  opening  a  road  to  the  falls,  near 
to  which  were  the  mill  and  store  whence  all  their  sup- 
plies for  the  year  were  to  come.      He  seems  to  have 


organized  some  sort  of  a  government  for  the  Settlement 
also,  for  when  De  Joux  and  party  arrive  he  seeks  to  sub- 
ordinate them  to  what  he  had  done,  and  to  deny  them 
rights  in  the  lands  or  the  contributions,  which  had  been 
criven  to  all,  unless  they  would  recognize  his  superior 

authority. 

But  this  De  Joux  conceived  he  was  under  no  obliga- 
tion to  do  ;  and  finding  that  his  predecessors  had  not 
only  failed  as  promised  ''  to  put  themselves  in  a  capacity 
to  receive  such  of  their  brethren  as  should  afterwards  " 
follow  them  ;  that  De  Sailly  was  unable  to  make  proper 
provision  even  for  his  own  party,  with  whom  he  was  at 
variance,  and  that  he  demanded  that  De  Joux  should 
deliver  him  the  contributions  he  had  brought,  although 
denying  his  right  to  participation  in  the  common  fund, 
he  proceeded  to  act  independently. 

Accordingly,  under  the  leadership  of  their  own  pastor, 
his  party  quietly  seated  themselves  upon  the  lands 
adjoining  those  selected  by  De  la  Muce,  lying  between 
the  two  creeks,  Manakin  and  Powick  ;  De  Joux  himself, 
by  leave  of  the  Governor,  who  quickly  recognized  the 
superior  qualities  of  the  good  pastor,  allotted  them  their 
portions  there,  and  so  successfully  and  promptly  pro- 
cured supplies  and  aid  for  their  necessities  that  in  a  short 
time  most  of  the  others  sought  to  unite  with  him  and 
he  soon  became  the  leader  of  all. 

Of  this  independent  action  De  la  Muce  and  De  Sailly 
complained  to  the  Governor  in  language  which  shows 
but  too  clearly  how  embittered  they  had  become  by 
their  failure  — not  only  with  De  Jouxs  party,  but  with 
their  own.  Of  the  latter  they  say  in  their  complaint  to 
the  Governor : 

*'.     .     .     There   have   been    carryed    up    to  Monocan- 
town  about   120    Refugees,  of   whom  6   are  dead  and 


I  i 


292 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


about  20  gone  away,  some  for  libertinage  and  lazinesse 
and  some  for  want  of  bread,  beinL(  not  able  to  suffer 
hunger  and  take  patience  when  w(.'  meet  with  disappoint- 
ments (as  we  did  when  Bossard  and  his  'compHces  stole 
away  upon  ye  road  with  force,  violence  and  threatenings 
the  meale  from  our  men  and  horses").  ( Va.  Hist.  Soc, 
v.,  49-50.) 

And  of  De  Joux  and  his  party  : 

'*and  for  ye  other  Refugees  settled  by  Mr  de  Joux 
between  Manycan  Creek  and  Powick  Creek,  we  doe  not 
know  their  condition,  and  though  they  have  given  unto 
us  great  many  subjects  of  Complaints  in  troubling  and 
vexing  us,  we  will  Charitably  spare  y'm  ;  and  to  avoid  all 
disputes  and  quarrels,  desiring  to  live  cpiietly  and  peace- 
ably, say  nothing  of  ye  malice  and  tricks  they  employ 
every  day  to  blame  and  accuse  us  without  justice,  cause 
or  reason,  and  leave  to  ye  said  de  Joux  to  give  what 
acc't  he  pleases,  since  he  hath  done  all  without  us  and 
kept  ye  oth'er  'factures  and  goods  sent  to  us  ;  what  we 
affirme  this  2nd  day  of  December  1 700."  (Va.  Hist.  Soc, 

v.,  51-) 

Expecting  to  be  confirmed  in  sole  authority  over  the 
whole  colony,  they  ask  : 

** .  .  .  That  ye  Minister  De  Joux  be  ordered  to 
go  up  to  settle  and  stay  in  ye  town,  to  preach,  make 
prayers,  and  perform  other  duties  of  his  ministry  ;  that 
he  be  ordered  to  give  and  deliver  ye  accounts,  'factures 
and  goods,  intrusted  unto  him  and  sent  to  us  to  sell, 
exchange  or  mortgage  y'm  for  Corn  &f,  for  the  supplys 
of  the  people." 

They  also  request  that  the  people  of  the  third  ship  be 
commanded  to  make  like  delivery  of  what  had  been 
sent  by  them,  and  especially  of  a  "  Trunck  of  Chirurgy," 
costing  ^23  ;  and  that  they  and  all  other  refugees  be 
required  to  come  to,  and  remain  in,  the  settlement,  and 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


293 


that  the  Virginia  planters  be  forbidden  to  receive  or 

employ  them. 

How  totally  these  gentlemen  misconceived  their  posi- 
tion is  shown  by  the  above,  as  well  as  by  the  action  of  the 
Governor  upon  the  petition  of  M.  de  Joux's  followers. 

They  also  made  complaint,— of  the  Marquis  and  De 
Sailly,  on  their  own  behalf  and  that  of  all  the  other 
French  in  Virginia,  whom  the  former  were  thus  seeking 
to  bring  under  their  dominion. 

They  presented  a  dignified  and  temperate  statement, 
which  is  most  interesting  and  instructive,  as  well  be- 
cause of  its  superior  tone  as  of  its  graphic  picture  of 
their  condition  and  the  excellent  judgment  and  fore- 
thought it  displays. 

They  say  that  the  King  had  given  ^3000  to  de- 
fray the  charges  of  500  French  to  Virginia ;  that  the 
Marquis  and  De  Sailly  and  200  others  had  accord- 
ingly sailed,  giving  it  out  that  they  came  to  prepare 
to  receive  those  w^ho  should  follow,  and  left  directions 
that  all  such  should  be  shipped  as  fast  as  ready ;  and 
that  accordingly  De  Joux,  who  was  specially  ordained 
by  the  Bishop  of  London  to  be  the  minister  of  the 
colony,  and  150  others,  did  soon  after  sail  to  join  them. 
That  upon  landing  at  Jamestown  they  were  overjoyed 
to  learn  how  graciously  their  predecessors  had  been 
received,  and  especially  that  there  had  been  designated 
for  the  settlement  one  of  the  best  tracts  of  land  in  the 
country,  but  to  which  there  was  no  approach  by  water. 
That  so  far  from  preparations  having  been  made  for 
their  reception  and  from  being  welcomed  by  the 
Marquis  and  De  Sailly,  and  receiving  the  promised 
assistance  from  the  generous  contributions  that  had 
been  made  by  Virginians  for  the  support  of  all,  upon 
arrival  at  the  falls 


294  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

••.  .  .  it  was  no  small  surprisall  there  to  understand 
that  more  than  one  halfe  of  the  first  party  lay  sick  at 
ye  falls  languishing  under  misery  and  want,  notwith- 
standing the  considerable  supplies  that  the  Sieurs  De 
la  Muce  and  De  Sailly  received,  both  from  y'r  Excel- 
lency and  from  the  Country,  as  also  y't  a  great  number 
of  'em  was  dead,  and  y't  so  many  of  'em  as  repaired  to 
their  new  settlem't  were  in  a  distressed  condition  and 
in  great  disorder,  complaining  of  the  hard-heartedness 
of  De  Sailly,  and  speaking  of  him  as  of  one  whose 
conduct  was  odious  and  insupportable.  It  was  a  con- 
siderable surprisall  that  instead  of  seeing  this  second 
party  kindly  received  by  Mr  De  Sailly,  and  admitted 
to  have  a  share  in  those  charitable  supplies  he  had  in 
his  hands  and  in  those  he  had  received  from  the 
country,  his  answer,  on  the  contrary,  to  such  as  addrest 
him  for  reliefe  was,  That  he  had  no  bread  nor  sustenance 
for  'em.  Nay,  further,  he  opposed  those  who  desired 
to  take  up  such  tracts  of  land  as  were  adjacent  to  the 
Lands  he  had  marked  out  for  those  of  his  first  party, 
unless  they  would  swear  an  oath  of  fidelity  to  such 
particular  persons  as  he  had  made  Justices  of  the  Peace, 
which  oaths  those  of  the  second  party  refused  to  take, 
being   fully    perswaded  they    lay    under    no   obligation 

so  to  do. 

"  Being,  therefore,  destitute  of  all  hopes  of  obtaining 
provision  and  reliefe  from  Mon'r  De  Sailly,  they  hin- 
dered Monsieur  De  Joux  in  his  designe  of  delivering 
up  into  the  hands  of  De  Sailly  those  goods  with  which 
Messieurs  Jaquean,  Belet  and  their  companions  en- 
trusted him.  And  having  had  sufficient  tryall  of  the 
s'd  Mons.  De  Joux's  integrity  and  affection  towards 
them,  they  requested  him  to  use  his  utmost  care  and 
diligence  in  procuring  some  sustenance  for  'em  and 
some  lands,  w'ch  they  might  labour,  sow  and  improve 
in  hopes  that  God's  blessing  upon  their  endeavours  may 
give  'em  some  subsistence  for  ye  future  w'thout  being 
burdensome  to  ye  country.  And  this  what  the  s'd  De 
Joux  has  done  with  so  much  successe  by  his  mediation 
with    those  magistrates  that  ruled  ye  country  in  your 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


295 


Excellency's  absence,  that  we  have  had  such  supplies  as 
have  almost  hitherto  relieved  our  necessities. 

''At  the  same  time  ye  said  De  Joux  has,  by  your 
Excellencie's  permission,  and  to  our  common  satisfac- 
tion, shared  out  among  us  the  Lands  we  are  now 
clearing."     (Va.  Hist.  Soc,  v.,  55,  56.) 

They  therefore  pray  that  they  may  continue  to  be 
aided  with  food    and    subsistence  until  they  can  raise 
enough  to  support  themselves,  and  that  such  supplies 
be  sent   up   to  the  point   nearest  to  their  settlement, 
because  all  of  their  own  time  should  be  devoted  to  the 
clearing  and  cultivation  of  the  land,    and  the  housing 
of  their  wives  and  children  for  the  winter,  which  would 
proceed  more  slowly  if  they  have  to  cease  work  and  go 
twenty  miles  away  to  fetch  supplies,  having  no  means 
of  conveyance.     And  they  ask  that  their  minister  be 
supported  for  a  few  years,  until  they  can  produce  some- 
thing with  which    to    pay  him.      They  very  properly 
ask  also  that  the  new  industries  which  they  expect  to 
develop  may  for  a  time  be  protected  and  assisted,  until 
productive.     That  De  Sailly  be  ordered  to  pay  over  to 
De  Joux  /30  as  their  proportion   of  ^^230  given  him 
in  London   to  construct  a  church  and  parsonage,  and 
that  they  have  leave  to  build  a  church  of  their  own 
later.     That  as  De  Sailly  has  all  the  money  which  had 
been  given  for  the  colony,  and  refuses  to  afford  them 
any  relief,  under  the  pretence  that  he  had  expended  it 
all,— even  the  said  church  fund,— they  ask  that  he  be 
required  to  settle  his  accounts  and  surrender  any  balance 
to  whomever  the  Governor  may  designate.     That  the 
colony,  being  so  remote,  may  have  leave  to  choose  its  own 
magistrates  from  a  list  to  be  submitted  by  Monsieur  de 
Joux  for  the  Governor's  approval.     That,  to  prevent  the 
disintegration  of  the  settlement,  it  be  ordered  that  the 


296 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


Virginians  do  not  entertain  any  of  the  French  without 
permission,  and  that  those  who  leave  the  settlement  be 
required  to  return  the  money  and  the  goods  which  they 
had  received.  And  that  Dr.  Sosee  be  required  to  re- 
turn with  the  medicines  and  instruments  entrusted  to 
him;  doubtless  the  "Trunck  of  Chirurgy  "  referred  to 
by  De  la  Muce. 

This  exceedingly  well  considered  and  thoughtful 
paper,  which  in  its  tone  and  substance  is  eloquent  of 
the  high  character,  attainments,  and  sound,  practical 
good  sense  of  the  second  party, — and  in  fact  is  the  foun- 
dation of  what  may  be  called  the  charter  of  Manakin 
Town, — thus  touchingly  concludes  : 

'*  Your  Petitioners  do  most  humbly  supplicate  your 
Excell'y  to  take  into  your  serious  consideration  the 
most  deplorable  condition  of  the  ffrench  Refugees  now 
under  your  protection,  and  to  grant  them  the  above 
mentioned  favours,  and  such  other  reliefs  as  your  Ex- 
cellency out  of  your  singular  goodness  shall  think  titt 
to  bestow  upon  them.  And  they  will  always  pray  to 
God  for  ye  preservation  of  your  person  and  for  the 
prosperity  and  glory  of  your  Government. 


i( 


D.  BleCet. 

Jacque  Corbelose 

p  zossard 

N  Mare 

David  Menetres 

Daulegre 

SOUAN 

p.  Baudry,  p. 
Antoine  de  Ramberge 

FFRANCOIS  GaNNARD 

Jean  LevillanA 
Jean  AboAsson 
Theodore  Duronsau 
Pierre  Rivers 


Ettienne  Chabran 
La  Barr  Eabuyt 
Abraham  Foy 

FFRANCOIS  DeLHAPIEL 

P  Labady 
Paul  Caftes 
MoisE  VerrCeil 
Brault 
Jacob  Capon 
Michael  Michell 

EAN  Arnaut 
Hagault 

osuE  Petit 

EAN  Rugon 


\u 


\\ 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


297 


-  Jean  Raviol 
Jean  Mearyut 
Pierre  Leluells 
L  RobAll 


Elie  Gullature 
poussite 
S.  Augustin." 
(Va.  Hist.  Soc,  v.,  54-59-) 


Thus  was  presented  the  direct  issue  between  the  two, 
the  comparative  merits  of  which,  as  of  the  two  leaders, 
are  as  the  comparative  merits  of  the  two  petitions  —  the 
one  querulous,  dissatisfied,  self-seeking,  and  dominant, 
but  with  scarcely  a  practical  suggestion  ;  the  other 
moderate,  public-spirited,  calm,  considerate,  grateful, 
sanguine,  abounding  in  wise  suggestions  for  the  future, 
and""  confident  of  early  success.  There  could  be  no 
hesitation  in  choosing  between  the  active,  practical, 
energetic,  and  thoughtful  pastor,  living  and  working 
with  his  flock  in  the  forest  amid  all  their  hardships, 
and  the  Marquis  and  De  Sailly,  comfortably  housed  at 
"Capt  Webb's  House  at  the  Falls." 

As  might  be  expected,  no  action  was  taken  upon  the 
Marquis's  requests,  except  to  deny  them  all  by  granting 
most  of  those  of  the  others.  But  in  doing  so  the  Coun- 
cil appoints  Lieutenant-Colonel  Randolph  and  Captain 
Giles  Webb  to  inquire  and  report  from  time  to  time  of 
the  condition  of  the  refugees  at  Manakin  Town  and 
vicinity,  and  to  exhort  them  to  live  in  unity,  peace,  and 

concord. 

The  result  was  that  De  la  Muce  abandoned  the  en- 
terprise and  left  Virginia  at  once.  De  Sailly  was 
ordered  to  settle  kis  accounts,  and  follows  him  in  a  few 
years,  and  De  Joux  was  thenceforward  recognized  as 
the  head  of  the  colony,  —  although  the  majority  of  his 
own  party  did  not  remain  there,  —  and  continued  to  be 
the  trusted  and  beloved  pastor,  sharing  in  full  their 
hardship  and  privation,  their  joys  and  sorrows,  hopes 
and  fears,   until  his  lamented  death   in   March,    1703. 


'il' 


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if 


1  I 


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298 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


De  Joux,  and  not  De  la  Muce,  is  thus  the  real  founder 
of  the  Huguenot  colony  in  Virginia  at  Manakin  Town. 

In  a  torn  and  mutilated  old  record  book  of  Henrico 
County  there  still  remains  a  memorial  of  this  lonely, 
faithful  old  hero  abounding  in  tender  suggestions. 

'T  is  the  appraisement  of  the  little  bit  of  property  he 
left  when  he  died,  which  also  gives  the  name  of  his  ad- 
ministrator,— John  Stewart.  So  there  were  none  of  his 
kindred  near  to  close  his  eyes,  and  the  few  things  he 
left  are  eloquent  of  cultivation,  refinement,  and  better 
days,  as  they  also  are  of  great  poverty  and  destitution. 

*' Henrico  County  August  the  ffirst  1704. 

**  The  Inventory  of  M"^  Benjamin  Dejoux  Estate  taken 
this  15'*"  of  July  1704  of  what  things  I  found  at  Mona- 
kin  Town. 


To  1  potrax,  fire  shovel  &  tongs  &  poaker ' 
2   pr  of  andirons  a   pair  of  Bellows, 
Trevit,   Andiron,  Spitt,  Copper  stew-  . 
pan  2  Iron  Spoons,  Copper  mortar  & 
pestle,  Tunnell,  tin  pan,   Lamp,  Can- 
dlestick 

To  3  pewter  Dishes,  bason,  5  plates.  Salt 
seller,  4  spoons,  a  Porrengar  and  Tan- 
kard 

To  a  bed  and  old  quilt,  2  Blankets,  3  ps 
Tapestry,  6  Baggs  great  &  small, 

To  49  Books,  2  bread  trays,  a  sieve,  4 
bottles,  2  Runlets, 

To  a  powdering  Tubb,  4  Earthen  plates, 
2  Dishes,  Cup,  2  gallipots 

To   4   Hatts,  2   old    Coats,  Old   Morning] 
gown,  2  Waist  coats  2  ps  of  old  Plush  > 
Breeches,  a  black  Gown  &  Cassock      ) 

To  2  old  Coats,  a  Raisor  &  hone,  brush, 


comb. 


} 


£■ 


ii 


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I.    ID. 


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it 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


To  a  ffir  box,  nutmeg  grater,  &  spices,  a 
Picture,  Linen  hose,  Lace  for  Cravats, 
a  Stocking  begun  &  yarn  to  ffinish  it. 

To  a  Table  Cloth,  4  Napkins,  5  bed  sheets, 
Ruff  &  bands  a  bundle  of  paper,  2 
bundles  of  Thread,  a  cover  for  books 

To  2  Larding  pins,  4  Wash  Balls,  3 
Buckles,  2  Silver  ones 

To  a  Looking  glass,  a  prospect  Glass,  5 
Tart  Cups,  Camlet  coat,  a  Crape 
Cloake,  a  black  coat,  a  preaching 
Gown,  4  Em^  Sleeves 

To  a  pair  of  Linnen  Drawers,  2  p'  Shoes, 
a  little  bagg  of  Phisician's  means  9 
cravats,  Gaul  nutts,  a  night  cap,  2 
baggs  Shot  &  bullets 

To  2  sticks  of  wax,  3  viols  of  oyle,  a  old 

muff 
To  a  pillow  beer,  2  night  caps  3  pewter 

spoons,  2  pr   Gloves,  Brimstone,  one 

box  of  papers. 
To  Barrell  of  Corn 
To  3  Chests  2  Basketts,  some  brown  paper 


299 


£. 


It 


it 


I.  01. 


I.  05. 


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2. 


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6 
o.    13. 


And  some  things  as  W  Phillip  says  the 
(frenchmen  claimed  as. 

To  14  hand'chiefs,  5  yards  of  Dimity  and 
some  Iron  ware 

To  3  Whip  saws,   vise,  3   Smiths  tongs, 
and  Rasp,  Great  Sheeres  hand  sheere 

To  24  Garden  hoes,  15  Bullet  Moulds,  5 
Squares,  7  small  handsaws  4  Large 
handsaws,  7  hammers,  2  Grind  Stones, 
Cranks,  pair  shears,  2  holdfasts  2  cold 
chisels,  3  hand  vises  2  Anvils,  3  Sor- 
der  plates 


1.    II. 
3.    II. 


(( 


(( 


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3.   10. 


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i  : 

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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


.^01 


8  Cumpass,  2  Gages,  Ladle,  4   per- 
hooks,  6  Trowells 


} 


£. 


To  4  Doz   &   half  files,   and  some  great  \ 
nails  &  spikes  &  5  lb  shott  &  bullets    f 


s.      d 
14.  06 

7.     6 


20.    GO. 


''  Appraised  by  us  this  the  14,  15,  &  17  as  witness  our 
hands  this  17  of  July  1704 

his  mark 

Thomas    T     Harris.     Henry  Gee 

his  mark 

WiLL"^  Blackmare         Henry   H    T     Front. 

*'  Henrico  County  August  the  ffirst  Anno  Domini  1 704 

"  Presented  to  the  Court  by  John  Steward,  jun.  Ad""" 
of  the  Estate  of  the  aforementioned  M'  Benjamin 
Dejoux  dec**,  and  ordered  to  be  entered  upon  Record, 
and  that  the  several  things  claimed  by  the  ffrenchmen 
as  above  s"*  be  delivered  to  them,  as  you  will  see  by  the 
book  of  orders  page  142 

**  Teste     James  Cocke  C.  C." 

Consider  this  list — it  tells  exactly  what  was  the  fur- 
nishment  of  his  bare  little  one-room  house,  for  all  that  he 
had  is  there  set  down  ;  and  note  as  well  what  it  contains 
as  what  it  does  not.  Observe,  too,  what  it  tells  of  his 
influence,  position,  and  daily  habits,  and  of  what  he 
had  been,  and  what  he  was. 

There  is  also  an  informal  inventory  of  his  effects, 
practically  the  same,  but  with  something  more  of  detail. 

From  the  two,  and  from  what  has  already  been  told 
of  his  activity  and  success  in  establishing  the  settlement, 
and  of  his  ability,  common  sense,  and  cultivation, — 
as  shown  by  his  remarkably  scholarly  paper  presented 
to  the  Governor  describinof  what  was  needful  for  the 
settlement, — there  may  be  easily  drawn  a  picture  of  this 
beloved  village  pastor  and  his  humble  surroundings. 


The  log  cabin  in  which  he  lived  had  but  one  room, 
perhaps  20X16,  with  unceiled  rafters  overhead.  It 
was  bedroom,  study,  kitchen,  and  parlor  all  in  one. 
And  here  he  lived  alone,  for  he  had  no  servant  and 
waited  upon  himself,  at  the  same  time  serving  his  flock 
as  pastor,— he  had  divine  service  thrice  a  day,— physi- 
cian, magistrate,  friend,  and  counsellor. 

The  house  contained  no  furniture  save  a  chair,  and  a 
bed,  and  two  or  three  chests  and  baskets.      The  scanty 
cooking  utensils  were  upon  the  hearth,  and  the  pot  rack 
in  the  single  fireplace,  wherein  he  made  the  fire  himself, 
for   there  was  a  pair  of  bellows.     There  were    a    few 
earthen  plates,  a  single  cup,  and  a  pewter    dish— but 
there  was  no   table,  though  there  was  a  tablecloth,  and 
there  were  napkins.      But  if  his  surroundings  were  thus 
scanty,  those  which  most  nearly  appertained  to  his  per- 
son were   more   abundant,  or  had   been,   and   indicate 
refinement  and  gentility.    There  were  numbers  of  books 
and  papers,  an  engraving  of  King  William  and  Queen 
Mary,  and  coats,  and  cloaks,  and  gowns,  and  gloves, 
and    breeches,    and   silver    shoe-buckles ;    an    excellent 
wardrobe,  suitable  to  a  gentleman,  though  old  and  worn 
out— evidently  the  remains  of   more  prosperous  days. 
•'  A  stocking  begun  and  yarn  to  finish  it  "  is  touching  as 
sucTgestive  of  a  device  to  pass  the  weary  time  of  sickness. 
He  was  physician  to  his  people,  as  Huguenot  pastors 
often  were,  and  are— witness    ''A  little  bagg  of    Phi- 
sicians  means  "  and  his  gallipots  and  pestle  and  mortar. 
He  was  also  the  keeper  of  the  tools  and  supplies  of  the 
community,  doubtless  the  director  of  the  "  public  works," 
when  work  was  necessary  for  the  public  weal. 

And  thus  for  conscience'  sake  this  cultivated  gentle- 
man had  left  his  home  in  Lyons,  and  devoted  his  time 
and  talents  and  sacrificed  his  life  far,  far  away  from  home 


1' 


i 


,  I 


I  I 


II! 


iii 


302 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


303 


hi 


and  kindred  —  the  earnest,  highly  educated,  kind- 
hearted,  faithful  Huguenot  pastor  Benjamin  De  Joux, 
of  pre-eminent  ability,  founder  and  preserver  of 
Manakin  Town. 

At  the  commencement  of  these  dissensions  the  third 
ship  arrives.  We  do  not  know  its  name  nor  the  names 
or  number  of  its  passengers,  but  there  were  probably 
about  as  many  of  them  as  the  other  vessels  brought. 
Ere  it  sailed  news  had  reached  London  of  the  unsatis- 
factory condition  of  the  Manakin  Town  settlers,  and  of 
the  hardships  awaiting  newcomers  there.  The  Coun- 
cil of  Virginia  were  still  of  the  old  opinion  first  given  in 
response  to  the  Leyden  petition  almost  a  hundred  years 
before,  now  confirmed  by  the  experience  at  Manakin 
Town,  that  the  refugees  would  do  better  to  seek  em- 
ployment and  occupation  in  the  lower  plantations,  where 
honest  labor,  skill,  and  talent  were  always  in  demand 
and  met  with  remunerative  return  ;  and  so  made  the 
following  order  in  respect  of  this  party  : 

**At  a  Council  held  at  his  Maj'tie's  Royall  Colledge 
of  William  and  Mary,  the  25th  October,  1700 — 
''Present — his  Excell'y  in  Councill. 
**  Whereas,  severall  French  Refugees  have  lately,(vizt) 
on  or  about  the  20th  Instant,  arrived  at  James  City,  in 
this  Colony,  with  designe  to  goe  up  to  Manikin  Towne 
in  the  upper  parts  of  James  River,  whither  severall 
french  are  already  gone  to  make  Settlement  ;  liis  Excel- 
lency and  the  Hon'ble  Councill  taking  the  same  into 
their  serious  consideration,  are  of  opinion,  that  (con- 
sidering the  poverty  and  disability  of  the  said  Refugees, 
their  ignorance  in  the  Customes  and  affaires  of  this 
Colony,  their  wants  and  necessities,  being  destitute  of 
all  meanes  of  support  and  sustinence  at  present),  It  will 
be  most  for  their  advantage  and  interest  to  disperse 
themselves,   and    do    accordingly   Order,    License    and 


permitt  the  aforesaid  ffrench  Refugees  to  disperse  them- 
selves into  severall  parts  of  this  country,  that  they  may 
thereby  the  better  provide  for  the  future  support  of  them- 
selves and  ffamilies  untill  the  next  fall,  at  which  time  fur- 
ther care  may  be  taken  therein."    (Va.  Hist.  Soc,  v.,  49.) 

The  much-desired  Dr.  Sosee,  with  the  medicines  and 
instruments,  the  "  Trunck  of  Chirurgy,"  was  of  this 
number,  and  availing  himself  of  this  permission  re- 
mained below,  as  did  most  of  his  fellow-voyagers,  where 
doubtless  his  skill  as  a  physician  soon  procured  an  ade- 
quate support.  There  are  but  fifteen  of  them  who  settled 
Manakin  Town, — i,  e.,  "Jean  Reniol,  Anthoyne  Ram- 
beege,  ffrancois  Agnast,  Pierre  Rondere,  Jaques  Giraut, 
Jaques  Roux,  Rapine  wife  and  2  chid",  ffran  :  Benon, 
Gillaum,  Treyon  wife  and  child."   (Va.  Hist.  Soc,  v.,  47.) 

The  fourth  ship,  the  Nassau,  Captain  Tragian,  whose 
charter-party  has  been  already  referred  to,  sailed  from 
Blackwall  December  8,  1700,  and  arrived  in  York 
River  March  5,  1701.  She  brought  191  refugees,  as 
follows  : 

"  RoUe  Des  Francois,  Suisse,  Genevois,  Alemans,  Et 
Flamans  Embarques  Dans  Le  Navire  Nemme  Le  Nas- 
seau  Pour  Aller  A  La  Virginie. 

"  Mons'r  Latane,  Minstre,  Madame  his  wife,  ch.  & 
servant.  Mr  Daniel  Braban,  wife,  3  ch.  &  boy.  Jean 
Pierre  Gargean,  wife  &  3  ch.  Jacob  Amonet,  wife 
&  4  ch.  Paul  Papin.  Jean  Leroy.  Jacques  Lacaze. 
Jean  Dubroq.  Catharine  Basel  &  dgt.  Ester  Lefebre. 
Ester  Martin  &  ch.  ffran9ois  Ribot.  Joseph  Molinie 
&wife.  Leon  Auguste  Chareitie  &  wife.  Jean  Bara- 
chin  &  wife.  Joseph  Caillau  &  wife.  Jean  Dauphin. 
Jeane  Bellin.  Margueritte  Gautie.  Marie  Mallet. 
Thomas  Deneille.  Jacques  Macan  &  wife.  Jean 
Thomas  &  wife.     Jean  Robert,  wife  &  dgt.     Alexandre 


i  i 


\ 


304 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


hi 


Madouy.  Noel  Richemon  &  wife.  Jean  ffonnielle 
&  wife.  Estienne  Bocar,  wife  &  2  ch.  Jaques 
ffradol.  Gabriel  Maupain,  wife  &  3  ch.  Jacob  Sponge 
&  wife.  Ester  Duncan.  Jaques  Hernon.  Jean 
Chaperon,  ffran^ois  ffelsau.  Jean  Prain.  Solomon 
Taniere  &  wife.  Pierre  Odias.  Jean  ffaouton.  Pierre 
fferre,  wife  &  ch.  ffran^ois  Gonfan,  wife  &  dgt.  La- 
zare  Lataniere  &  wife.  Jean  Belloe.  Jacques  Delinet. 
Salomon  Bricou  &  wife.  Claude  Barbie  &  wife.  Esti- 
enne Uebron.  Henry  Corneau.  Daniel  fferran.  Jean 
Gomar,  wife  &  5  ch.  Jean  Rousset.  Pierre  Montgut. 
Alexander  Vaillan.  Salomon  Gondemay  &  wife.  Louis 
Girardeau.  Daniel  Dousseau.  Michel  Cahaigne.  Dan- 
iel Duval.  Cornielle  Prampain.  Paul  Coustillat.  Pierre 
des  Maizeaux.  Jean  Velas  Lorange,  wife  &  child. 
Jean  Egarnac.  Pierre  Gueraux.  Anthoine  Laborie. 
Matthieu  Bonsergent  &  wife.  Paul  Leroy  &  wife. 
Bernard  Lanusse  &  wife.  ffran^ois  Charpentier  & 
wife.  Jean  Surin.  Jacques  Lemarchand.  Isaac  Bon- 
viller.  Melkier  de  Vallons.  Isaac  de  Hay.  Abraham 
Cury.  Joseph  Berrard  &  wife.  Charles  Parmantie. 
Emanuel  Langlade.  Jean  Olmier.  Charles  Charier. 
Sebastien  Prevoteau.  ffrancis  Delpus.  Henry  Collie, 
wife  &  ch.  Estienne  Cheneau  &  wife.  Daniel  Duche- 
min  &  wife.  Daniel  Gueran,  wife  &  4  ch.  Jean  Sou- 
lid,  wife  &  3  ch.  Nicholas  Ducre  &  wife.  Jean  Noel 
Levasseur  &  w^fe.  Rebeca  Poitevan.  Louis  Losane, 
wife  &  2  ch.  Elizabet  Curien.  Jean  Boye  Surgan. 
Marie  Catherine  Lecoin.  Jean  ffauqueran  &  wife. 
Elizabet  Morel.      Pierre  Balaros.      Paul  Leeover. 

(SUISSES) 

"  Jean  Jacque  Faizant.     Jacob  Aigle.      Pierre  Shriflit. 
Ouly  Cumery.      Madame  Herbert  &  4  dgts. 

(Genevois) 

"Jean   Pasteur.     Dupuy.     Charles   Pasteur  & 

wife     Elizabet  Hayer  (alemande)    Marie  Hehns  yan- 
welle  flamade."     (Va.  Hist.  Soc,  v.,  29). 


.V 


ii 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


305 


Of  these  only  twenty-eight  settled  at  Manakin  Town, 
to  wit :  **  Buffo.  Shulu,  wife  &  3  ch.  Tumar  &  wife. 
Chevas  &  2  ch.  Valiant,  ffasant.  John  Pastoun- 
Mary  Legrand.  Robert,  wife  &  ch.  Mocks,  wqfe  & 
ch.  Lamas.  John  Leroy.  booker,  w^ife  &  ch.  Coullon 
&  wife."     (Va.  Hist.  Soc,  v.,  47.) 

Their  minister  was  Louis  Latane,  with  wife,  child, 
and  a  servant,  the  founder  of  a  distinguished  Virginia 
family,  ever  eminent  for  piety,  valor,  patriotism,  and 
all  the  many  lovely  virtues  characteristic  of  the  faith- 
ful Huguenots.  He  was  a  native  of  Gascony,  and  had 
come  to  London  in  1685,  where  he  remained  until 
setting  out  for  Virginia,  having  been  ordained  the 
previous  October.  At  once  he  was  chosen  Rector  of 
South  Farnham,  in  what  is  now  Essex  County,  where 
he  ministered  faithfully  until  his  death,  in  1732,  and 
where  he  now  lies  buried.  In  every  generation  since,  his 
name  has  been  revered  in  the  person  of  one  or  more 
descendants  among  the  Virginia  clergy.  Said  Bishop 
Meade  of  Virginia  many  years  afterwards  :  "  Faithfully 
have  the  descendants  of  this  upright  and  conscientious 
man  followed  the  example  of  his  integrity.  Perhaps 
there  is  no  instance  to  be  found  in  Virginia  where  a 
whole  family  have  been  more  remarkable  for  truth  and 
fidelity  in  all  their  dealings  and  character."  (Meade's 
0/{]l  Clmrches  and  Families  of  Virgi7iia,  i.,  395.) 

There  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  personnel  of  these 
parties  improved  with  each  successive  ship.  The  last 
must  have  largely  consisted  of  men  whose  circumstances 
were  not  so  narrow  as  were  those  of  their  predecessors. 
It  was  perhaps  an  independent  movement  of  their  own, 
with  a  few  only  of  those  who  were  assisted  by  the 
London  Committee,  for  there  is  na  account  of  expenses 
filed,    as   was    done   in  respect  of  the  first   two   ships. 


!# 


20 


3o6 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Nassau  lands  in  York  River,  instead  of  at  James- 
town, and  her  passengers  make  no  request  for  aid  from 
the  Virginia  Council,  who  had  not  even  been  advised 
of  their  coming.  Mr.  Latane  was  evidently  a  person 
of  some  means  and  consideration,  a  gentleman  travel- 
ling at  his  own  expense,  with  *'  Madame  sa  femme"  and 
'*unne  servante."  Some  years  later  we  find  that  he 
was  able  to  donate  a  glebe  to  his  parish,  and,  in  com- 
pany with  other  gentlemen  of  prominence,  to  purchase 
24,000  acres  of  land  in  Spottsylvania  County,  on  the 
upper  Rappahannock  River. 

The  Governor  and  Council  being  still  anxious  that 
the  Huguenots  should  scatter  throughout  Virginia, 
made  this  order  concerning  them  : 


i( 


**  At  a   Councill    held    at    the    hon*ble    Mr   Auditor 
Byrd's.    March   9th,    1700 — [1701]     .     .     .     Whereas, 


severall  French  Protestant  Refugees  are  lately  arrived 
in  York  River  in  the  Nassau,  Capt.  — Tragian  Comm'r, 
concerning  whom  his  Excellency  hath  received  no  par- 
ticular intelligence  or  Commands  from  his  most  Sacred 
Majesty,  save  only  a  Letter  from  the  Lord  Bishop  of 
London  concerning  one  Mr  Latine,  who  comes  in  the 
Quality  of  a  minister,  and  one  other  Letter  from  Mr 
Blaithwayte  concerning  one  John  Boyer,  a  french 
Gentleman  ;  and  the  aforesaid  french  Refugees  making 
no  application  nor  proposalls  to  the  Government  in  their 
owne  behalfe,  his  Excellency  and  his  Majestie's  hon'ble 
Council,  comisserating  their  poor  and  low  condition,  and 
willing  as  much  as  in  them  lies  to  find  meanes  for 
their  present  support — Do  thereupon  Order  that  such 
and  so  many  of  them  as  are  willing  to  go  and  inhabit  at 
the  Manakin  Towne,  where  severall  french  are  already 
settled,  may  and  shall  receive  reliefe  from  the  Contribu- 
tions given  or  hereafter  to  be  given  towards  the  support 
and  maintenance  of  such  as  shall  there  Inhabit;  and 


|i|i 

Xr 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


307 


that  such  and  so  many  of  them  as  are  not  willing  to  go 
thither  be  Lycenced  and  permitted  to  disperse  them- 
selves amongst  the  Inhabitants  of  this  country,  to 
provide  for  their  necessary  support  untill  further  order 
shall  be  therein  taken.  And  it  is  further  ordered,  that 
a  copy  of  the  last  Briefe  be  sent  to  Capt.  Tragian  and 
ye  french  Minister,  to  be  published  amongst  them." 
(Va.  Hist.  Soc,  v.,  37.) 

Most  of  these,  as  did  those  of  the  third  ship,  availed 
themselves  of  this  permission — if  indeed  any  was  needed 
for  those  who  came  at  their  own  charges — and  remained 
in  the  settled  parts  of  Virginia.  At  best  there  were  no 
opportunities  at  Manakin  Town  save  for  hard  manual 
labor,  and  those  who  had  capabilities  for  better  things 
naturally  preferred  to  locate  where  there  was  oppor- 
tunity for  their  exercise. 

To  induce  immigration,  it  had  long  been  the  practice 
in  Virginia  to  grant  **  Head  Rights  "  for  fifty  acres  to 
all  members  of  the  Virginia  Company  who  procured 
settlers,  which  practice  was  afterwards  extended  to  the 
immigrants  themselves  if  they  came  at  their  own  charges, 
or  to  any  one  who  brought  them.  Doubtless  De  la 
Muce  and  his  associates  looked  to  this  as  one  source 
of  reimbursement  for  their  great  labor  and  expense  in 
organizing  the  Huguenot  movement  and  seating  the 
colony,  and  feared  that  the  gift  of  10,000  acres  to  the 
refugees  direct  might  militate  against  their  claim  for 
50  acres  per  poll ;  and  this  may  have  been  one  of  the 
causes  of  their  dissatisfaction  and  failure. 

The  land  set  apart  at  Manakin  Town  was  a  tract 
of  10,000  acres,  on  the  south  side  of  James  River, 
about  twenty  miles  above  where  Richmond  now  stands. 
It  was  considerably  beyond  the  settlements  at  that  time, 
and,  being  above  navigation,  had  no  open  communication 


\  \ 


!i 


/ 


3o8 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


with  the  rest  of  the  colony.  There  were,  of  course, 
no  roads  leading  to  it  ;  the  nearest  house  was  at  the 
falls,  or  at  the  mill  on  Falling  Creek,  a  few  miles 
farther.  The  lands  had  been  originally  occupied  by 
the  very  warlike  tribe  of  the  Monogans,  the  chief 
enemies  of  Powhatan,  who  lived  just  below  the  falls, 
upon  a  hill  which  still  bears  his  name,  and  with 
whom  there  was  constant  war.  This  fierce  tribe  had 
never  been  friendly  with  the  earlier  colonists,  and 
had  persistently  resisted  their  advance.  They  were 
prominent  in  the  memorable  massacre  of  1622,  and 
fifty  years  after  had  attacked  and  destroyed  the  first 
white  settlement  made  at  the  falls  at  Bacon's  Quarter 
which  led  to  the  uprising  of  the  planters  known  as 
Bacon's  Rebellion. 

But  now  they  had  been  exterminated  or  dispersed, 
though  doubtless  the  remembrance  of  their  cruelties  it 
was  that  caused  these  rich  lands  still  to  be  vacant ; 
and  though  their  little  clearings  for  corn  and  tobacco 
were  all  grown  up  in  brush,  and  their  abandoned  huts 
in  ruins,  the  fields  could  be  more  easily  cleared  than 
new  ones  made  in  the  original  forest,  and  the  huts 
might  be  repaired  till  better  could  be  done.  The  lands 
were,  and  are,  of  the  finest,  the  justly  celebrated  James 
River  bottoms,  of  inexhaustible  fertility,  and  to-day  the 
best  corn  lands  in  the  State. 

But  the  fair  prospect  for  the  far  future  was  gloomy 
enough  in  the  present,  and  the  situation  must  have 
seemed  desolate  indeed  to  the  eyes  of  these  husbands 
and  fathers,  accustomed  only  to  the  busy  landscapes 
and  teeming  rural  life  of  England  and  France,  dotted 
over  at  short  distances  with  comfortable  habitations 
and  frequent  villages.  Many  of  the  settlers  were 
elderly,    there    were    grandfathers    and   grandmothers 


,».< 


'5' 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


309 


among  them,  and  a  host  of  little  children  ;  there  were 
dissension  and  disappointments  ;  there  had  been  a  weary, 
crowded,  comfortless  voyage  over  the  sea  ;  unexpected 
difficulties  in  reaching  the  falls  ;  great  sickness  and 
privations  and  many  deaths  there  while  waiting,  and 
finally  the  toil  through  the  pathless  forest,  up  the 
river,  into  what  must  have  seemed  to  them  a  wilder- 
ness  to  find    upon    arrival    nor  house,   nor   field,   nor 

oTowing  crop,  nor  food,  nor  comforts  of  any  kind,  and 
die  winter  fast  approaching  !  Truly  there  was  enough 
to  dismay  the  stoutest  heart,  had  they  not  been  earnest 
and  resolute  as  they  were— cheerful,  thankful  to  have 
escaped  cruel  persecution,  and  piously  trusting  in  God 
for  a  peaceful  home  thereafter. 

It  seems  that  De  Sailly  had  made  some  little  prepa- 
ration for  his  people  while  they  lingered  at  the  falls. 
The  accounts  of  his  disbursement  indicate  that  work 
was  being  done  at  Manakin  Town,  although  of  very  lim- 
ited extent.  It  is  significant  that  it  was  considered 
necessary  for  the  security  of  the  first  who  went  up  that 
they  should  be  accompanied  by  "  Troops"  for  their  pro- 
tection ;  perhaps  from  prowling  Indians — who  can  tell  ? 
Indeed  a  later  historian  (Campbell,  Hist,  of  Va.,  370) 
relates  that  the  Indians  thereabouts  were  still  danger- 
ous, and  attributes  the  immunity  of  the  settlement  from 
attack  to  the  settlers'  pious  and  peaceful  habits,  which 
gained  for  them  the  respect  and  kind  regard  even  of 
these  savages.  A  cart  and  horses  were  purchased,  and 
a  cart  track  opened  to  the  mill.  Morel  and  March 
were  employed  for  thirteen  days  in  bringing  meal 
thence,  for  which  they  were  paid  sixpence  a  day  each. 
Sucre  and  Orange  were  employed  in  baking;  Richard 
de  Pre  and  Gaury,  senior,  to  mark  the  streets  of  the 
town  ;  Boucher,   Panetier,   and   Gaury,  junior,  to  clear 


1^  1 


!! 


3IO  Huguenot  Society  of  America 


.1 


ill!! 


the  woods,  for  which  they  had  a  shilling  a  day  between 
them  ;  Voyer  and  Panetier  "  to  dig  a  little  store  in  the 
ground";  De  Tartre  and  Sassin  to  work  thirty-three 
days  in  the  kitchen  ;  Jouany  to  carry  up  two  bushels 
of  peas  ;  and  a  carpenter  and  workman  were  paid  to 
prepare  timbers  for  the  church  and  the  ministers 
house.     (Va.  Hist.  Soc,  v.,  19,  20.) 

After  the  arrival  of  De  Joux  preparation  for  the 
winter  proceeded  much  more  rapidly,  and,  it  being 
apparent  that  the  colonists  must  be  supplied  with  food 
until  they  could  reap  a  crop,  the  Governor  issued  the 
following  earnest  appeal  to  the  planters  for  contribu- 
tions for  them  : 

**  To  all  Christian  People  to  whom  these  presents  shall 
come,  I  P>ancis  Nicholson,  Esq're,  his  Maj'tie's  L't 
and  Governor  Gcnerall  of  Virginia,  send  Greeting : 
Whereas,  sevcrall  French  Protestant  refugees  having 
lately  arrived  in  this  his  Maj'tie's  Colony  and  Dominion 
of  Virginia,  Imported  hither  at  the  sole  charge  and 
Pious  Charity  of  his  most  Sacred  Maj'tie,  and  con- 
cerning whom  his  most  Sacred  Maj'tie  by  his  most 
gracious  Letter  to  mee  directed,  bearing  date  at  Ken- 
sington ye  18  March,  1699  [1700],  hath  signified  his 
Royall  will  and  pleasure,  That  all  possible  Encourage- 
ment should  be  given  them  upon  their  arrivall  in  order 
to  their  settlement ;  And  whereas,  the  Right  Hon'ble 
the  Lords  Commissioners  of  Trade  and  Plantations,  by 
their  Letter  of  April  12,  1700,  have  also  recommended 
them  to  my  favourable  assistance,  Pursuant  whereunto 
they  are  now  seated  at  a  place  called  or  known  by  the 
name  of  the  Mannikin  Town  above  the  falls  of  James 
River,  by  virtue  of  an  order  in  Councill  dated  at  James 
City  the  8th  day  of  August,  1700;  But  forasmuch  as 
the  said  refueees  havinir  nothing  at  their  arrivall  here 
wherewith  to  subsist,  they  have  hitherto  been  supported 
by  the  contributions  of  severall  pious  and  charitable 
Gentlemen  in  these  parts.     And  whereas,  It  is  manifest 


t 

i 


i  i 


!U 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


311 


and   apparent    that    unless   the    same    Charitable    and 
Christian  like  acts  be  continued  for  their  reliefe  untill 
such  time  as  they  may  reape  and  receive  the  fruits  of 
their   own   Labour  by   the    next   ensueing  cropp  they 
must  inevitably  perish  for  want  of  food.     Therefore,  I, 
the  said  Francis    Nicholson,   Esq'r,   By    and   with    the 
advice  and  consent  of  his  Maj'tie's  Hon'ble  Council,  doe 
hereby    recommend  ye    sad  and   deplorable  Condition 
of  the  aforesaid  French  refugees  to  the  consideration  of 
all  pious,  charitable,  and  well  disposed  Persons  within 
this,  his  Maj'tie's    Colony   and  Dominion  of  Virginia, 
desiring  that  they  will  express  by  subscriptions  to  this 
Briefe,  what  benevolences  or  gifts  they  in  their  Charity 
shall  think  fitt  to  bestow  either  in  money,  Corne,  or  any 
other  thing  for  the   support   and  reliefe  of  these  our 
poor  distre'^s'd  Christian  brethren.     And  I  doe  hereby 
Impower  and  authorize  the   Hon'ble  W^   Byrd,   Esq'r 
and  Benj'n  Harrison,  Esq'r,  2  of  his  Maj'tie's  Council 
of   State,   to  receive  and  distribute   amongst  the   said 
refugees  such  and  soe  many  benevolences  and  gifts  as 
the  respective  benefactors  shall  be  willing  to  bestow  for 
the  promoting  and  forwarding  of  this  charitable  worke. 
Given  under  my  hand  and   seale  of  the  Colony  of  his 
Maji'tie's  Royall  Colledge  of  Wm.  and  Mary,  this   12 
yeare  of  his   Maj'tie's   reign,    1700"     (Va.    Hist.   Soc, 
v.,  61.) 

This  was  generously  responded  to  and  enabled  their 
kind  friend  Colonel  Byrd,  whom  the  Governor  appointed 
to  superintend  the  distribution  of  the  supplies,  to 
arrange  for  regular  monthly  issues  from  his  store  at  the 
falls,  ^and  the  mill  on  Falling  Creek,— according  to 
the  following  list,  which  gives  the  names  and  number 
of  the  inhabitants  at  Manakin  Town  in  February,  1701. 

It  includes  218  persons,  of  whom  65  are  children  ;  the 
settlers  with  but  few  exceptions  are  all  in  families,  and 
it  is  noteworthy  that  while  the  passenger  lists  indicate 
the  presence  of  many  unmarried  women,  there  are  but 


t      I 


1 1 


/ 


11 


312 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


two  upon  this  list.  It  also  shows  how  greatly  the 
intended  colony  had  been  enfeebled,  for  not  half 
even  of  the  first  two  ships'  passengers  are  here,  and 
with  few  exceptions  only  those  who  were  encumbered 
with  families.  Evidently  the  best  of  them,  and  the  girls, 
had  found  more  attractive  openings  elsewhere. 

**  A  List  Of  Ye  Refugees  Who  Are  To  Receive  Of  Ye 
Miller  Of  Falling  Creek  Mill,  One  Bushel  A  Head 
Of  Indian  Meale  Monthly  As  Settled  At  Or  About 
King  Williams  Town  To  Begin  In  Febr.  1700 
[1701] 

"  Mr  De  Joux.  Philipe  &  wife.  Mallett  &  wife. 
Moulin  &  wife.  Jonthier.  Farcy.  Chastain.  Nicod. 
Duloy.  Minot.  Joiiany  &  wife.  Gaury,  wife  &  ch. 
Tho.  Constantine.  F'aure,  Brother  &  2  Sisters.  Tillou. 
Tignaw.  Bilboa.  Laureau.  Parontes  &  Sister.  Bazoil. 
Voyer  &  wife.  The  2  Gourdonnes.  Gowry  &  wife. 
Guichet.  Panetier.  Savin  &  Mother.  Chambor  & 
wife.  Peru.  Malver,  wife  &  her  father.  Brousse  & 
son.  Corine.  Arnaud  &  wife.  Chalaine  &  5  ch.  God- 
riet.  Lavigne.  Saye.  Chenas  &  Augustin  Symend. 
Verau  &  wife.  Soblet,  wife  &  5  ch.  Verry.  Gigon. 
Katharine  Billet.  Guerin.  Sassin.  Chalanier,  wife  & 
ch.  Tonin&wife.  Du  Tartre.  Cupper.  Bernard  & 
wife.  Caboine.  Richard  &  wife.  Morell,  wife  &  ch. 
Cantepie.  Castra.  Le  Febvre.  Martin.  Robert.  Onan, 
wife&ch.  Michel  &  wife.  LaVilain.  Remy.  Foix,  wife 
&  4  ch.  Sobriche,  wife  &  7  ch.  Hugon.  Le  Roux.  Bos- 
sard,  wife  &  3  ch.  Durand  <&  wife.  Clapier.  Dn  Puy. 
Joseph.  Brooke.  Chabran  &  wife.  Chinandan,  wife  &  2 
ch.  Des  Rousseau.  Morisset.  Labadie.  Castige. 
Rounel.  De  Logny.  Maze).  Legrand,  wife  &  6  ch. 
Malarde  &  3  ch.  Richet,  wife  &  2  ch.  Corbet.  Bon- 
duran.  Mare,  wife  &  2  ch.  Des  Fontaine  &  wife. 
Baudry.  Hugo.  Prevost.  Trion,  wife  &  ch.  Riviole. 
Rambrey.  De  Launay.  Flemnois,  wife  &  3  ch.  Jour- 
dan  &  wife.      Verdiiil,  wife  &  5  ch.       Bloliet,  wife  &  7 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


ch  La  Maro  &  wife.  Petit.  Cavalier,  wife  &  ch. 
Gerner,  wife  &  3  ch.  Samuel,  wife  &  2  ch.  Durand. 
Boit^nan.  Morizet.      218  " 

To  this  is  appended  the  last  official  order  of  De  la 
Muce,  who  instructs  the  miller, 

*'  If  any  of  the  above  named  dont  settle  above,  or 
leave  their  settlement,  or  dye,  their  names  are  to  be 
blotted  out  upon  ve  advice  of  Mr  de  Joux  or  Philipe 
given  every  month  to  ye  said  Miller  who  is  desired  to 
distribute  unto  them  by  turne  such  meal  as  he  shall 
have  for  them  without  partiality,  and  so  doing  he  shall 
oblige  his  servant,  at  Capt  Webb's  house. 

'•Olivier  de  la  Muce. 

"  This  4*^  of  ffeb'r  1700  [1701].  " 

(Va.  Hist.  Soc,  v.,  26,  28.) 

Thus  the  colony  was  now  fairly  established,  though 
in  far  less  numbers  than  expected.  Its  support  was 
provided  for,  and  we  hear  of  no  more  requests  for  sup- 
plies from  the  planters,  nor  does  it  appear  that  the 
Council  ever  afforded  them  aught  else  than  the  land 
and  the  privileges  already  described. 

But  the  ill  feeling  created  by  the  early  dissensions 
was  never  cured.  The  settlement  was  divided,  and  so 
continued  as  long  as  De  Richebourg,  the  minister  of  the 
first  party,  remained  there.  He  and  his  had  located 
upon  the  spot  first  designated  by  De  Sailly,  and  when 
De  Joux  came  and  was  excluded  therefrom,  he  settled 
his  followers  to  their  entire  satisfaction  close  by.  De 
Richebourg  evidently  was  apart  from  the  others,  for 
De  Sailly  pays  him  his  share  of  the  preparation  fund 
in  bulk,  "  £42.  given  to  Mr.  Phillipe  Minister  to  carry 
on  his  work  above."     (Va.  Hist.  Soc,  v.,  21.) 

The  settlement   was   arranged   somewhat  upon   the 


1' 


w 


h 


m 


If'  1 


u 


314 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


3'D 


H 


I' 


I 


system  usual  in  France.  There  was  a  village  upon  the 
banks  of  the  river  where  most  lived  all  together,  with  a 
church,  a  minister's  house,  a  schoolhouse,  and  a  hos- 
pital at  the  corners  of  a  central  square  called  Nichol- 
son Square.  This  square  was  bisected  by  a  single  street 
called  Byrd  Street  on  one  side,  and  on  the  other  Kino- 
William  Street.  And  around  it,  facing  inwards  and  upon 
the  street,  building-lots  of  equal  size  were  laid  off  with 
ample  garden  for  each.  Surrounding  the  town  as  near 
as  might  be  were  the  farms  allotted  to  each  by  the 
pastor,  the  best  of  all  being  given  to  him.  They  were 
regularly  surveyed  by  the  official  surveyor  of  Henrico 
County,  so  that  each  should  have  part  of  the  fertile 
low  grounds  and  an  equal  frontage  upon  the  river,  and 
for  each  a  patent  in  fee  from  the  government  to  the 
owner  was  issued.  It  was  visited  by  Colonel  Byrd  and 
others  in  the  spring  of  1701,  and  he  thus  describes  it  : 

**  The  loth  of  May,  last,  I  with  Coll.  Randolph,  Capt. 
Epes,  Capt.  Webb,  &c.  went  up  to  the  new  settlements 
of  ye  French  Refugees  at  ye  Manakan  Town.  Wee 
visited  about  seventy  of  their  hutts,  being  most  of  them, 
very  mean ;  there  being  upwards  of  fourty  of  y'm 
betwixt  ye  two  Creeks,  w'ch  is  about  four  miles  along 
on  ye  River,  and  have  cleared  all  ye  old  Manacan  fields 
for  near  three  miles  together,  as  also  some  others  (who 
came  thither  last  ffeb'ry  as  Blackman  told  us)  have 
cleared  new  grounds  toward  the  Lower  Creeke,  and 
done  more  worke  than  they  y't  went  thither  first.  They 
have,  all  of  y'm,  some  Garden  trade,  and  have  planted 
corne,  but  few  of  y'm  had  broke  up  their  ground  or  wed 
the  same,  whereupon  I  sent  for  most  of  y'm  and  told 
y'm  they  must  not  expect  to  enjoy  the  land  unless  they 
would  endeavour  to  improve  it,  and  if  they  make  no 
corne  for  their  subsistence  next  yeare,  they  could  not 
expect  any  furthur  relief  from  the  Country.  Mon'r  de 
Joux  promised  at  their  next  meeting  to  acquaint  them 


all  w'th  w't  I  said,  and  to  endeavour  to  stirr  y'm  up  to 
be  diligent   in  weeding  and  secureing  their  corne  and 
wheat,    of  w'ch  latter    there   are    many  small   patches, 
but  some  is  over  run  w'th  weeds,  and  the  horses  (of  w'ch 
they  have  severall,  w'th  some  Cows)  have  spoiled  more  ; 
most  of  y'm  promise  faire.      Indeed,  they  are  very  poor, 
and  I  am  not  able  to  supply  y'm  with  Corne  (they  being 
about  250  last  month)  having  bought   up  all  in  these 
two  counties,   and   not  haveing    received  one  month's 
provision  from  all  ye  other  Countyes,  there  being  some 
in  the  Isle  of  Wight,  but  cannot  hire  any   to  fetch   it. 
There  are  above "20  families  seated  for  4  or  5   miles 
below  the  Lower  Creeke  and  have  cleared  small  planta- 
tions, but  few  of  y'm  had  broke  up  their  grounds.    Wee 
went' up  to  ye  Cole,  w'ch  is  not  above  a  mile  and  a-half 
from  their  settlement  on  the  great  upper  Creeke,  w'ch 
riseing  very  high  in  great  Raines,  hath  washed  away  the 
Banke  that  the  Coal  lyes  bare,  otherwise  it's  very  deep 
in  the  Earth,  the  land  being  very  high  and  near  the  sur- 
face is  plenty  of  Slate.     Tho'  these  people  are  very 
poor,  yet  they  seem  very  cheerful  and  (as  farr  as  wee 
could  learne)  very  healthy,  all  they  seem  to  desire  is  y't 
they  might  have   Bread  enough.     Wee   lodged    there 
that  night  and   returned  the   new  Road    I    caused    to 
be  marked,  which  is  extraordinary  Levell  and  dry  way, 
and  leads  either  to  the  falls  or  the  mill,  a  very  good 
well  beaten  path  for  carts."     (Va.  Hist.  Soc,  v.,  43.) 

At  the  beginning  it  seems  that  the  allotment,  though 
made  to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  the  settlers,  was  in 
some  instances  not  all  that  each  was  entitled  to,  and  of 
course  the  numbers,  being  fewer  than  were  expected, 
did  not  consume  the  entire  grant.  Later,  and  after 
many  other  settlers  arrived,  a  second  allotment  was 
directed  to  be  made  by  the  county  surveyor,  ''taking 
care  that  the  slips  should  not  be  too  long  and  narrow, 
and  that  no  vacant  spaces  be  left  between."  And  the 
Assembly  directed  that  all  of  the  original  settlers  who 


1', 


t 


W  if 


■ 


316  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

had  not  received  their  full  quota  at  first  should  have 
it  equalized  now  and  be  allowed  to  select  by  lot  among 
themselves  before  the  newcomers  were  served. 

The  faithful  De  Joux,  who  died  in  1703,  seems  to 
have  been  a  man  specially  qualified  to  harmonize  con- 
flicting interests  and  keep  the  peace  among  the  many 
discordant  elements  of  his  somewhat  incongruous  par- 
ishioners. Doubtless  the  deep  waters  of  affliction,  the 
fiery  trials,  and  the  many  tribulations  of  persecution, 
exile,  and  poverty  which  had  been  his  for  so  many 
weary  years  ere  he  came  to  Virginia,  had  moulded  a 
character  gentle  but  firm,  prompt  to  decide,  quick  to 
execute,  and  overflowing  with  forbearance,  sympathy, 
and  lovinir-kindness  for  the  faults,  weaknesses,  and  trials 
of  others,  which  could  not  but  have  had  sweet,  harmo- 
nizing influence  upon  the  men  and  women  of  his  congre- 
gation upon  the  frontiers  of  Virginia. 

When  the  cruel  Edict  of  Revocation  (of  the  Edict 
of  Nantes),  which  imposed  the  penalty  of  death  upon 
all  Huguenot  pastors  found  in  France  after  fifteen  days, 
became  law,  pastor  Benjamin  De  Joux,  with  Magdalene 
his  wife,  and  Oliver  and  Mary,  their  children,  had  barely 
time  to  escape  with  life  from  their  church  and  home  in 
Lyons  to  London.  By  law  Huguenot  women  attempting 
to  leave  France,  if  taken,  were  sentenced  to  be  impris- 
oned in  secret  in  convents  for  life  or  until  recantation, 
and  the  little  children  were  torn  from  their  parents  and 
kept  in  the  schools  of  priests  or  nuns  until  they  died  or 
professed  the  Roman  Catholic  religion  ;  the  elder  boys 
were  sent  to  the  galleys  for  life.  Such  was  the  terrible 
persecution  of  that  day  that  there  was  no  opportunity 
afforded,  or  time  allowed,  to  transfer  property  or  posses- 
sions, all  of  which  descended  forthwith  to  the  nearest  of 
kin  who  was  a  Roman  Catholic,  or  was  confiscated  to  the 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


317 


Crown.     Thus  De  Joux  and  his  little  family,  like  so 
many  hundreds   of   thousands  of   these   heroic  exiles, 
must  have  reached  London  penniless,  forlorn,  friendless, 
and  unknown.     They  were  naturalized  there  October 
ID   1688    and  their  names  appear  upon    the  sixteenth 
naturalization  list  of   IV.  James  H.  (Agnew's  French 
Protestant  Exiles,  Index  vol.  li.).     In  1691  the  name  of 
De  Joux,  among  those  of  many  other  French  mmisters 
in  England,  wa's  signed  to  a  declaration  of  faith,  pub- 
lished "by  them  to  controvert  certain  false  charges  con- 
cerning their  belief  which  were  being  circulated  to  their 
detriment.     It  is  dated  London,  March  30,   1691   (Va. 
Hist.  Soc,  vol.  v.,  i).     As  already  stated,  De  Joux  had 
been  specially  appointed  by  the  Lord  Bishop  of  Lon- 
don in   1700  to    the   spiritual    charge    of   the  Virginia 
Huguenot  colony  then  setting  out,  but  we  hear  nothing 
of  his  wife  or  children  either  on  shipboard  or  at  Mana- 
kin  Town,  so  that  it  seems  more  than  probable  that  he 
had  been  struggling  for  twelve  long  years  in  London  in 
poverty,  adversity,  and  the  purifying  fires  of  affliction 
until,  home,  and  wife,  and  children,  and  property,  and 
means    of    livelihood  all    gone,    he   came    to    Virginia 
and  at  last  found  peace  and  rest  in  ministering  to  the 
wants  of  others  alone  upon  the  bank  of  the  beautiful 

I  ames 

De  Richebourg  succeeded  him,  but  De  Richebourg 

was  of  gentle,  yielding  character,  and  not  the  man  to 

heal    differences  or  sternly  take  the  lead  and  compel 

compliance.     Though  of  loving  nature  and  a  man  of 

many  warm  friends,  he  was  never  wholly  acceptable  to 

the  settlement,  and  the  seeds  of  the  early  quarrels  still 

bore    frequent    fruit.      Almost    immediately   upon    De 

Joux's    death    there   were   dissensions    and    outbreaks 

again,  so  that  as  early  as  1 704  De  Richebourg  and  his 


|^ 


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The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


319 


Hi 

l! 


I 


Vestry,  beini^  unable  to  repress  these  disturbances  as 
stout  old  De  Joux  had  done,  felt  constrained  to  petition 
the  Council  for  redress.  But  peace  could  not  be  pre- 
served. Abraham  Salle,  one  of  the  Vestry,  seemed  irrec- 
oncilable and  a  maker  of  much  trouble  and  stirrer  up  of 
strife.  Dissensions  increased,  and  church  matters  went 
from  bad  to  worse.  There  was  an  angry  and  most  un- 
seemly altercation  in  the  church  itself  one  Sunday 
between  the  pastor,  Salle,  and  others  of  the  congrega- 
tion concerning  the  right  of  election  of  a  new  Vestry,  in 
which,  however,  according  to  Salle's  own  account,  most 
of  the  congregation  seem  to  have  taken  part  against 
himself.  This  occurred  in  March,  1707,  probably  at  the 
time  of  the  Easter  Vestry  election,  and  was  of  so  very 
serious  a  character  that  the  whole  congregation  deemed 
it  necessary  to  a[)peal  to  the  Governor  and  Council  to 
settle  the  controversy. 

The  petition  of  l)e  Richebourg  and  the  committee 
appointed  by  the  congregation  on  behalf  of  the  Church 
and  the  single  answer  of  Salle,  for  himself  alone,  tell 
their  own  story,  and  seem  to  convict  the  latter. 

Both  these  papers  may  yet  be  found  in  the  colonial 
paper  office  in  London.  I  reproduce  a  translation  of 
the  first  from  Mrs.  Hannah  F.  Lee's  The  Hiigtienots  in 
France  and  America,  published  by  John  Owen,  Cam- 
bridge, 1S43,  and  the  latter  from  a  mutilated  copy 
printed  by  the  Virginia  Historical  Society,  vol.  v.,  i, 
some  parts  of  which,  and  the  conclusion,  are  torn  and 
illeixible. 

The  petition  is  as  follows  : 

''  To   the   Honourable    Colonel  J enning  (? )   President 
and  the  Honoiirable  Council, 
*'  We  the  undersigned  in  our  own  names  as  well  as 
in  the  names  of  the  inhabitants  of  Manakin  Town,  have 


been  expressly  chosen  to  represent  to  your  Honour 
and  to  the  Honourable  Council  that  we  are  extremely 
troubled  to  see  dissentions  in  our  parish,  caused  by 
some  persons.  We  supplicate  you  to  remedy  them,  and 
to  restore  order;  and  as  it  has  pleased  the  Honourable 
Council  to  designate  us  as  a  parish,  we  earnestly  suppli- 
cate that  it  will  still  please  the  Honourable  Council  to 
crive  us  an  order  either  for  Monsieur  Colonel  Randolph, 
Sr  some  other  person  to  assemble  all  the  members  of  the 
said  parish  who  according  to  their  desire  will  by  a  plu- 
rality of  voices  choose  twelve  persons  who  may  adjust 
the  differences  according  to  the  laws  and  statutes  estab- 
lished in  Virginia. 

*'  It  is  true  that  from  the  time  of  our  arrival  m  this 
country,  in  order  to  preserve  method  and  government 
among  ourselves  M.  Dejoux  named  three  persons,  and 
others  nominated  three  more.  After  the  death  of  M. 
Dejoux,  six  were  added  provisionally  without  prejudi- 
cing the  right  of  election.  Now  that  our  franchise  is 
near  expiring  we  can  make  a  much  better  choice,  know- 
ino-  each  other  better  than  we  did  at  the  time. 

^'  There  are  nevertheless  some  who  wish  to  establish 
themselves  in  this  office  without  the  consent  of  the 
parishioners,  who  are  opposed  to  it,  and  who  believe 
that  in  conformity  to  the  customs  of  the  new  churches 
which  have  been  formed  in  Europe  and  elsewhere,  they 
ought  to  have  the  choice  and  nomination  of  the  most 
honourable  persons  among  themselves  when  they  con- 
form to  the  laws  and  have  adopted  them  for  life. 

''  We  therefore  most  earnestly  petition  that  it  will 
please  the  most  Honourable  Council  to  grant  to  our 
parish  that  which  they  demand,  as  they  know  that  there 
are  some  persons,  and  particularly  Abraham  Salle  who 
are  the  cause  of  the  difficulties  in  the  said  parish  in 
such  manner  that  some  of  the  members  have  felt  obliged 
to  relinquish  everything  rather  than  dwell  in  contention. 
"  God  knows  how  much  we  have  suffered,  and  if  the 
Honourable  Council  could  realize  the  oppression  we 
endured,  and  the  very  irregular  conduct  of  M.  Salle  of 
which  we  have  already  made  complaint  to  the  Council 


r  > 


'II 


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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


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321 


in  May  1704,  without  doubt  they  would  pay  attention 

to  it. 

*'  This  is  what  we  petition  and  for  which  we  will  pray 
God  all  our  lives  for  the  prosperity  of  the  Council  and 
the  members  who  compose  it. 

"  C.  PiiiLLiPPE  DE  RicHBOURG,  Minister. 

**  Jacques  Lacaze. 

"  ESTIENNE    ChASTAIN. 

"  Antoine  Rapine." 
To  this  petition  Mr.  Abraham  Salle  replies  thus  : 

**  To  the  Honourable  Presid't  and  Council : 

"Sept.  2'*  1707. 

**The  answer  of  Abraham  Salle  to  the  Petition  of 
Mr.  Philipe  humbly  sheweth, 

*'  That  whereas  the  s'd  Philipe  Complained  that  I  af- 
fronted  him  on  the  30^^  day  of  March  last  while  he  was 
in  the  Pulpit,  by  calling  him  seditious,  and  the  chief  of 
ye  seditious,  I  beg  leave  to  represent  to  your  honnours 
the  whole  fact  as  it  happened  which  I  flatter  my- 
self will  be  a  complete  justification.  When  Mr  Philipe 
had  finish'd  the  service  of  the  day,  he  continued  in  the 
Pulpit  as  his  custome  is  where  there  is  any  Parish  busi- 
ness to  be  done,  the  first  thing  he  did,  was  to  demand 
the  Register  of  Christenings  to  be  delivered  up  to  him 
out  of  "ye  Clerk  of  the  Vestry  hands,  and  in  case  he 
refused  to  do  it,  he  would  excommunicate  him  ;  he  was 
pleas'd  to  say  this  with  a  rage  very  unbecoming  the 
place,  which  made  me  intreat  him  to  have  a  little 
patience  till  the  dispute  should  be  ended,  whether  the 
Register  should  be  in  the  Vestry's  Custody  or  his  ;  I 
assur'd  him  that  the  Vestry  had  no  intention  either  to 
encroach  upon  his  Rights  or  to  give  up  their  own.  and 
therefor  desir'd  to  inform  themselves  more  fully  of  that 
matter;  upon  this,  he  flew  out  into  a  gretter  passion 
than  before,  and  frankly  told  us  that  he  acknowledg'd 
no  Vestry  there  was,  neither  would  he  have  the  people 


acknowledge  any.     Immediately  after  his  nameing  the 
People,  several   of  his  party,   and   particularly    Lacaze 
and   Michel,   stood   up,    and   in   the    Church   took   the 
liberty  to  utter  many  injurious  things  against  me  ;  and 
the  last  prest  thro'  the  whole  congregation  to  get  up  to 
the  place  where  I  was,  and  then   catching  me  by  the 
coat,  he  threatened  me  very  hardly,  and  by  his  Example, 
several  of  the  crowd  were  heard  to  say,  we  must  assas- 
sinate that  damn'd  fellow  with  the  black  beard,  and  that 
Bougre  de  Chien  ought  to  be  hanged  up  out  of  the  way, 
and  several  other  violent  Expressions,  not  very  proper 
for  the  Church.     The  s'd  Philipe  in  the  mean  time,  was 
so  far  from  endeavouring  to  appease  their  tumult,  that 
'twas  observed  he  did  his  best  to  inflame  it,  and  was 
word  illegible]  lowder  and  more  outragious  than  any 
Dody.      I  thought  it  now  my  duty,  as  a  Justice,  to  com- 
mand the  peace,  putting  the  people  in  mind  of  the  day 
and  occasion,  and  the  place  where  they  were,  but  all  to 
little  purpose  ;  the  Queen's  name  had  no  effect  upon 
them.      When   I  found  matters  in  that  dangerous  con- 
dition, I    thought  it  prudent  to  withdraw,  and  when    I 
came  to  the  Church  door,  I  told  Mr  Philipe 'twas  visible 
that  he  had  fomented  that  sedition,  and  therefore  he 
was  a  seditious  person,  and  even  the  Chief  of  the  Sedi- 
tious.    This  is  the  naked  fact  as  it  happened,  which  I 
am  ready  to  prove  to  your  honours  by  sufficient  testi- 
mony, which,  if  I  do,  I  have  the  confidence  to  hope  I 
need  se  no  further  Justification. 

'♦And  then  as  far  as  his  petitioning  for  an  Order  for 
Choosing  a  new  Vestry  at  Monocantown,  I  humbly  beg 
leave  to  represent  to  your  honours  the  unreasonableness 
of  that  Petition.  ...  and  it  has  never  been  ques- 
tioned by  any  one  whether  this  were  a  legal  Vestry  or 
not,  till  lately  that  the  Sr.  Philipe,  upon  a  quarrel  he's 
had  with  some  particular  member  of  it,  would  get  this 
Vestry  quashed,  to  introduce  his  onne  Creature  that 
will  be  ready  to  Sacrifice  ...  of  the  parish  to  his 
extravagance  and  arbitrary  humour,  if  ...  "  (Va. 
Hist.  Soc,  v.,  69,  70.) 


21 


\ 


ill 


/' 


322 


Huj:^uenot  Society  of  America 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


323 


fif 


!l 


y 


At  this  time  the  vestr>'  were  :  Jacob  Ammonet,  Abra. 
Soblet,  Jacques  Brousse,  Louis  Dutaitre.  Jean  Guerin, 
Jacques  Lacaze,  Abra.  Remy,  Andre  Aubrey,  Pierre 
Chastain,  Jean  Farcy.  Jean  Fanuielle,  Abra  Salle. 

We   do    not  find   the  decision  of  the  Governor  and 
Council.     The  scandal  was  of  too  serious  a  character  to 
have  been  completely  cured  even  by  an  order  in  council, 
or  a  decree  of  court,  but  evidently  the  determination 
must  have  been  in  favor  of  De  Richebourg,  for  he  con- 
tinued as  pastor  until  171  2,  when,  like  the  other  leaders 
of  the  first  party  led  by  the  Marquis  de  la  Muce,  he  left 
Virginia  with  many  others  of  the  congregation.     Some 
of  them  removed  to  North  Carolina,  where  there  were 
Huguenots  also,  but  De  Richebourg  joined  the  Hugue- 
not  colony   in   South   Carolina,  upon    the  Santee,— of 
which  his   relative,   Dr.  Isaac    Porcher  de    Richebourg, 
of  the  family  of  the  Comtes  dc   Richebourg  from  the 
province  of  Berri,  who  had  preceded  him  about  twenty 
years,  was  one  of  the  most  prominent  members,— and 
was    made  pastor  of  the   Huguenot  church  at  James- 
town,  in  Craven  County,  where  he  continued,  greatly 
beloved  and  respected,  until  his  death  in  17 19.    Affection- 
ate mention  of  him  is  twice  made  in  a  most  charming 
*'  Historical  and  Social  Sketch  of  Craven  County,  S.  C," 
by   Frederick  A.    Porcher,    Esq.,   printed  in  the  April, 
1852,  number  of  the  Sotdhern  Quarterly  RevienK     (Re- 
printed, with  others,  by  Dr.  T.  Gaillard  Thomas,  M.D. 
New    York:  The    Knickerbocker    Press,    1881.)     The 
writer  says  (p.  49)  that  the  will  of  Pierre  de  St.  Julien. 
**  County  of  Berkeley,  Province  of  Carolina,"  June   12, 
1 718,    gives    to    M.    Claude    Philipp    de     Richebourg, 
minister,  the  sum  of  twenty  pounds,  which  he  begs  him 
to  accept.      He  also  relates  the  two  following  incidents, 
doubtless  thoroughly  characteristic  of  the  gentle  and 


affectionate,  though   somewhat  peculiar,  nature  of  this 

beloved  pastor. 

He  says  (p.  100),  business  having  carried  M.  Gendron 
(one  of  the  congregation)  to  Charleston,  his  absence 
was  so  long  and  so  unaccountably  protracted  that  his 
friends  supposed  him  to  have  been  lost.      On  Sunday, 
while  assembled  at  their  house  of  worship,  in  Jamestown, 
the  preacher  (De  Richebourg)  from  his  pulpit  saw  ap- 
proaching up  the  river  the  canoe  of  his  long-lost  friend. 
For^^-etting  in  his  joy  the  sermon  which  he  had  prepared, 
with"  the  exclamation  '' Voila  Monsieur  Gendron!"  he 
announced  his  safe  arrival,  and  rushed  out,  followed  by 
the  delighted  congregation,  to  welcome  him  whom  they 
had  mourned  as  dead. 

And  again  (p.    125),  '' M.  Richebourg,  the  pastor  of 
Jamestown,   whose  attachment  to  M.  Gendron  was  so 
naively  exhibited  as  described  above,  was  not  blinded  by 
hisfriendship  into  any  indulgent  admiration  of  his  voice. 
Thus,  after  announcing  the  hymn,  he  would  say  :  '  Don't 
sing,  M.  Gendron  ;  your  voice  is  like  a  '  goot.'     You  be 
quiet.     M.  Guerry,  your  voice  is  sweet ;  you  may  sing.'  " 
It  is  probable  that  in  the  next  generation  the  number 
of  French  settlers  at  Manakin  Town  may  have  reached 
one  thousand,  but  if  so  it  was  soon  depleted  when  new 
immigrants  ceased  to  come.    Nothing  effective  was  ac- 
complished in  the  way  of  manufactures  or  the  establish- 
ment of  French  industries,  and  the  community  gradually 
became  a  purely  agricultural  one.     It  was  prosperous 
from  the  first,  and  each  year  witnessed  substantial  addi- 
tions to  comforts  and  property.      Farms  were  enlarged, 
flocks  were  increased,  all  soon  had  slaves  to  cultivate 
their  rich  lands,  and  the  names  of  the  rapidly  increasing 
children,  both  white  and  black,  continue  to  fill  the  pages 
of  the  Vestry  Register. 


^^S 


I 


324  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

The  following  is  the  last  census  of  the  settlement : 

'*  Liste  Generalle  De  Tous  Les  Francois  Protestants 
Refugies,  Establys  Dans  La  Paroisse  Du  Roy  Guil- 
laume,  Comte  D'Henrico  En  Virginia,  y  Compris  Les 
Femmes.  Enfans.  Veufes,  Et  Orphelins."     [17^4] 

Jean  Cairon  Minister  &  3  ch.  Abraham  Salle  & 
6  ch.  Pierre  Chastaine,  wife  &  6  ch.  Charles  Perault 
wife  &  4  ch.  Jean  Forquerand,  wife  &  2  ch.  An- 
thoine  Matton,  wife  &  5  ch.  Isaac  Lesebure.  wife 
&  4  ch.  Jacques  Bilbaud,  wife  &  ch.  Jacob  Amonet 
&  5  ch.      Michel  Cantepie  &  wife.     Jean  Voye,  wife  & 

4  ch.  Francois  Dupuy.  wife  &  ch.  Daniel  Guerrand, 
wife  &  4  ch.  Barthelemy  Dupuy,  wife  &  5  ch. 
Jacques  Sobler,  wife  and  2  ch.  Pierre  Trauve.  wife  & 
2  ch.      Mathieu  Age  &  wife.      Thomas  Brians,  wife  & 

5  ch.  Jean  Chastain  &  wife.  Francois  De  Clapie, 
wife  &  2  ch.  Louis  Sobler,  wife  &  i  ch.  Tho.  D'al- 
lizon  &  wife.  Pre.  Dutoit,  wife  &  2  ch.  Jean  Calver, 
wife  &  5  ch.  Jean  Farcy,  wife  &  3  ch.  Estienne  Chas- 
tain &  wife.  Estienne  Bonard,  wife  &  3  ch.  Abra. 
Sobler.  Gedeon  Chambon,  wife  &  ch.  Pre.  Morisser, 
wife  &  4  ch.  Isaac  Lafuitte,  wife  &  2  ch.  Jean  Pane- 
tie,  wife&  ch.  Jean  Joanis,  wife  &  2  ch.  Jacq.  Bioret, 
wife  &  2  ch.  Jean  Solaigre,  wife  &  ch.  Isaac  Paren- 
teau  &  wife.      Andre  Aubry  &  2  ch.      Gillaume  Genin 

6  wife.  Jean  Fonuiele,  wife  &  ch.  Joseph  Cailland, 
wife  &  ch.  Joseph  Bernard.  David  Bernard,  wife  & 
5  ch.  Estienne  Regnault,  wife  &  2  ch.  Pierre  Oliver. 
Pierre  Viet.  Anthoine  Giraudan,  wife  &  2  ch.  Jean 
Levillain,  wife  &  4  ch.  Jean  Filhon  &  wife.  Abra. 
Michaux  &  wife  &  10  ch.  Adam  Vique  &  wife.  Abra. 
Remy,  wife  &  3  ch.  Anthoine  Trabue,  wife  &  3  ch. 
Jean  Martin,  wife  &  4  ch.  Moise  Leneveau,  wife  &  2 
ch.  Jacob  Cappon  &  wife.  Pierre  Delaunay.  Fran- 
cois Lassin,  wife  &  3  ch.  Jean  Powell,  wife  &  2  ch. 
Jean  Dupre,  wife  &  ch.  Jean  Corner.  Gaspard  Cor- 
ner, wife  &  ch.  Mathieu  Bonsergent.  Jacques  Le 
Grand  &  wife.     Pierre  David  &  wife.     Claude  Gary  & 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


325 


,^:fe      Nicollas  Souille.     Anthoine  Rapinne,  wife  &  ch 
cLrne  Martin,  wife  &  3  ch.      P--e  Deppe.     Darnel 
Sane  &  wife.     The  widow   Sonlh   &   2   ch.     The 
A..  T  orinp-e      The  widow  Gorry.     The  widow  Mal- 
ref r2 'r  f he  wLw  Launay  &\  ch.     The  Orphans 
Tea?  Fauve,   Estienne   Mallet,    Suzane   Mallet,    Mane 
Mallet,  Jean  Gorry,  Isaac  Gorry,  Anthoine  Benn,  Pre 
Sobricke,    Jeanne    Sobriche,    Suzanne    f^bric^^ 
Loucadou,   Pierre   Loucadou    Suzanne  Imbert,  Jeanne 
Imbert.     (P^^O''^  V^^-  Church  Papers,  193.) 

The   Virginia   historian,    Campbell,    thus    writes    of 
Manakin  Town  : 

-Each  settler  was  allowed   a  strip  of  land  running 
back  from  d.e  river  to  the  foot  of  the  hill.      Here  they 
raTsed    cattle,    undertook    to    domesticate    the    buffalo 
m W^  cloth,   and   made  claret  wine  from  wild 

"res      Th^      settlement    extended  about    four    miles 
Sathe  river.      In   the  centre  they  built  a  church; 
;ty'conducted  their  public  worship  after  the  German 
manner,  and  repeated  family  worship  three  times  a  day^ 
Manakin  Town  was  then  on  the  frontier  of  Virginia  and 
here  was  no  other  settlement  nearer  than  the  falls  of 
J.mes  River,  yet  the  Indians  do  not  appear  ever  to  have 
molested    these    pious    refugees.     There    was   no    mill 
nearer  than  the  mouth  of  Falling  Creek,  twenty  miles 
distant,  and  the    Huguenots,   havmg   no   h^^^^/^;  ^^^ 
obliged  to  carry  their  corn  on  their  backs  to  the  mill. 
(Campbell,  HisL   Va„  370.) 

Of  Manakin  Town  itself  there  is  nothing  more  to  tell. 
Its  people  soon  established  a  reputation  for  piety,  thrift, 
and  industry  which  attracted  others  in  ever-increasing 
numbers  to  their  neighborhood,  and  laid  the  foundation 
of  a  community  in  the  State  than  which  none  became 
more  prosperous,  influential,  or  of  higher  social  standing 
The  church  they  built  was  ever  open,  and  was  served 


ill 


326 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


uninterruptedly  by  Huguenot  ministers  as  long  as  there 
were  any  in  Virginia,  and  services  are  regularly  held 
there  still,  althouirh  the  ori^rinal  buildincr  has  been  re- 
placed.  Jean  Cairon  was  its  pastor  in  1714,  and  after- 
wards came  Peter  Fontaine,  and  his  brother  Francis, 
newly  arrived  from  Ireland,  and  then  Mr.  James  Marye, 
and  then  Mr.  Nairne,  followed  by  others  of  the  Virginia 
clergy  of  the  Episcopal  Church  until  to-day.  For  years 
the  settlement  preserved  its  individuality,  and  as  late  as 
1728  there  were  still  therein  many  who  could  not  speak 
English  ;  but  the  village  itself  has  long  since  disappeared, 
for  the  planters  soon  found  it  more  convenient  to  reside 
upon  their  farms,  and  as  sons  grew  up  and  went  else- 
where, and  daughters  married,  the  distinctive  character- 
istics as  a  French  settlement  gradually  disappeared, 
until  now  hardly  a  single  descendant  of  the  original 
settlers  is  living  upon  the  original  grant,  and  the  name 
Michaux,  preserved  in  the  names  of  Michaux's  Ferry  and 
Michaux's  Grant,  alone  marks  the  situs  of  Manakin 
Town,  although  the  name  of  the  parish  is  still  the  same. 
A  few,  but  only  a  few,  of  the  names  of  the  first  settlers 
survive  in  the  immediate  vicinity.  Bondurant,  Sublett, 
and  Michaux  are  probably  the  only  ones — and  most  of 
the  others  are  no  longer  known  even  in  the  whole  State. 
But  there  are  some  which,  though  no  Ioniser  livinor  near 
Manakin  Town,  will  never  be  unknown  in  tiie  annals  of 
Virginia.  The  sweet  influence  of  this  French  colony 
will  never  die,  or  be  forgotten,  for  from  it  have  sprung 
a  hundred  families  of  Virginia's  best,  and  all  of  the 
surrounding  counties  are  to-day  fairer,  lovelier,  and 
better  for  the  good  example  set  their  forefathers  by  the 
pious,  thrifty  Huguenots  of  Manakin  Town. 

But  the   Huguenots  of  Manakin  Town,  eminent  as 
many   of    their    descendants  have    since    become,    are 


ii 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


327 


not  those  who  exercised  the  greatest  influence  in  Vir- 
lia      Just  so  long  as  they  continued  thus  to  hve  to 
Eselves  were  their  influence  and  example   hm.ted 
oThe    narrow    confines    of    their   own   ne.ghborhood. 
Enough  has  been  said  to  indicate  that  w  th  a  few  con- 
sp  cuous  exceptions  these  settlers  were  of  the  humbler 
va  ks  of  life.     Most  of  their  names  have  disappeared 
en  irely   and  while  there  still  remain  Michaux.  Durand. 
Gi  lam  Witt,  Dupuy,  Guerrant,  Fourquerean,  Maupen. 
B      aTd    Trabue.  Martin,    Powell,   Mallet.   Bondurant 
Dal'ey      Remy.    Berraud.     Minitree.     Flournoy.    and 
S.  ^s  ^mong  us.  and  others,  too.  which  have  become 
anglicized  an^d  unrecognizable,  the  great  majority  are 

no  loniier  heard  in  Virginia.  ,  u      ,- 

It  was  those  who  distributed  themselves  throughout 
the  colony,  and  thus  established  many  centres  of  good 
example.  \vho    have   effected   the   g—    ^^^^^^  f 
whose'  children   chiefly   rose  to  eminence  an<l  P^^ 
In  Church  and  State,  in   peace  and  war.   at  sea  and 
on  land,  at  home  and  abroad,  as  statesmen.  3 unsts  war- 
riors    and    divines,    for   one   hundred    years    Virg  nia 
Huguenots  have  been  ^^r^^^^^^J^ 
and  wherever  the  cause  of  Christ,  the  weiiare 
ountry.  or  the  good  of  mankind  was  to  be  advanced 
No  stron..er  evidence  could  be.  of  the  purity  of  their 
Uves  and  the  strength  of  their  character,  than  the  high 
esteem   and   respect  which  they  gained   almost   imme 
diately  from  their  new  neighbors.     From  the  first  of 
their  landing,  though  poor,  many  in  extremest  poverty 
strangers   in  a  strange  land,  speaking  only  a    oreign 
toncxue.  and  of  a  nation  always  at  enmity  with  England  - 
to  :hich  none  were  more  loyal  than  the  Virginia  colony 
and   which    was    governed,  almost  -<^1-'-  y-  ^Jj ^^^ 
representatives  of  a  few  of  the  noble  families  of  England, 


/' 


328 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


!  '1 

! 


I    '1 


constituting  a  colonial  aristocracy  whose  privileges 
were  zealously  guarded, — their  virtues  were  so  soon  rec- 
ognized and  appreciated  that  they  were  welcomed  and 
received  by  all  upon  terms  of  equality.  Many  became 
successful  and  prosperous  planters, — they  were  soon 
the  valued  friends,  companions,  and  advisers  of  those 
who  held  the  chiefest  places.  They  rapidly  gained  the 
same  social  station  which  had  been  theirs  in  France,  and 
ere  a  generation  passed  were  conspicuous  and  honored 
as  well  in  Church,  in  State,  and  in  social  life,  and  their 
lives  were  brilliant  examples  for  good  in  every  commu- 
nity which  was  blessed  by  their  presence.  Thus  was 
ever  exercised  the  beneficial  influence  which  these  ban- 
ished heroes  diffused  wherever  they  went,  and  which 
everywhere  was  such  a  rich  return  for  the  generous 
welcome  and  assistance  afforded  them  in  the  time  of 
their  dire  necessity.  In  other  countries,  where  manufac- 
tures and  commerce  prevailed,  their  knowledge  and  skill 
in  these  added  immensely  to  natural  wealth  and  prosper- 
ity, and  aided  their  own  advancement,  but  in  Virginia 
these  qualifications  were  not  in  paramount  demand,  for 
Virginia  was  an  agricultural  colony,  and  afforded  scant 
opportunity  for  the  exercise  of  those  other  qualifications 
for  which  the  Huguenots  were  so  distinguished  ;  the 
power  of  their  presence  in  Virginia  was  moral  and  in- 
tellectual rather  than  material. 

Dr.  Henry  M.  Baird  says  (^Hugue7iots  arid  the  Revoca- 
tion of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  ii.,  loi)  : 

**  The  countries  whither  they  went  were  enriched  by 
the  arts  and  trades  which  the  French  refugees  intro- 
duced, still  more  by  the  examples  of  industry,  probity, 
and  sincere  piety  which  they  exhibited  in  their  own 
persons.      Hospitably  entertained,  as  men   and  women 


\ 


\  i( 


\  \ 


The  Hui^uenots  in  Virginia 


329 


who  had  suffered  dangers,  hardships,  exile,  in  not  a  few 
Les  the  loss  of  all  things,  in  attestation  of  their  faith, 
thev  amplv  repaid  the  hosts  that  befriended  them,  by 
becomin«r  citizens  whose  integrity  was  as  conspicuous  as 
their  patriotism.     For  the  most  part,  they  left  France 
confidently  expecting  that  amends  would  soon  be  made 
for  the  wrong  that  had  been  done  them,  when  once  the 
nersecutor  sliould  awake  to  the  enormity  of  his  crime, 
'^s' months  and  years  passed  by  and  nothing  occurred 
to'  their  adva,uage.  they  did  not  abandon  their  delusive 
dream.     'There    is  reason    to  hop-,    they  said,     that 
the  successor  of  Louis  the  Fourteenth  will  repair  the 
breaches    made  in   the   Edict  of    Nantes,   if    Louis  the 
Fourteenth  does  not  himself  repair  them.     Nothing  but 
false  glory  and  a  blind  zeal  stand  in  the  way.      But 
when  this  anticipation  was  dimmed  by  the  lapse  of  time 
thev  accepted  the  situation  ordered  by  Providence,  and 
identified  their  interests  with  the  countries  that  adopted 
them  as  children  when  they  were  cast  out  and  disin- 
herited by  the  land  of  their  nativity.     '  I  fear  greatly, 
wrote  an  eloquent  pen  at  the  close  of  a  f^nal  appeal  for 
iustice   '  I  fear  greatly  that  we  may  be  talking  to  men 
that  are  deaf.     So  much  the  worse  for  them.     As  for 
ourselves,  our  determination  was  taken  from  the  moment 
of  our  departure,  and  the  land  of  refuge  is  not  so  hard 
to  l)e  endured  by  us,  but  that  we  shall  be  able  to  end 
our  davs  there  in  quiet.     It  may  be  that  our  children 
will  be  still  more  happy  therein,  and  that  in  this  new 
country  they  will  forget  the  fatherland  that  persecuted 
them.     The  latter  will  then  perceive,  but  too  late,  the 
loss  it  has  sustained.'  " 

In  Virginia,  before  long  they  ceased  to  live  in  a  sep- 
parate  community  of  their  own— as  they  had  done  in 
other  settlements,  prompted  in  part  by  the  long-cher- 
ished hope  of  returning  some  time  to  beloved  France. 
By  the  time  the  immigration  into  Virginia  culminated, 
many  years  had  passed  since  the  Revocation,  and  such 


!'    I 


i' 


330 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


""I 


00 


In        I 


■:i 


hopes  must  have  been  abandoned,  and  the  idea  of 
remaining  foreigners  in  their  adopted  country  alto- 
gether distasteful.  They  were  not  a  pecuHar  people 
like  the  Jews,  but  earnest  Protestants,  as  their  new 
neighbors  were,  with  whom  they  were  quite  wilHng  to 
be  mercred. 

o 

So  wiser  counsels  prevailed  in  the  Old  Dominion — 
the  separate  settlement  of  Manakin  Town  did  not  grow 
and  flourish  as  expected,  and  most  of  the  Huguenots 
who  came  to  Virginia  sought  and  obtained  lands  for 
themselves  amid  far  more  favorable  surroundings,  upon 
the  banks  of  her  other  noble  rivers,  the  York,  the 
Rappahannock,  the  Potomac,  as  well  as  upon  the  lower 
James. 

To  estimate  them  properly  one  must  remember  the 
terrible  fires  of  persecution  in  which  they  and  their 
fathers  had  been  refined.  They  were  in  character  the 
best  and  truest  of  their  great  party,  for  they  were  those 
who  had  successfully  resisted  the  most  direful  persecu- 
tions, literally  in  mind,  body,  and  estate,  the  most  over- 
whelming calamities,  and  the  proffered  bribes  of  honors, 
riches,  peace,  and  security  at  home  for  themselves  and 
their  wives  and  little  children, — all  of  which  they  could 
have,  if  they  would  even  but  formally  renounce  only 
"the  errors  of  Calvin,"  without  specification  of  what 
those  errors  were, — and  had  therefore  voluntarily  ban- 
ished themselves  to  poverty  and  destitution  in  a  strange 
land  rather  than  abjure  their  faith.  Louis  with  all  his 
power  could  not  prevail  against  the  ramparts  of  their 
conscience. 

D'Aubigne  says  \^Universal  History\  that  when 
Henry  HI.,  who  visited  the  Bastile  for  that  purpose, 
urged  staunch,  invincible  old  Palissy  —  under  sentence 
to  be  burnt  as  a  heretic — to  recant  and  thereby  save 


himself,  saying  that  he  was  compelled  by  the  Guises 
to  let  the  law  take  its  course,  the  unconquerable  old 
Huguenot  answered  : 

"  1  am  ready  to  give  my  life  for  the  glory  of  God. 
You  have  said  many  times  that  you  have  pity  on  me. 
Now  1  have  pity  on  you.  You  say  you  are  compelled, 
but  that  is  what  neither  you  nor  all  who  compel  you 
can  ever  effect  upon  me,  for  1  know  how  to  die. 

This   was   the  spirit  which  animated  these  devoted 
refuc^ees.      They  would  not  gain  personal  safety— even 
for   dieir   wives  and    children— either  by  recanting  or 
pretending  to  do  so  ;  and  unless  they  did  one  or  the 
other   they  could  no  longer  live  at  home !      It  was  a 
frightful  alternative  to  tear  themselves  from  the  coun- 
try they  loved,  from  the  homes  of  their  youth  and  the 
irraves  of  their  sires,  often  from  wife  and  children,  and 
to  fly  they  knew  not  whither.     The  attempt  was  death 
if  not  successful,  or  the  galley  for  life,  for  men  ;  prisons 
and  convents,  and  far  worse,  for  wives  and  maidens  ; 
and  for  little  children,  Roman  Catholic  charity  schools 
and  education  by  priests  and  nuns,  who  taught  them  to 
despise  and  forget  their  parents  and  turned  them  out 
upon  the  world  without  means  of  support  ere  they  were 
fairly  <rrown.      If  successful  the  fugitive  lost  all  his  prop- 
erty   which  passed  to  the  next  Roman  Catholic  heir, 
and'  his    family    were    left    destitute    and  unfriended 
l^Iany  could  not  take  the  dreadful  step,  and  hesitated 
long  and  prepared  to  endure  much— and  even  death— 
rather  than  seek  personal  safety  at  such  direful  cost. 

Temptations  to  recant  were  presented  in  the  most 
allurincr  form  and  appeals  to  the  weaker  side  of 
human  nature  made    in  every  way.     "Think  of  your 


i  -  5 :  ^ 


L^^ 


4 


330  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

hopes  must  have  been  abandoned,  and  the  idea  of 
remaining  foreigners  in  their  adopted  country  alto- 
gether distasteful.  They  were  not  a  peculiar  people 
like  the  Jews,  but  earnest  Protestants,  as  their  new- 
neighbors  were,  with  whom  they  were  quite  willing  to 
be  merofed. 

So  wiser  counsels  prevailed  in  the  Old  Dominion— 
the  separate  settlement  of  Manakin  Town  did  not  grow 
and  flourish  as  expected,  and  most  of  the  Huguenots 
who  came  to  Virginia  sought  and  obtained  lands  for 
themselves  amid  far  more  favorable  surroundings,  upon 
the  banks  of  her  other  noble  rivers,  the  York,  the 
Rappahannock,  the  Potomac,  as  well  as  upon  the  lower 
James. 

To  estimate  them  properly  one  must  remember  the 
terrible    fires    of    persecution   in  which  they  and  their 
fathers  had  been  refined.      They  were  in  character  the 
best  and  truest  of  their  great  party,  for  they  were  those 
who  had  successfully  resisted  the  most  direful  persecu- 
tions, literally  in  mind,  body,  and  estate,  the  most  over- 
whelming calamities,  and  the  proffered  bribes  of  honors, 
riches,  peace,  and  security  at  home  for  themselves  and 
their  wives  and  little  children,— all  of  which  they  could 
have,   if  they  would  even  but  formally  renounce  only 
''the  errors  of  Calvin,"  without    specification  of  what 
those  errors  were,— and  had  therefore  voluntarily  ban- 
ished themselves  to  poverty  and  destitution  in  a  strange 
land  rather  than  abjure  their  faith.      Louis  with  all  his 
power  could  not  prevail  against  the  ramparts  of  their 
conscience. 

D'Aubigne  says  {^Universal  History^  that  when 
Henry  III.,  who  visited  the  Bastile  for  that  purpose, 
urged  staunch,  invincible  old  Palissy  — under  sentence 
to  be  burnt  as  a  heretic— to  recant  and  thereby  save 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


-^  -^  T 


himself,  saying  that  he  was  compelled  by  the  Guises 
to  let  the  law  take  its  course,  the  unconquerable  old 


Huguenot  answered  : 

"  I  am  ready  to  give  my  life  for  the  glory  of  God. 
You  have  said  many  times  that  you  have  pity  on  me. 
Now  I  have  pity  on  you.  You  say  you  are  compelled, 
but  that  is  what  neither  you  nor  all  who  compel  you 
can  ever  effect  upon  me,  for  I  know  how  to  die." 

This   was    the  spirit  which  animated  these  devoted 
refugees.      They  would  not  gain  personal  safety — even 
for   their   wives  and    children — either  by  recanting  or 
pretending  to  do  so  ;  and  unless  they  did  one  or  the 
other   they  could  no  longer  live  at  home  !      It  was  a 
frio-htful  alternative  to  tear  themselves  from  the  coun- 
try they  loved,  from  the  homes  of  their  youth  and  the 
graves  of  their  sires,  often  from  wife  and  children,  and 
to  fly  they  knew  not  whither.      The  attempt  was  death 
if  not  successful,  or  the  galley  for  life,  for  men  ;  prisons 
and  convents,  and   far  worse,  for  wives  and  maidens  ; 
and  for  little  children,  Roman  Catholic  charity  schools 
and  education  by  priests  and  nuns,  who  taught  them  to 
despise  and  forget  their  parents  and  turned  them  out 
upon  the  world  without  means  of  support  ere  they  were 
fairly  grown.      If  successful  the  fugitive  lost  all  his  prop- 
erty,  which  passed  to  the  next  Roman  Catholic  heir, 
and    his    family    were    left    destitute    and   unfriended. 
Many  could  not  take  the  dreadful  step,  and  hesitated 
long  and  prepared  to  endure  much — and  even  death — 
rather  than  seek  personal  safety  at  such  direful  cost. 

Temptations  to  recant  were  presented  in  the  most 
alluring  form  and  appeals  to  the  weaker  side  of 
human  nature  made    in  every  way.     "Think  of  your 


i2>^ 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


family,  who  will  be  left  helpless  if  you  are  obstinate," 
said  the  Jesuits,  "and  sacrifice  to  them  what  at  best  is 
but  a  doubtful  scruple  of  conscience.  A  loving  father 
would  gladly  sacrifice  himself  for  his  children.  We  ask 
you  only  to  deny  the  'errors'  of  Calvin,  only  the  'errors' 
not  the  trict/i.  You  admit  the  Catholics  are  Christians  ; 
why  not  then  be  one,  if  but  nominally,  and  secure 
peace  and  comfort  for  your  wife  and  little  children  ?" 
Riches  and  honors  were  freely  offered  those  who  would 
recant :  to  lawyers  and  doctors,  high  place  and  prefer- 
ment ;  to  preachers,  rich  livings  and  promotion  in  the 
Church  or  at  the  Bar  ;  to  artisans  and  workmen,  money 
and  employment ;  to  young  men  and  maidens,  marriages 
of  high  degree  ;  and,  to  all,  the  property  of  their  relatives 
who,  still  refusing,  escaped  or  sought  to  do  so.  The 
histories,  records,  and  memoirs  of  those  awful  days  are 
full  of  such  instances,  and  tell  of  many  a  sad  failure,  but 
of  many  a  glorious  triumph  too. 

Those  who  fled  were  not  idle,  dissolute,  and  ignorant. 
but  peaceable,  gentle,  and  laborious — the  best  of  their 
several  classes.  Though  poor  —  for  who  could  preserve 
property  under  such  circumstances? — they  were  not 
pauperized,  but  were  thrifty,  self-helping,  and,  above  all, 
eager  to  earn  an  honest  living.  They  were  of  the  most 
skilful  and  intelligent  of  the  communities  whence  they 
came.  Had  they  been  weak  they  would  have  gone 
with  the  stream  as  so  many  did,  and  conformed,  but 
they  were  men  with  firm  convictions,  earnest,  and  cour- 
ageous to  brave  all  perils  in  their  determination  to  find 
some  place  of  refuge  where  they  could  worship  God 
according  to  the  dictates  of  their  conscience. 

And  let  it  be  remembered  to  their  greater  honor, 
admiration,  and  veneration  —  if  there  be  need  —  that 
there    was   no  time  during  the   long  period  of    these 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


^  1  -> 

0^6 


awful  persecutions  when  their  terrible  sufferings  might 
not  have  been  terminated  and  the  sufferers  restored  to 
home  and  comfort— perhaps  to  their  family  and  chil- 
dren if  still  alive,  but  certainly  to  freedom  and  liberty— 
by  the  utterance  of  but  the  word,  "  Recant."  That  it 
was  not  oftener  spoken  seems  incomprehensible. 

But  the  •'  Fourteen  of  Meaux,"  with  Etienne  de  Man- 
gin  and  Pierre  Leclerc  at  their  head,  went  to  fourteen 
burning  stakes,   set  up  in  front  of  their  houses,  with 
their  wives   and   children   held    around   them   as  spec- 
tators, rather  than  utter  it.     Young  Jean  Marteilhe  of 
Bergerac,  a  lad  of  but  seventeen  years,  sat  for  fourteen 
years  among  the  lowest  class  of  convicts  and  criminals, 
chained  to  the  oar  of  his  galley  for  life,  and  in  spite  of  beat- 
ings and  threats  most  dreadful  would  not  accept  release 
up'on  such  terms  ;  Andrew  Bosquet,  sixteen  years  of  age, 
labored  at  the  oar  for  twenty-six  years,  and  the  Baron 
de  Montbeton,  aged  seventy,  wore  the  iron  collar  of  the 
galley-slave  until  he  died.     Marie   Durand,  of  sixteen, 
spent  thirty-four  years  in  the  dungeon  of  the  Tour  de 
Constance,  literally  from  the  nuptial  altar  to  the  grave, 
rather  than  say  that  hateful  word,  inscribing  upon  the 
stones  of  her  prison  with  her  needle,  where  it  may  still 
be  seen,   her  touching  motto,   *'  Recistez,"  appropriate 
to  so  many  other  faithful  Huguenots  as  well.      Made- 
lene  Maury,  who,  for  having  attended  a  Huguenot  ser- 
vice, was  a  prisoner  there  for  twelve  years,  seems  to 
have  been   of   more  elastic  conscience,  and  finally  ac- 
cepted  freedom,   but  would  not  sign   her  recantation, 
pretending   that    she    could    not  write  ;    but,  says    the 
chronicler,  when  discharged  she  was  still  a  Huguenot, 
and  attended  the  meetings  more  regularly  than  before. 
The  late  Rev.  Francis  L.  Hawkes,  in  his  introduc- 
tion  to   The  Memoirs  of  a  Huguenot  Family,  writes : 


334 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


335 


**  Such  were  the  people  who  came  to  settle  the  fertile 
fields  of  Virginia.  Many  were  accustomed  in  early 
days  to  the  enjoyment  of  a  competent  estate,  and  edu- 
cated accordingly,  and  for  conscience*  sake  resisted 
oppression  and  persecution  with  indomitable  courage, 
until  at  last,  stripped  of  all,  they  were  obliged  to 
abandon  their  country.  Exiles  in  a  strange  land,  igno- 
rant of  its  language,  unaccustomed  to  manual  labor, 
and  with  the  refinement  of  feeling  belonging  to  educa- 
tion and  social  rank,  they  felt  that  they  were  thrown 
upon  their  energies  as  men,  and  nobly  girded  them- 
selves to  the  work  ahead,  trusting  in  God,  and  proved 
that  if  true  to  Him,  and  true  to  themselves,  they  need 
never  despair.  Many  who  had  enjoyed  the  ease  of 
affluence  and  the  delights  of  letters,  accommodated 
themselves  to  their  altered  position,  became  laborers, 
planters,  tillers  of  the  soil,  and  distanced  all  of  the  same 
pursuits  ;  and  they  set  about  retrieving  their  losses  with 
the  willing  industry  of  those  who  had  never  known 
reverse  of  fortune,  while  in  the  midst  of  all  they  found 
time  to  train  their  children  in  the  fear  of  God  and 
educate  them  for  respectable  callings. 

They  soon  began  to  intermingle  with  the  old  Virginia 
families.  They  became  their  pastors  and  teachers,  their 
justices  and  their  burgesses,  and  colonial  court  favor 
and  official  preferment  soon  testified  of  the  apprecia- 
tion and  of  the  value  of  their  services.  Their  children 
were  the  playmates  of  those  of  the  Virginia  gentry,  and 
later  their  husbands  and  wives,  and  so  entirely  did  they 
merge  that  almost  all  Virginians  of  to-day  whose  par- 
ents were  of  the  old  regime  may  count  among  their 
ancestors  one  or  more  of  these  Huguenots  who  made 
their  early  homes  upon  the  waters  of  the  Chesapeake. 

Stephen  Fouace   is  made  one  of  the   Governors  of 


William    and   Mary  College  soon  after  his   arrival   in 
Virginia  in   1680.     Colonel  William  Fitzhugh,  a  most 
prominent  and  influential   Virginian,  has  a  Huguenot 
minister  as  tutor  for  his  eldest  son,  and  speaks  of  him 
in  highest  praise  and  commendation,  and  sends  his  son 
to  England  to  find  another  Huguenot  minister,  like  him, 
to  complete  his  education.     James  Boissieux  is  made 
rector  of  one  of  the  principal  parishes,  near  Williams- 
burg, within  a  brief  period  after  his  arrival,  and  Louis 
Latane  is  appointed  to  the  church  of  South  Farnham 
as  soon  as  he  lands,  and  serves  it  faithfully  till  death, 
thirty    years    after.      John     Fontaine    is    one    of    the 
''  Knights  of  the  Golden  Horseshoe  "  selected  to  accom- 
pany Governor  Spotswood  upon  his  memorable  expe- 
dition to  the  Shenandoah  Valley     His  brother,  Peter 
Fontaine,  is  the  chosen  friend  and  companion  of  Colo- 
nel Bryd,  who  has  him  appointed  chaplain  to  the  Vir- 
ginia   commissioners   to    determine    the    dividing    line 
between   Virginia    and    North  Carolina,   and  procures 
him  the  charge  of  Westover  parish,  where  he  remains 
till  death — in  the  meantime  marrying  a  daughter  of  one 
of  the  prominent  county   families.     Another   brother, 
Francis    Fontaine,    is    given    the    rich    living    of    the 
'•Sweet    tobacco"   parish   of  York   Hampton,   and  his 
son  marries  Miss  Churchill,  daughter  of  a  magnate  of 

Middlesex. 

The  Maurys  of  Virginia  are  striking  examples  of 
what  has  just  been  said.  There  were  many  others 
equally  so,  but  I  select  them  as  illustrations  only  be- 
cause I  know  their  history  best.  Matthew  Maury,  of 
Castelmoron,  in  Gascony,  whose  wife  was  sister  to  the 
Fontaines  just  named,  without  other  means  than  his 
talents  and  thrift,  is  soon  able  to  buy  his  farm  upon 
the  Pamunkey  River,  in   King  William  County,  and 


33^ 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Huguenots  in  Virginia 


337 


so  successfully  cultivates  it  as  to  leave  an  ample  estate 
to  his  widow,  after  having  afforded  their  three  children 
the  best  educations  possible.  His  eldest  son,  James, 
after  graduating  at  William  and  Mary  College,  he  sends 
to  London  for  ordination,  with  the  following  letter 
from  Mr.  Commissary  Blair,  the  representative  of  the 
Bishop  of  London  in  Virginia  : 

MR.  BLAIR  TO  THE  BISHOP  OF  LONDON 

*•  Williamsburg  Feby  19th  17^1 

**  My  Lord 

**  This  comes  by  an  ingenious  young  man  Mr  James 
Maury  who  though  born  of  French  parents,  has  lived 
with   them   in   this   County  of    Virginia  since   he  was 
a  very  young  child.      He  has  been  educated  at  our  Col- 
lege and   gave   a   bright   example  of    diligence   in    his 
studies,  and  of  good  behaviour  as  to  his  morals.      He 
has  made  good  proficiency  in  the  study  of  Latin  and 
Greek  authors  &  has  read  some  systems  of  philosophy 
and  divinity.      I   confess   as   to  the  last  I    could   have 
wished  he  had  spent  some  more  time  in  it  before  he 
had  presented  himself  for  holy  orders  that  his  judgment 
might  be  better  settled  in  the  serious  study  of  the  Holy 
Scriptures  and  other  books  both  of  practical  and  po- 
lemical Divinity.      But  his  friends  have  pushed  him  on 
too  fast.      He  looks  too  much  younger  than  he  is,  being 
of  a  brood  that  are  of  a  low  stature.      He  will  be  by 
the  time  this  comes  to  your  Lordship's  hands  about  24 
years  having  been  born  about  the  beginning  of  April  in 
the  year  1718. 

•  •  •  •  •  •  • 

'*  I  am,  my  Lord,  Yours  &c  &c  &c 

*'  James  Blair." 

(Perry *s  Va.  Church  Papers,  364.) 

Soon  after  his  return  to  Virginia  he  married  Mary 
Walker,  of  the  early  colonial  and  still  prominent  family 
of    that    name,  and  became  the  friend,  associate,   and 


adviser  of  Captain  Thomas  Walker,  the  eminent  explorer 
of  Virginia's  western  frontier  and  one  of  the  founders 
and  leading  spirits  of  the  great  Ohio  Company.  He  was 
made  rector  for  life  of  the  Walker's  Creek  Church, 
Albemarle  County,  and  attained  considerable  colonial 
distinction.  He  was  chosen  as  the  champion  of  the 
Church  in  Virginia  to  resist  the  encroachment  upon  its 
rights  by  the  attempted  enforcement  of  the  illegal 
••  Twopenny  Act."  It  was  in  the  litigation  thus  ensu- 
ing, locally  known  as  **  The  Parson's  Case,"  that  Patrick 
Henry  first  appeared  and  made  his  famous  address  to 
the  jury  at  Hanover  Court-House. 

He  was  a  far-seeing,  intelligent,  patriotic,  and  pub- 
lic-spirited Virginia  Huguenot  of  the  best  type,  and 
his  labors  as  such  were  crowned  with  unparalleled 
successes  in  two  remarkable  instances. 

His    father,   Matthew    Maury,  and    his  grandfather, 
James  Fontaine,  had  both  been  expelled  from  France 
as  heretics,  evil-doers,  and  unworthy  to  be  Frenchmen, 
and  their  property  confiscated  to  the  nation  ;  yet  his 
grandson,  Matthew  Fontaine  Maury,  distinguished  for 
the  same  Huguenot  qualities  for  which  they  were  con- 
demned, was  by  that  same  France,  when  the  Southern 
Confederacy  fell,  solicited  to  return  to  the  land  of  his 
ancestors  and  with  his  family  make  his  home  upon  the 
banks  of  the  Seine,  at  the   charges   of  the  nation,  as 
Astronomer  Royal,  successor  to  the  great  Le  Verrier  ! 

At  his  Rectory  in  Albemarle  County  the  Rev.  James 
Maury  long  maintained  a  highly  esteemed  school  for 
lads,  and  had  for  pupils  both  Jefferson  and  Madison. 
No  doubt  he  instilled  into  their  minds  love  and  vener- 
ation for  those  principles  of  liberty  and  conscience  for 
which  his  ancestors  had  so  long  contended,  and  thus 
prepared    these   young    men    to    be    the    authors   and 


t| 


aa 


338 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  Huo^uenots  in  Virginia 


339 


champions,  in  Virginia,  of  her  Bill  of  Rights  and  of 
Religious  Freedom,  and  in  Philadelphia  of  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence  and  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States.  These  noble  charters  of  freedom  were  models 
to  the  National  Assembly  of  France  in  framing  their 
laws  which  established  these  same  great  principles  there. 
Rabaut  de  Saint-Etienne,  a  Huguenot  minister,  was 
President  of  that  Assembly,  and  he  it  was  who  was 
chiefly  instrumental  in  inducing  the  King  to  issue  his 
Edict  of  Toleration,  and  the  Assembly  to  include  full 
liberty  of  conscience  in  their  Declaration  of  the  Rights 
of  Man.  These  successful  efforts  cost  this  noble  apostle 
of  liberty  his  life  upon  the  guillotine  a  few  years  later, 
but  they  secured  to  all  Huguenots  what  till  then  had 
always  been  denied  them, — full  rights  of  citizenship  not- 
withstanding their  religion.  (Hugues,  Les  Synodes  du 
Desert,  iii.,  571.) 

Lafayette,  who  had  returned  from  service  under  Gen- 
eral Washington  in  Virginia,  burning  with  generous  zeal, 
brought  the  proposal  for  Religious  Toleration  before 
the  Notables  in  1787.  Washington  himself  had  urged 
his  friends  to  aid  in  procuring  freedom  for  the  Hugue- 
nots.    Writing  to  him  in  1785,  Lafayette  says  : 

**  The  Protestants  of  France  are  subjected  to  an  in- 
tolerable despotism.  Although  there  is  at  present  no 
open  persecution,  they  are  dependent  upon  the  caprice 
of  the  King,  of  the  Queen,  of  Parliament,  or  of  a  min- 
ister. Their  marriages  are  not  legal.  Their  wills  have 
no  force  in  the  sight  of  the  law,  their  children  are 
reo-arded  as  bastards,  and  their  persons  as  worthy  of 
the  halter."     (^Memoires  du  Lafayette,  i.,  200.) 

And  again,  February  4,  1788,  he  wrote: 

*'  The  edict  which  gives  a  civil  status  to  the  King's 


non-Catholic  subjects  has  been  registered.  You  will 
easily  imagine  how  much  pleasure  I  had  last  Sunday  m 
presenting  at  a  ministerial  board  the  first  Protestant 
clergyman  who  has  been  permitted  to  make  his  appear- 
ance at  Versailles  since  the  Revocation  of  1685." 
(Hugues,  Les  Syiiodes  du  Desert,  iii.,  540.) 

The  Huguenot  ideals  of  civil  and  religious  liberty 
which  theylought  for  in  France  and  taught  in  Virginia, 
through  their  great  apostle,  Jefferson  of  Virginia,  now 
finds  favor  in  France,  and  aided  by  faithful  Huguenots 
there,  at  last  are  legalized  there,  and  Virginia  Hugue- 
nots  triumph  in  France  ! 

So   their  fathers  did   not  bleed  and  die  in  vain  at 
Vassy,  at  Amboise,  at  Moncentour,  at  Jarnac,  and  upon 
many  another  stricken  field,  nor  burn  upon  a  thousand 
scaffolds  from  Spain  to  Sedan,  nor  languish  to  death  at 
the  galley's  oar,  or  in  the  dungeons  and  oubliettes  of 
La  Tour  de  Constance,  at  Chinon,  at  La  Rochelle,  the 
Bastile,  and  elsewhere  ;  for  the  seed  thus  sown  in  France 
by  the  fathers'  deaths  took  root  in  Virginia  through  the 
children's  daily  lives  and  sweet  influence  there,  and,  like 
the  grains  of  wheat  buried  in  the  Pyramids  of  Egypt, 
lost  and  forgotten  for  centuries,  when  returned  to  fos- 
tering care  and  fertile  soil,  bore  abundantly  the  richest 
fruit  for  all  in  France,  both  persecutors  and  persecuted, 
and  thus  secured  for  brothers  there  what  had  always 
been  denied  to  them,  but  what  all  had  ever  enjoyed  in 
Virginia,  u  e.,  perfect  equality  of  citizenship  before  the 
law,  absolute,  untrammelled  religious  freedom,  and  the 
right  to  worship  their  God  according  to  the  dictates  of 
their  own  consciences  alone,  in  peace  and  security. 


HUGUENOTS   AND    NEW   ROCHELLE 


By  GEORGE  T.  DAVIS,  New  Rochelle,  N.  Y. 

ONE  of  the  grandest  papers  ever  signed  by  a  sov- 
ereign was  that  signed  by  Henry  IV  at  Nantes 
on  April  13,  1598,  which  secured  liberty  of  religion  to 
the  French  Protestants.  Under  this  Edict  they  lived 
for  nearly  one  hundred  years,  until  its  revocation  by 
Louis  XIV  on  October  22,  1685.  This  last  act  drove 
from  France  some  of  its  best  and  most  respected  citi- 
zens, and  gave  to  the  New  World  across  the  seas  new 
blood  and  new  settlements,  one  of  which  is  New 
Rochelle, 

In  their  haste  to  leave  the  land  of  their  birth  they 
scattered  in  various  directions,  some  to  England,  others 
to  Germany,  Belgium,  Holland,  and  Denmark  ;  many 
of  those  who  crossed  to  En<:rland  later  emigfrated  to  the 
American  colonies.  Those  who  came  to  New  York 
again  scattered.  One  party  we  are  credibly  informed 
sailed  up  Long  Island  Sound  and  made  a  landing  at 
what  is  now  known  as  Hudson  Park;  the  exact  date  is 
not  positively  known,  but  it  was  between  the  years 
1686  and  1690.  Such  was  their  love  for  their  old  home 
that  they  named  their  new  one  New  Rochelle.  It  is 
said  they  pooled  their  funds  to  buy  the  land  Jacob 
Leisler  had  already  (September  20,  1689)  obtained  for 
them  from  Lord  Pell,  after  which  they  parcelled  it  out 
pro  rata.  A  glance  at  the  old  map  will  bear  out  this 
statement. 

340 


Gcor£c  1\  Dcrois, 

I'cu^'iu,  !^fugnfff'^'  <:.,/i\'fv  of  Nerv  Rochelle. 


Huguenots  and  New  Rochelle  34 1 

It  took  them  but  a  short  time  to  adapt  themselves  to 
their  new  home,  as  in  1699  appears  the  first  record  of  a 
town  organization.  The  following  officers  were  elected 
by  the  people  for  one  year,  but  the  list    is   probably 

incomplete : 

Constable  and  Collector,  Robert  Bloomer. 

Surveyors  of  Highways,  Peter  Frederick, 

Joseph  Debane. 
In  1700  it  seems  the  town  organization  was  complete, 
as  in  that  year  the  citizens  elected  a  full  town  board  of 

officers  as  follows : 

Supervisor,  Robert  Bloomer. 

Collector,     Ambroise  Sicard. 

Assessor,      Peter  Vallau. 
Surveyors  of  Highways,  Peter  Frederick, 

Andrew  Bareheit. 
By  I  704  considerable  land  had  been  cleared  and  was 
under  cultivation,  while  everything  about  the  settlement 
was  attractive,  with  neat  houses,  passable  roads,  and  well- 
tilled  fields,  giving  a  look  of  prosperity.  French  con- 
tinued to  be  the  language  of  the  settlement,  although 
English  was  also  used  ;  many  of  the  town  records  are 
written  in  French,  and  a  majority  of  the  officers  were 
Frenchmen.  Now  and  then  a  Frenchman  would  attempt 
to  write  the  records  in  English,  but  he  made  as  bad  a 
failure  as  an  Englishman  would  to  write  French  with 
but  as  little  knowledge  of  it.  From  that  time  until 
now,  each  year  Huguenot  blood  is  found  represented  in 
the  board  of  town  and  village  officers. 

During  the  Revolution  many  of  the  Huguenots  re- 
mained loyal  to  the  English  Crown,  for  which  they 
might  be  excused  in  a  measure  as  England  had  been  a 
good  friend  to  the  Huguenots  in  their  calamities,  and 
had  given   such   aid  as  could  not  be  forgotten  by   a 


342 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


Huguenot.  A  few,  however,  did  enter  the  colonial 
army  and  remained  with  it  to  the  end.  Among  those 
who  did  so  were  Isaac  Badeau,  Isaac  Coutant,  Peter 
Flandreau,  Isaac  Guion,  and  Abel  De  Veau.  Mr.  De 
Veau  was  in  a  running  fight  with  the  British  from  near 
City  Island  to  New  Rochelle.  Mr.  Flandreau  was  in 
the  battle  of  White  Plains.  The  British  wounded  at 
that  battle  were  brought  to  New  Rochelle  and  the*  old 
schoolhouse  at  Upper  New  Rochelle  and  a  house  on 
Pelham  Road  were  used  for  hospitals  until  they  were 
removed  to  New  York  City  by  transports. 

Since  then  whenever  the  Stars  and  Stripes  have  been 
assailed.  Huguenot  descendants  have  never  failed  to 
furnish  their  quota  to  its  defence,  and  are  ready  to  do  so 
again  in  the  present  crisis.^  In  the  War  of  1812  were  to 
be  found  Andrew  Coutant,  J.  P.  Huntington,  John 
Soulice,  and  John  Bonnet.  In  the  war  of  1861  were 
found  James  F.  and  George  W.  Seacord,  R.  W.  De 
Veau,  John  and  Theodore  Flandreau,  States  B.  and 
Charles  B.  Flandreau,  H.  M.,  C.  O.,  and  W.  Le  Count, 
Benj.  Badeau,  A.  Barton,  Ferdinand  Bonnet,  Geo.  H. 
De  Veau,  Elijah  De  Veau,  Geo.  T.  Davis,  Wilbur  F. 
and  Harvey  H.  Hudson.  Geo.  W.  Seacord  and  John 
Flandreau  were  killed  in  battle. 

New  Rochelle  is  prolific  in  organizations  bearing  the 
name  of  Huguenot.  The  Masonic  Lodge,  Royal  Arca- 
num Council,  Golden  Cross  Commandery,  one  of  the 
yacht  clubs,  one  of  the  athletic  clubs,  and  one  of 
the  fire-engine  companies  bear  the  honored  name  of 
Huguenot.  In  addition  we  have  a  Huguenot  Street, 
Park,  and  Hotel.  The  Grand  Army-  post  bears  a 
Huguenot  name  (Flandreau). 

*  Referring  to  the  then  impending  war  with  Spain. 


Huguenots  and  New  Rochelle 


43 


Of  the  forty  supervisors  of  New  Rochelle  fourteen 
have  borne  French  names  and  three  others  were  of 
French  descent. 

Of  the  fifty  town  clerks  fourteen  have  borne  French 
names  and  two  others  were  of  French  descent. 

Of  all  the  other  town  and  village  officials  during  the 
past  two  hundred  years  the  same  ratio  is  preserved  as 
to  French  names,  but  of  their  descendants  it  is  larger. 

There  are  still  standing  in  New  Rochelle  many 
landmarks  that  are  so  closely  allied  with  the  early 
Huguenots  that  I  cannot  omit  mentioning  them,  as  fol- 
lows. The  figures  following  them  are  the  dates  of 
erection  as  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  learn. 


I 

2 

3 
4 

5 
6 

7 
8 

9 
10 

II 

12 

13 

14 

15 
16 

17 


The  Guion  House,  307  Huguenot  Street,  1690. 

Vallau      "        Union  Avenue  or  Cross  Road,  1700. 
Besley      "        corner  Huguenot  and  North  Streets  1700., 
De  Bonrepos  House,  Beauchamp  PI.  and  Maple  Ave.,  1700. 


n 


4( 


(( 


it 


(i 


(i 


(( 


u 


a 


<< 


i< 


i( 


<( 


(( 


i( 


<( 


Lespinar 

Pell 

Flandreau 

Gallaudet 

Bonnett 

Rayno 

Schureman 

Pintard 

De  Veau 

Seacord 

Lester 

Seacord 

Parcut 


a 


li 


u 


n 


u 


{( 


(( 


(i 


(< 


(( 


tt 


<t 


<i 


Davenport  Avenue,  1700. 
North  Street,  1720. 
Post  Road,  1720. 
Griffin  Avenue,  1720. 
"  "  1720. 

Huguenot  Street,  1720. 
North  Street,  1730. 
Main  Street,  1730. 
Mount  Paine,  1740. 
North  Street,  1740. 

1750. 
1760. 


i( 


« 


« 


(( 


1770. 

Nos.  3,  4,  12,  13,  and  17  have  been  remodelled.  The 
others  retain  their  colonial  appearance.  Nearly  all 
face  the  south  and  are  built  largely  of  stone,  except  the 
De  Bonrepos  house,  which  is  of  brick  brought  from 
Holland.  In  my  recollection  twelve  others  were  torn 
down,  two  were  burned,  and  one,  the  Pugsley  house, 


344 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


rotted  down.  This  last  was  at  one  time  the  British 
General  Howe's  headquarters  before  the  battle  of  White 
Plains.  All  of  those  now  standing  are  tenantable  and 
occupied. 

On  North  Street  in  front  of  the  Parcut  place,  as  if 
standing-  guard  over  it,  and  not  far  from  the  old  Vallau 
house,  still  stand  two  mighty  oaks  whose  spreading 
branches  have  often  afforded  shelter  to  the  Huguenots 
and  their  descendants  during  nearly  two  hundred  years. 
These  oaks  are  supposed  to  be  over  four  hundred  years 
old. 

The  town  is  still  prolific  in  Huguenot  names,  such 
as  Seacord  (Sicard),  De  Veau,  Flandreau,  Coutant, 
Le  Fevre,  Badeau,  Le  Count  (Le  Conte),  Mullineaux, 
Renoud,  Bertine  (Bertin),  Bonnett  (Bonet),  Gallaudet, 
and  Schureman. 

The  first  birth  in  New  Rochelle  was  a  daughter  of  a 
Guion,  probably  of  that  Louis  Guion  who  built  the  first 
house,  on  what  is  now  Hudson  Park,  near  where  the 
present  Huguenot  Memorial  stands.  The  first  wed- 
ding took  place  in  this  house,  being  that  of  Jean  Cou- 
tant to  a  daughter  of  David  Bonifoy,  the  clergyman 
being  Rev.  David  De  Bonrepos. 

Beyond  explanation  is  the  fact  that  only  six  streets  in 
New  Rochelle  bear  French  or  Huguenot  names,  and 
they  are:  Huguenot,  Le  Count,  Beauchamp,  Guion, 
Le  Roy,  and  Coligni. 

In  the  old  churchyard  where  the  early  Huguenots 
found  their  last  resting-place,  very  many  graves  are  un- 
marked. Many  marks  have  been  destroyed  or  broken, 
as  (and  I  make  the  statement  with  feelings  of  shame)  the 
grounds  are  no  more  than  commons.  Efforts  were  made 
a  few  years  ago  by  private  parties  to  fence  it,  but  the 
church  in  whose  charge  it  is  claimed  the  right  to  do  it 


Huofuenots  and  New  Rochelle 

o 


345 


— though  as  yet  it  has  made  no  move  to  improve  its  con- 
dition. There  are  many  stones  that  were  erected  pre- 
vious to  1800  in  good  condition  ;  two  of  these  are  white 
stones,  some  are  of  common  field  stone,  roughly  chis- 
elled out,  but  the  greater  part  are  of  red  stone,  with  the 

old  familiar  inscription  of:  'Tn  memory  of 

who  departed  this  life,"  etc.  ;  some  are  very  unique, 
while  others  (in  showing  the  necessary  respect  for  the 
departed)  do  not  indicate  that  any  reference  was  made 
to  the  spelling-books  of  that  day. 

Those  in  fair  or  good  condition   over  one  hundred 
years  old  are  to  the  memory  of  the  following  : 

Peter  Bond Died  Feby.  14,  1774,  aged  37 


Jane  Parcot 

John  Parcot,  Jr 

Anthony  Abramse 

Daniel  Parcut 

Jonathan  Weyman.  . . . 

Mary  Bonet 

E.  G.,  1785.  S.  C.  T.,  1728. 


Oct.  17,  1782, 
Sept.  I,  1782, 
July  10,  1789, 
Sept.  14,  1794, 
Sept.  4,  1756, 
Feby.  14,  1771, 


60 
42 

49 

42 
44 
37 


'  P.  P.,  aged  66.       M.,  1730. 

There  are  three  stones  with  the  following  inscrip- 
tions which  speak  for  themselves,  and  I  will  give  them 
verbatim  : 


Common  Field  Stone. 

HERE   LI 

ES   THE   B 

ODY  OF  JOHN 

CLARK   WHO 

DEPARTED  TH 

IS  LIFE   ON  MA 

Y  6  DAY 

A.D 

1756 
'  This  is  no  doubt  intended  for  Peter  Parcut,  who  was  a  French  Huguenot  settler. 


Red  Stone, 

HEAIRLYES    THE 

BODDA  OF  JOHN 

PARCUT  DECEISED 

TH    18  OF   FEBRUARY 

ADGEED  72  IN   I  772 


346 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 

White  Stone,  Diamond  Shaped,    Thus  : 


VCJSJLE 
CORPS  DE 

SVSANE 

LANDRJN  A  3 

DCESM  'lE  6 


DEC    I  710 

There  are  two  other  stones  of  a  more  modern  date 
that  record  the  following  : 

Mary  Le  Count Died  Jany.   9,  1841,  aged    1057.      9  d. 

Rev.   Benjamin   F.Allaire     '*     Oct.     3,  1859,      "        n  '*     15*' 

Mr.  Allaire  was  a  descendant   of   a  Huguenot  settler 
and  a  Catholic  priest. 

The  census  of  i  710  shows  that  there  were 


White  Males 67;  Females 137.     Total 204 

Slaves      "     23;         "       34.         "     57 


Of  the  Huguenot  names  found  in  that  list  the  follow- 
ing are  extinct  so  far  as  New  Rochelle  is  concerned  : 
Allaire,  Vallau,  Villian,  Martine,  Naudin,  Jarrau, 
Manion,  Frutier,  Bondet,  Bault,  Landrine,  Angevine, 
La  Reau,  Frederick,  Parcot,  Symon,  Morcier,  Barret, 
Brittain,  Lespinar,  Neufville,  Guion,  Besley,  Le  Douf, 
Gener,  Sarrinier,  Garriner,  Muro,  Lamon,  Pillion, 
Soulice,  Boullie,  De  Bonrepos,  and  Dais.  There  are 
other  names,  that  do  not  appear  on  this  census  of  17 10, 


Huguenots  and  New  Rochelle 


47 


who  either  left  before  that  time  or  came  after,  but  are 
found  on  the  town  records,  which  are  no  longer  in  New 
Rochelle,  as  follows  :  Manbru,  Juire,Caret,  Quantin,Cler, 
Lepeune,  Riche,  Bartow,  Boyer,  Ballet,  Forestier,  Bre- 
ton, Chadaine,  Timon,  Moreau,  Deblez,  Honorez, 
Bayeux,  Bernard,  Castine,  Suire. 

The  Huguenots  who  left  their  homes  knowing  but 
little  of  their  destinations,  and  braved  the  dangers  of 
the  ocean  in  the  crude  and  uncertain  vessels  of  those 
days,  were  as  far  as  I  am  able  to  learn  God-fearing  peo- 
ple. In  those  early  days  the  Holy  Sacrament  was 
administered  to  the  Huguenots  at  New  Rochelle  only 
four  times  a  year,  viz.,  Easter,  Whitsunday,  the  middle 
of  September,  and  Christmas.  Such  was  their  desire 
to  attend  divine  service,  in  pleasant  weather  the  good 
housewives  would  clean  up  on  Saturday  mornings,  and 
their  husbands  would  close  up  their  week's  work  at  the 
same  time,  and  on  Saturday  afternoon  could  be  seen 
trudging  to  New  York  City  in  order  to  be  rested  and  in 
time  for  Sunday  morning  service.  After  taking  dinner 
with  some  friend  they  would  start  on  their  return  trip 
so  as  to  be  ready  for  their  Monday  morning's  work.  I 
have  heard  my  great-grandmother  say  that  in  order  to 
save  their  shoes  they  would  go  barefoot  to  a  brook  near 
where  Canal  Street,  New  York  City,  now  is,  there  rest 
and  wash  their  feet,  put  on  their  shoes  and  stockings, 
and  then  continue  their  journey. 

Think  of  it !  Twenty  miles  to  New  York  on  foot 
Saturday  afternoon  to  attend  Sunday  morning  service, 
and  twenty  miles  back  on  Sunday  afternoon  !  Would 
our  piety  stand  that  in  these  days  ?  I  fear  it  would  be 
a  little  shaken. 

Do  you  wonder  that  Providence  smiled  on  their 
efforts  and  made  them  a  happy  and  contented  people  ? 


348 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


The  first  church  in  New  Rochelle  of  which  anything 
is  known  was  built  by  the  Huguenots  in  1692,  and 
burned  down  about  1723.  This  information  was  ob- 
tained from  documents  found  in  the  corner-stone  after 
its  destruction.  It  was  constructed  of  wood  and  stood 
about  midway  between  the  present  Episcopal  and  Pres- 
byterian churches,  on  the  same  side  of  the  street  as  the 
Episcopal  church.  This  was  the  French  Protestant 
church.  It  was  held  for  years  by  only  a  small  minor- 
ity who  resisted  the  conformity  of  their  brethren  to  the 
Church  of  England  in  1709.  As  far  as  I  can  learn 
Rev.  David  De  Bonrepos,  D.D.,  was  their  minister.  The 
next  minister  was  Rev.  Daniel  Bondet,  A.M. 

The  first  Episcopal  church  was  built  of  stone  in 
I  7 10,  and  was  nearly  square,  the  roof  starting  from  all 
sides  to  a  point  in  the  centre;  it  stood  a  little  east 
of  the  present  church,  at  the  entrance  of  a  lane  now 
widened  and  known  as  Division  Street.  At  the  build- 
inof  of  this  church  there  were  no  hod-carriers,  as  the 
women  carried  stones  in  their  hands  and  mortar  in  their 
aprons  in  order  to  complete  the  work  and  not  exceed 
the  subscription  for  same.  The  size  of  the  church  was 
**  forty-foot  in  length  and  thirty-foot  in  breadth."  The 
subscription  list  amounted  to  ^107  js.  6^p,  The  largest 
individual  subscription  was  that  of  Governor  Hunter, 
£6,  and  the  smallest  that  of  Mr.  Mosent,  of  \s.  5/. 
The    followinof    were    the    trustees    for   buildinor    said 

church  : Newfville,  Daniel  Giraud,  Isaac  Quantin, 

Debonrepos,    Andre    Naudain,    Daniel    Benet, 


Caleb  Heathcote,  Lewis  Morris,  Daniel  Bondet, 

Besley,    E.    Valleau,    Pierre    Valleau,    F.     Le    Conte, 
Ambroise  Sicart,  and  J.  Levillian. 

'*  The  next  church  building  was  of  wood,  built  in  1 724, 


Huguenots  and  New  Rochelle  349 

and  rebuilt  in  176 1.  In  this  church,  it  is  claimed,  was 
hung  a  bell  presented  to  the  French  Church  Dieu  St. 
Esprit  of  New  York,  by  Sir  Henry  Ashurst  of  London, 
and  bears  the  following  inscription  :  *  Samuel  Newton 
made  me  1706.'  "  ^ 

This  bell  was  hung  in  the  spire  of  the  next  church, 
built  of  wood  about  1825,  where  the  Parish  House 
now  stands,  where  it  remained  to  call  the  worship- 
pers together  until  taken  down  in  1863,  when  it  was 
rented  to  Enterprise  Hook  and  Ladder  Co.,  No.  i,  for 
one  dollar  per  annum,  and  rung  in  the  alarms  of  fire 
until  about  1885,  when  it  was  returned  to  the  church, 
where  it  now  is  mounted  just  in  front  of  the  organ  in 
the  present  handsome  stone  edifice  just  east  of  the  last 
buildine  and  near  the  site  of  the  little  stone  church  built 
in  1 710.  The  Presbyterian  society  was  organized  or 
incorporated  February  23,  1808,  as  the  ''  French  Church 
of  New  Rochelle,"  and  claims  to  be  the  successor  of 
the  first  church  built  in  1692.  This  claim  I  will  neither 
admit  nor  deny,  but  it  seems  fair,  as  the  majority  of  the 
Hug-uenots  conformed  to  the  service  of  the  Church  of 
England  about  seventeen  years  later  (1709). 

In  1708  the  freeholders  of  New  Rochelle  were: 
Daniel  Lambert,  Elie  Badeau,  Daniel  Giraud,  Gregorie 
Gougeon    (probably   Guion),    Elie   de   Bonrepos,  Jean 

Magnon,  Besley,   Isaac  Mercier,    Bartholomew 

Le    Roux.    Pierre   Valleau,   Jacob   Scurman,   Ambroise 
Sicart,    Benjamin    Faneuil,    Jean    Pemeau,    Alexander 

Allaire,   J.    Levillian, Bolts,    Daniel    Rayneau, 

Gulleaume   Le   Counte,    Fran9ois  Le  Counte,   Zacarie 
Angevin,  Frederick  Schorman. 

Schorman  and  Scurman  are  probably  the  present 
Schureman. 

'  Bolton's  History  of  Westchester  County. 


350  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

The  Huguenots,  as  a  rule,  were  honest,  industrious, 
studious,  frugal,  truthful,  religious,  and  a  loyal  people. 

To-day  their  descendants  are  to  be  found  in  every 
walk  of  life,  and  some  stand  high  as  business  men, 
physicians,  lawyers,  clergymen,  teachers,  and  in  other 
occupations  on  land  and  sea. 

A  few  branched  into  politics,  but  outside  of  town  or 
village  offices  they  rarely  reached  beyond  the  State 
Legislature.  A  quiet  business  or  professional  life 
suited  them  better.  One  New  Rochelle  Huguenot 
will  never  be  forgotten  as  long  as  history  lasts,  and  that 
one  is  the  benevolent  young  Peter  Faneuil,  who  gave 
Boston  her  Faneuil  Hall,  but  did  not  live  to  see  the 
outcome  of  the  stirring  scenes  enacted  within  its  walls, 
as  he  died  in  1743,  at  the  age  of  forty-three. 

The  will  of  Ambroise  Sicard,  dated  March  28,  1701, 
shows  in  its  heading  that  its  maker  was  a  religious  man, 
and  every  clause  marks  him  a  just  one,  and  a  large  land- 
owner in  those  times. 

The  Huguenots  and  their  descendants  were  no  doubt 
good  judges  of  fruit,  as  on  every  Huguenot  farm  were 
fine  orchards  of  various  fruits  of  the  finest  quality  then 
known.  Rut  few  trees  of  these  old  orchards  are  now 
standine.  I  doubt  if  there  is  now  standing  in  New 
Rochelle  a  single  lemon  pippin  tree  (a  most  delicious 
apple).  It  was  the  lot  of  descendants  of  Huguenots  to 
give  the  public  three  of  the  finest  specimens  of  fruit  that 
ever  tempted  the  palate  of  man. 

The  mammoth  blackberry,  later  known  as  the  Lawton 
blackberry,  was  brought  to  light  and  cultivated  by  Lewis 
A.  Seacord.  William  Lawton,  who  placed  it  on  the 
market  and  named  it,  was  the  husband  of  a  Guion.  Any 
one  who  has  ever  seen  or  tasted  this  fruit  needs  no 
description  of  it. 


Huguenots  and  New  Rochelle  35 1 

The  Huntington  pear  was  discovered  by  James  P. 
Huntington  (whose  wife  was  a  Coutant)  growing  wild 
in  the  woods  and  by  cultivation  brought  it  to  per- 
fection. 

The  Churchland  pear  was  found  growing  wild  by 
a  Huguenot  settler  on  the  land  given  by  Lord  Pell  to 
the  French  church — hence  its  name.  The  old  tree  was 
partly  blown  down  about  1890,  and  the  balance  cut 
down  in  1892,  as  it  was  pronounced  dangerous  to  pass- 
ers-by.     It  stood  in  front  of  184  Centre  Avenue. 

Samples  of  these  pears  were  exhibited  as  native  fruits 
by  Stephen  P.  Carpenter,  of  New  Rochelle,  at  a  meet- 
ing of  the  American  Pomological  Society  at  Rochester, 
N.  Y.,  in  1856,  and  favorably  spoken  of  by  the  Com- 
mittee in  their  report. 

The  little  settlement  of  Huguenots  in  1690  has  now 
become  a  flourishing  town  of  fourteen  thousand  peo- 
ple, with  modern  improvements,  fine  farms,  beautiful 
homes,  prosperous  business  houses  ;  with  three  spacious 
brick  and  two  frame  schoolhouses  and  two  large  brick 
ones  in  course  of  construction  ;  with  one  Lutheran,  four 
Methodist,  two  Episcopal,  two  Presbyterian,  two  Baptist, 
and  two  Catholic  churches,  five  of  which  are  hand- 
some stone  structures,  and  with  numerous  social  organi- 
zations. 

Arts,  science,  agriculture,  religion,  society,  education, 
trade,  commerce,  and  politics  in  Westchester  County 
have  been  benefited  by  the  trials,  suffering,  hard  work, 
and  self-denial  of  that  little  band  of  Huguenots  who 
chose  this  beautiful  spot  for  their  home  and  named  it 
New  Rochelle. 

Were  all  their  sacrifices  and  trials  in  vain  ?  All 
honor  to  the  Huguenots  !  Their  freedom  of  speech, 
freedom  of  action,  freedom  of  education,  and  love  for 


I 

1 1,1 


< 


} 


i 


■'  I 


t  I 


352 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


their  fellow-man,  have  cast  aside  bigotry  and  religious 
intolerance,  so  that  to-day  the  Jew  and  Gentile,  Protes- 
tant and  Catholic,  go  hand  in  hand  in  business,  society, 
politics,  diplomacy,  legislation,  law,  army,  and  navy,  and 
each  vies  with  the  other  in  good  citizenship  and  in  sup- 
port of  the  flag  that  floats  over  the  grandest  republic 
on  earth.  Again  I  ask.  Have  they  lived  in  vain  ? 
May  all  their  descendants  so  live  and  so  act  that  in  the 
year  2198  they  may  still  command  the  same  respect  as 
now  ? 


y.  C  .  Pion^ 


Of  the  Comniittte  on  Arrangements.     Delegate  from  AVrf  Jcr^ev. 


THE    HUGUENOT    SETTLERS    IN    NEW 

JERSEY. 

By  JOSIAH   COLLINS  PUMPELLY,  A.M.,  B.L. 

THE  history  of  the  Huguenots  in  America  com- 
prises many  important  chapters.  The  first  was 
the  attempt  of  Admiral  Coh'gny  in  1562  to  establish  a 
Protestant  colony  in  the  New  World.  History  proves 
that  the  Huguenots  were  the  first  Protestants,  and  this 
was  the  first  endeavor  of  the  kind,  but  its  record  was 
written  and  sealed  with  blood.  The  King  of  Spain 
claimed  all  North  America  as  his  own.  He  scrupled 
neither  at  mendacity  nor  murder.  He  had  appointed 
a  Governor  in  Florida,  as  cruel  and  perfidious  as  him- 
self. This  man  attacked  the  Huguenot  colonists,  and 
having  persuaded  them  to  surrender  their  arms  on  the 
promise  to  spare  their  lives,  he  put  them  all  to  death 
in  cold  blood,  because  they  were  Protestants. 

The  next  endeavor  was  made  by  Walter  Raleigh  on 
Roanoke  Island  in  North  Carolina  in  1585.  It  was  just 
before  the  sailing  of  the  Spanish  Armada,  and  the  peril 
of  England  took  the  attention  away  from  the  little  group 
m  Virginia.  This  colony,  thus  left  neglected,  passed 
mysteriously  out  of  existence,  all  excepting  a  few 
who  abandoned  their  settlement  and  were  adopted  into 
a  tribe  of  Croatan  Indians.  Some  of  their  descend- 
ants are  now  living  in  Robeson  County  in  North 
Carolina. 


23 


353 


1^1 


354  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

In  the  XVIIth  century  a  new  impulse  was  imparted 
to  such  enterprises.  England  began  with  a  colony  in 
Virginia.  Holland  followed  in  1609,  and  Henry  Hudson 
explored  the  shore  of  New  Jersey,  sailing  afterward 
up  the  river  which  now  bears  his  name.  Abraham 
Chamberlayne,  a  Huguenot  merchant,  contributed  lib- 
erally for  this  expedition.  Five  other  vessels  followed, 
three  of  them  with  commanders  who  were  Refugees. 
One  of  these,  Adrien  Block,  whose  vessel  bore  the 
significant  title  Onrest  ("unrest"),  explored  Long 
Island  Sound  and  the  bays  and  rivers  of  Rhode  Island 
and  Connecticut.  In  1620,  the  Huguenot  silk-weavers 
of  Holland  contributed  a  goodly  part  of  the  funds  to 
brin^'  over  the  Pilirrims  of  the  "  Mayfiowe^r."  Chance  or 
design  effected  a  change  in  their  contemplated  destina- 
tion, and  Massachusetts  received  the  colonists  intended 
for  New  Jersey.  Three  years  later  another  ship  came 
from  Holland  to  the  New  Netherlands,  bringing  thirty 
families,  consisting  chietly  of  Walloons.  This  designa- 
tion of  Huguenot  refugees  is  of  German  origin,  and 
si^^nifuis  •'  foreigners."  These  colonists  were  landed  on 
Staten  Island,  but  soon  dispersed.  Eight  families 
settled  on  Manhattan  Island  ;  others  on  the  Jersey  shore  ; 
and  several  of  them  removed  up  the  Hudson  River  to 
Fort  Oranee.  Others  also  formed  a  settlement  on  the 
shore  of  the  bay,  which  was  named  from  them  "  Wahle- 
bocht,"  or  bay  of  the  foreigners,  now  called  Wallabout 

Bay. 

From  this  time  the  Huguenots  came  in  large  numbers 
to  the  colonies.  The  families  that  now  bear  their  sur- 
names, with  the  many  which  were  changed  by  mingling 
with  Dutch,  are  too  many  to  enumerate  here.  We  omit 
also  that  greater  number  joined  with  them  by  inter- 
marriage. 


The  Huguenot  Settlers  in  New  Jersey     355 

For  a  time  the  two  commonwealths  of  New  York  and 
New  Jersey  were  treated  as  a  single  colony,  and  Staten 
Island,  where  the  first  emigrants  landed,  was  for  years  a 
part  of  New  Jersey.  In  religious  concerns  the  two  long 
continued  as  one.  The  first  Governor  of  the  New 
Netherlands  was  Pierre  Minuit,  a  Huguenot,  the  same 
that  purchased  Manhattan  Island  from  the  natives. 
The  first  child  born  in  the  colony  was  Sarah  Rapelje, 
the  daughter  of  a  Walloon  ;  and  so  long  as  the  colony  re- 
mained under  Dutch  rule  the  Huoruenot  emigration 
was  a  prominent  factor  in  its  growth.  These  French 
colonists,  however,  seem  to  have  exhibited  a  passion 
for  smaller  towns,  and  with  this  we  may  remark  a  dis- 
position to  perpetuate  old  memories  in  some  of  the 
names.  Thus,  New  Paltz  would  seem  to  commemorate 
gratefully  the  German  Palatinate,  where  so  many  of 
the  fugitives  from  French  persecution  received  a 
generous  hospitality.  New  Rochelle  also  serves  as  a 
memento  of  the  capital  of  the  celebrated  Huguenot 
commonwealth  that  then  existed  in  France.  To  this 
place  came  Ann  Hutchinson  after  she  had  been  banished 
from  Massachusetts  Bay  at  the  instance  of  the  Puritan 
clergy  of  Boston.  Governor  Kieft  having  treacherously 
massacred  several  parties  of  Indians  that  had  fled  to  him 
for  protection,  and  the  tribes  having  taken  the  war-path 
in  revenge,  she  and  her  family  were  murdered  by  them. 
It  was  no  small  peril,  indeed,  which  for  a  time  surrounded 
these  New  Netherland  and  Jersey  colonists.  Yet  they 
never  failed  to  maintain  neighborly  relations.  After 
a  week  of  steady  labor  they  would  come  from  different 
places  beyond  the  Harlem  and  Hudson  rivers,  to  meet 
their  friends  in  New  York.  The  men  carried  weapons 
of  defence  on  account  of  danger  of  attack  from  the 
natives.     When,  on  Sunday  morning,  they  arrived  at 


\ 


I'll 


M' 


35^ 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


the  Collect  Pond,  they  washed  and  rested  ;  then  they 
sung  a  psalm  and  attended  religious  service,  and  after 
a  day  spent  in  social  visiting  and  spiritual  encourage- 
ment they  in  the  evening  returned  to  their  homes. 

Governor  Minuit  had  early  taken  part  in  measures 
for  the  establishing  of  religious  worship.  He  aided  in 
the  organization  of  the  First  Reformed  Church,  and 
was  one  of  the  elders.  Its  services  on  Sunday  morn- 
ings were  held  in  the  Dutch  language,  and  in  the 
afternoon  in  French. 

In  due  course  of  time  the  Hu^ruenot  inhabitants  were 

4      7 

able  to  l)uild  a  meeting-house  for  themselves.  It  was 
erected  on  Marketfield  Street,  on  the  site  now  occupied 
by  the  Produce  Exchange.  Its  pastors  for  many  years 
ministered  not  only  to  their  own  congregation,  but  also 
extended  their  services  to  the  little  societies  in  the 
vicinity.  The  church  in  Twenty-second  Street,  of  which 
it  was  the  progenitor,  is  where  the  exercises  were  held, 
April  13,  1898.  commemorating  the  tercentenary  of  the 
signing  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes. 

Intimate  relations  were  maintained  between  the  two 
peoples  while  the  Dutch  government  was  in  pcnver. 
Intermarriages  were  of  frequent  occurrence.  Governor 
Stuyvesant  himself  married  Judith  Bayard,  and  his  sister 
was  wedded  to  a  brother  of  that  lady.  One  fourth  of 
the  popuhition  being  Huguenot,  the  society  of  New 
Amsterdam  and  vicinity  was  refined,  and  public  docu- 
ments were  printed  in  French  as  well  as  Dutch  and 
English. 

Staten  Island,  for  years  a  part  of  New  Jersey,  also 
abounds  with  families  of  Huguenot  origin,  bearing  such 
names  as  Disosway.  Delavan,  Bedell,  La  Tourette, 
Guion,  Mercereau,  Hillyer,  La  Farge,  Decker,  Vander- 
bilt,  Vincent,   Garretson,    La  Comte,   Barton,  Winant, 


The  Huguenot  Settlers  in  New  Jersey      357 

Totten,  Rutan,  and  others.  Sometimes  the  names  were 
translated  into  Dutch  or  English,  as  Le  Roy  became 
King;  Le  Blanc,  White  ;  Le  Maitre,  Masters;  LeTon- 
nelier,  Cooper;  Le  Noir,  Black;  Pierre,  Stone ;  L'Oiseau, 
Bird;  Le  Jeune,  Young;  Charpentier,  Carpenter;  and 
sometimes  the  spelling  was  modified  and  disguised.  The 
first  colonists  of  Richmond  County  were  Hollanders. 
The  Waldenses,  Walloons,  and  Huguenots  came  directly 
from  France  and  the  descendants  of  many  of  them  are 
now  prominent  citizens  of  New  Jersey. 

Huguenot  emigrants  were  among  the  first  to  colonize 
the  region  west  of  the  Hudson  River.  The  Swedes 
made  two  attempts  ;  the  first  succeeded  but  indifferently, 
and  the  second  was  literally  driven  away  by  the  mos- 
quitos,  which  proved  even  more  formidable  than  the 
Indians. 

The  first  Huguenot  colony  of  importance  in  New 
Jersey  was  planted  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Hackensack 
River,  two  miles  north  of  Hackensack,  almost  opposite 
the  Cherry  Hill  station,  and  near  the  "  French  Burying 
Ground." 

David  des  Marest  was  the  leader  of  the  little  colony 
in  the  spring  of  1678.^  He  was  born  about  1620.  His 
father,  Jean  des  Marest,  was  at  the  time  a  resident  of 
Beauchamp  in  Picardie,  twenty-two  miles  west  of 
Amiens,  and  was  driven  thence  by  persecution  to  take 
refuge  in  Holland.  David  des  Marest  removed  in  1651 
to  Mannheim  in  the  Lower  Palatinate,  but  learning  some 
years  after  that  it  was  the  purpose  of  the  Catholic  princes 
to  ravage  that  country,  he,  with  others,  anticipated  the 
event  by  emigrating  to  the  New  Netherlands.  He  ar- 
rived tliere  in  1663  and  made  his  home  in  Staten  Island. 

'  T/ie  Huguenots  on  the  Hackensack,  by  Rev.  D.  D.  Demarest,  New  Brunswick, 
N.  J.,  i^^b,  passim.     (Afterward  referred  to  as  Demarest.) 


I:, 
I, 


(I 


358 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


He  was  immediately  recognized  as  a  man  of  superior  abil- 
ity, and  elected  to  the  Provincial  Assembly.  In  1665  '^e 
removed  to  New  HaarU^m,  the  year  after  the  Dutch  pos- 
sessions in  North  America  had  been  seized  by  the  Encr- 
lish.  Des  Marest  was  a  man  of  positive  character,  and 
was  never  willing-  to  submit  to  anything  which  he  re- 
garded as  imposition.  In  1677  he  was  summoned  before 
court  for  refusing  to  pay  an  assessment  for  the  salary  of 
the  Dutch  voorleser.  The  French  inhabitants  had  been 
exempted  from  this  tax  by  Governor  Lovelace.  Des 
Marest  lost  the  case  and  paid  the  tax  by  order  of  the 
court.  He  determined,  however,  that  he  would  remain 
no   longer   under  its  jurisdiction. 

New  Jersey  was  now  established  as  a  separate  colony. 
Here  Des  Marest  purchased  a  tract  of  land  in  the  Tap- 
pan  district,  between  the  Hudson  and  Hackensack  rivers, 
afterward  known  as  the  "  French  Grant."  The  deed 
bore  the  date  of  June  8,  1677,  and  described  the  pay- 
ment as  consisting  of  one  hundred  fathoms  of  black 
wampum/  one  hundred  of  white  wampum,  one  hundred 
bars  of  lead,  one  hundred  knives,  fifteen  flint-lock  guns, 
a  barrel  of  powder,  four  barrels  of  beer,  an  anker  of 
rum,  some  clothing,  hatchets,  and  other  implements.^ 
The  transfer  of  the  Indian  title  was  made  to  Sir  George 
Carteret,  as  proprietor  in  behalf  of  David  des  Marest 
and  his  children.  Des  Marest  removed  to  the  place  at 
once  with  his  family  and  Jaques  La  Rue.  They  were 
joined  the  next  year  by  others  of  their  countrymen, — 
Nikolas  de  Veaux  (De  Voe),  Jean  de  Rij  (Duries), 
Daniel  du  Vour  (Dovoor),  Andries  Tiebout,  and  one 

*  Wampum  was  made  from  the  shells  of  periwinkles,  and  constituted  the  Indian 
coinage. 

■^  Demarest,  p.  8.  Cf.  Aaron  Leaming  and  Jacob  Spicer,  Grants,  Concessions,  and 
Original  Constitutions  of  the  Province  of  New  Jersey.     Philadelphia,  1757. 


The  Huguenot  Settlers  in  New  Jersey      359 

other, —  making  fifteen  families  in  all.  More  had  been 
expected  but  they  did  not  come  till  a  later  period. 

This  deficiency  in  numbers  seems  to  have  been  a  cause 
of  controversy.  Part  of  the  territory  transferred  by 
the  grant  was  still  claimed  by  New  York,  and  when  the 
Des  Marests  petitioned  Lord  Cornbury,  the  Governor, 
for  permission  to  survey  it  anew,  Capt.  John  Berry  pre- 
sented a  remonstrance.  He  asserted  that  he  himself 
had  a  right  to  two  thousand  acres,  but  had  waived  it  on 
condition  that  Des  Marest  should  bring  thirty  or  forty 
families  to  colonize  it,  which  had  not  been  done.^  There 
were  also  other  claims  which  it  was  found  necessary  to 
satisfy. 

In  1686  another  patent  was  granted  of  lands  on  the 
western  side  of  the  Hackensack  River  to  David  des 
Marest,  senior,  Jean  des  Marest,  Jaques  La  Rou,  An- 
toine  Hendrix,  Andries  Tiebout,  John  du  Rij  (Duries), 
Daniel  Ribou  (or  Rivers),  Albert  Saborisca  (or  Zabris- 
kie),  David  A.  Rumon,  and  Albert  Stevense  (or  Voor- 
hees). 

Among  the  signers  of  a  petition  to  King  William  HI 
asking  for  a  more  competent  and  honorable  governor 
for  the  colony  in  place  of  the  one  in  office,  there  appear 
the  names  of  four  Demarests  and  four  other  Huguenot 
heads  of  families.  True  to  Calvinistic  custom,  they 
were  all  educated  men,  and  had  no  occasion  to  fix  a 
mark  in  place  of  a  name.  Other  signers  were  less 
fortunate.^ 

David  des  Marest  and  Nikolas  de  Veaux  had  been 
members  together  of  the  congregation  of  French  refu- 
gees at   Mannheim,   and    afterward    of    the   Huguenot 

'  Demarest,  p.  9. 

^  Documents  Relating  to  the  Colonial  History  of  New  Jersey,  vol.  II.,  pp.  322- 
327.     (Afterwards  referred  to  as  Colonial  Documents  of  New  Jersey.) 


8, 
I 


./ 


i6o 


Hug-uenot  Society  of  America 


congregation  on  Staten  Island.  In  their  new  home  on 
the  Hackensack,  there  was  no  reh'gious  society  except 
the  Reformed  Dutch  church  of  Bergen.  The  meetings 
were  held  in  a  schoolhouse  built  of  logs,  some  twenty 
miles  from  the  French  colony.  Ministers  came  from 
New  York  at  stated  times  to  conduct  religious  services, 
preach,  and  administer  the  sacraments.  They  were 
generally  Dutch  ;  but  in  addition  the  Rev.  Gaultier  du 
Bois  went  over  three  times  a  year  for  fifty-one  years. 

To    this   church    the     refugee     colonists    transferred 
their  membership.      It  appears,  however,  that  they  re- 
moved it  f(nir  years  afterwards.      Dr.  C.  W.  Baird  con- 
jectures,    with    plausible    reason,    that    they    had    then 
formed    a    congregation    of    their    own.      There    is    no 
register  of  such  action,  but  they  were  persons  zealous 
and  resolute  in  all  matters  pertaining  to  religion.     They 
had  a  parochial  school,  and  the  Rev.  Pierre  Daillie,  who 
had  recently  come  from  Europe  to  New  York,  was  more 
or  less  with  them.      We  find  his  name  as  a  subscribing 
witness  to  a  written  agreement  which  had  been   made 
between  the  heirs  of  the  patriarchal  pioneer,  David  des 
Marest.       There  was  no  settled  pastor  over  the  little 
congregation,  and  as  it  probably  dissolved  at  the  end  of 
fourteen  years  the  records  were   not  preserved.       But 
the  marriage  record  of  the  church  at  Bergen,  in  1693, 
mentions   David  Van  der  Voor  and  wife,   as  brincrincr 
testunonials  from  the  French  church  at  Kinkachemeck, 
which  was  west  of  the   Hackensack.      In  16S6,  the  Re- 
formed church  of   Hackensack  was  organized,  and  two 
years  later  the  Rev.  Mr.  Daillie  removed  to  Boston  as 
pastor  of  the  Huguenot  congregation  in  that  town. 

Prior  to  his  departure  the  name  of  Abram  de  Vouw 
alone  represented  the  French  colonists  on  the  roll  of  the 
new  Dutch  congregation,  but  on   April  5,   1696,  there 


A  1 


The  Huguenot  Settlers  in  New  Jersey      361 

came  to  it  *' by  certificate  from  the  French  Church," 
six  persons  —  Jaques  La  Rou,  David  des  Marest, 
Marritije  de  Marest,  and  three  others.  In  July  there 
followed  John  de  Marest,  John  du  Rij  and  wife,  David 
des  Marest,  Jacob  de  Groot,  and  several  others.^ 

David  des  Marest  had  three  sons.  His  son  and 
namesake  died  in  1690,  leaving  a  son  David  who  be- 
came distinguished.  He  was  a  member  of  the  Assembly 
of  New  Jersey  from  1737  to  1748,  and  held  the  offices 
of  Judge  of  the  Pleas  and  Justice  of  the  Quorum.  Rev. 
Dr.  H.  M.  Muhlenberg,  who  visited  him  in  1758, 
described  him  as  the  "oldest  Gentleman  of  the  Gov- 
ernment." 

John  des  Marest,  the  eldest  son,  was  a  lieutenant  in 
the  militia  of  the  province  in  1690.  The  other  brother, 
Samuel,  was  a  large  land-owner  and  prominent  man  in 
the  colony.  Forty-seven  of  this  family  were  in  the 
Continental  Army.^ 

Rev.  D.  D.  Demarest,  D.D.,  LL.D.,  professor  in  the 
Reformed  Dutch  Theological  Seminary  of  New  Bruns- 
wick, N.  J.,  a  most  worthy  and  honored  representative 
of  this  family,  the  author  of  the  work  on  the  Hugue- 
nots oil  the  Hackensack  herein  mentioned,  and  a  vice- 
president  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  America,  died 
full  of  honors  on  the  21st  of  June,  1898. 

The  little  French  church  was  no  more.  The  children 
forgot  the  language  of  their  parents  and  began  to  dis- 
guise their  names.  From  that  period  we  observe  upon 
an  examination  of  the  records  a  gradual  changing  of 
these  from  French  to  Dutch  form.  Hollandic  orthog- 
raphy is  responsible  for  many  very  puzzling  records  in 
the  history  of  this  people. 

'  Demarest,  p.  17 


t  'I 


'  Demarest,  p.  17. 

*  Revolutionary  Records  of  Neiu  Jersey^  passim. 


362 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


There  came  afterward  to  the  Hackensack  and  neigh- 
borhood  other  Refugee  colonists.  These  were  the  Ter- 
hunes,  Loziers,  De  Miinns,  De  Motts,  De  Bauns, 
Ferdons  ;  and  besides  these,  the  Voorhees,  Blauvelts! 
Van  Wagenens,  Bogarts,  Hoppers,  Van  Buskirks,  and 
others  with  Dutch  surnames,  are  of  Huguenot  more 
than  of  Dutch  extraction.  Their  descendants  extend 
over  RockLand  and  Orange  counties  in  New  York,  and 
into  Hudson,  Passaic,  and  Essex  counties,  in  New 
Jersey. 

The  Huguenots  on  the  Hackensack  have  had  their 
full  share  of  influence,  religious  and  political,  in  the 
latter  State.  In  1744  David  Demarest  was  a  member 
of  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  voted  against 
the  Militia  bill  that  was  before  that  body.  In  1831  the 
Duke  of  York  came  to  America  to  take  charge  of  the 
removing  of  the  remains  of  Major  Andre.  They  had 
been  buried  upon  the  Demarest  farm.  Mr.  John 
Demarest  entertained  the  Duke  on  that  occasion,  and 
afterwards  received  from  him  several  souvenirs  in 
acknowledcrment. 

Other  Huguenot  Refugees  came  into  New  Jersey 
from  time  to  time,  and  made  here  their  homes.  In 
Sussex  County  were  Peter  Guymard,  Jacob  Caudebec 
(Cuddeback),  Abraham  de  Chambre  (Chambers),  and 
Martyn  Ryerson.  The  former  two  of  these  had  been 
delicately  reared,  and  it  was  remarked  of  them  that 
*' their  hands  were  so  soft  and  tender  when  they  arrived 
in  America,  that  they  blistered  and  bled  when  the  men 
began  to  labor  for  their  livelihood." 

Shocking  and  terrible  were  the  incidents  which  Cau- 
debec often  described  to  his  fellow-colonists  of  the 
tortures  inflicted  upon  his  co-religionists,  and  the  bar- 
barous murders  committed  by  the  Romanists  of  France. 


The  Huguenot  Settlers  in  New  Jersey      3^3 

The  hardships  of  the  New  World,  severe  as  they  were 
to  one  like  him,  accustomed  to  gentle  and  even  luxuri- 
ous habits,  were  light  beside  the  atrocities  inflicted  upon 
the  Huguenots  in  their  native  country. 

The  name  of  Guymard  is  still  preserved,  and  a  town 
in  Orange  County,  New  York,  on  the  Erie  Railway, 
bears  it  to-day  in  commemoration  of  the  intrepid  Cami- 
sard.  The  three  brothers  Ryerson,  Joris,  Ryer,  and 
Francois,  were  the  first  settlers  in  Pacquannac,  Bergen 
County,  in  1701. 

The  sons  of  these  Huguenots  were  among  the  first  to 
raise  their  voices  against  British  oppression  in  America. 
A  resolution  was  drawn  up  and  circulated  containing 
the  pledge  and  resolve  **  never  to  become  slaves,"  and 
"  to  carry  into  execution  whatever  measures  may  be 
recommended  by  the  Continental  Congress."  Among 
the  signers  were  the  names  of  Gumaer  and  Cuddeback. 

The  second  Huguenot  settlement  in  the  province  of 
New  Jersey  was  at  Princeton,  a  century  later,  in  the  se- 
cluded region  of  Cherry  Valley  and  Cedar  Grove.  They 
were  not  all  French,  however,  nor  all  Huguenots.  Some 
were  Catholics  from  Flanders,  whose  Huguenot  ances- 
tors had  been  reconverted  to  the  Catholic  faith  by  the 
terrors  of  the  murderous  Inquisition,  and  others  had 
emigrated  from  Guadaloupe.  Why  they  should  select 
such  a  place,  so  utterly  out  of  the  way  of  busy  mankind, 
it  is  hard  to  tell.  They  were  generally  of  superior  in- 
telligence, and  some  of  them  belonged  to  families  of 
hiy^h  rank  and  wealth.  Some  remained  but  a  brief 
period,  but  others  became  permanent  residents.  Among 
their  names  are  two  that  are  well  known  to  fame.  Of 
the  number  are  Vienney,  Tulane,  Boissonot,  Pothier, 
LeGoy,  Ancellein,  Husage,  Malon,  La  Rue,  Cheilon, 
and  Bona.     MM.    Vienney   and   Ancellein  were  from 


3^4 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


Guadaloupe,  where  the  latter  had  held  the  office  of 
Treasurer  under  the  Government.  His  descendants 
are  still  to  be  found  in  New  Jersey.  The  Husacres 
were  brothers,  wealthy  and  of  high  rank.  They  did 
not  remain  many  years,  and  were  chiefly  remarked  for 
driving  a  team  of  small  cows,  and  employing  them  to 
carry  their  corn  to  Worth's  mill. 

MM.  Cheilon  and  La  Rue  purchased  jointly  a  part  of 
the  estate  of  Tusculum  from  Mrs.  Witherspoon,  and 
lived  there  several  years.  M.  Cheilon  afterwards  re- 
moved to  Elizabethtown,  where  he  became  a  teacher  of 
the  French  language,  and  enjoyed  the  intimate  acquaint- 
ance of  General  Wintield  Scott  and  other  members  of 
leading  families. 

The  one,  however,  in  the  little  group  of  colonists  who 
attracted  the    most    attention    was    General    Peter    A. 
Malon.      His  presence  w^as  dignified,  and  at  once   im- 
pressed the  spectator  with  awe  ;    it  was  not  easy  to  tell 
why.     Much  of  his  life  was  unknown.     He  was  a  native 
of  Ypres,  in  Belgium,  and  was  born  in  the  parish  of  St. 
Pierre.   October  9,     1753.      He    possessed    indomitable 
courage.      In    1 793,  when   the   National  Convention  of 
France  threatened  the  invasion  of  the  Low  Countries, 
General  Malon  was  sent  to  Paris  by  the  States  of  Flan- 
ders, to  delay  and,  if  possible,  avert  the  calamity      It 
required  courage  to  appear  before  that  body,  where  the 
persons  of  ambassadors  and  the  laws  of  nations  were 
held  in  little  regard.      His  boldness  and  eloquence  on 
that   occasion    gained    for  him  the  designation  of  the 
"fameux    Malon."      He  became  weary    and    diso-usted 
with  civil  discord  and  abandoned  an  active  for  a  reli- 
gious life,  returning  to  Europe  in  1799,  and  finally  enter- 
ing a  monastery  in  F>anconia.^ 

»  H.  De  Courcy  :  History  of  the  Catholic  Church  in  America,  passim. 


The  Huguenot  Settlers  in  New  Jersey     365 

Of  the  others,  Louis  Tulane  merits  our  principal 
notice.  He  came  from  France  with  other  Refugees  in 
1795,  and  purchased  thirty  acres  of  land  from  Pierre 
Vienney.  Four  years  later,  w^hen  Malon  returned  to 
Europe,  he  bought  part  of  his  hundred-acre  tract,  with 
his  quaint  old  house  upon  it,  in  Cherry  Valley,  which 
became  in  future  years  the  Tulane  homestead.  Of  his 
five  children,  four  died  while  young.  Paul  Tulane,  the 
survivor,  engaged  in  active  business  in  New  Orleans, 
where  he  amassed  a  handsome  fortune.  Returning  to 
New  Jersey,  he  purchased  the  mansion  of  Commodore 
Stockton,  in  Princeton.  Here  he  was  long  distin- 
guished for  his  kindness  of  heart  and  generous  temper. 
He  confined  his  charity  to  no  particular  sect  or  class, 
but  dispensed  it  alike  wherever  he  chanced  to  be.^ 

There  are  other  Huguenot  families  in  New  Jersey 
deserving  of  honorable  mention.  First  in  the  number 
is  Peter  Baird,  or  Bard,^  distinguished  in  science  and 
literature,  who  is  supposed  to  have  been  a  native  of 
Dauphiny.  He  became  a  citizen  of  the  Colony  of  New 
Jersey,  June  12,  1713.  Governor  Hunter,  on  August  27, 
I  714,  speaks  of  him  as  **  a  very  worthy  and  Ingenious 
Man."  and  also  as  one  of  the  "most  Considerable  Trad- 
ers," W'ho  w^ould  be  very  useful  to  the  Government.^  In 
1718,  the  Governor  again  recommending  him  for  a  seat 
in  the  Council,  as  a  member  from  West  Jersey,  de- 
scribed him  as  a  merchant  and  inhabitant  of  Burlington. "^ 
In  I  720  he  was  a  member  of  Governor  Burnet's  Council,* 
and  in  1728  a  commissioner  to  try  pirates  in  and  out  of 

'  J.  F.  Hageman  :    History  of  Princeton.     Thiladelphia.  2d  Ed.,   1879,  2  vols. 
(See  index /r?jj-iw.) 

*  C.  W.  Baird:  Hist.  Huguenot  Emi<^ration,  vol.  II.,  p.  1 18. 
^  Col.  Doc.  of  iV.  y.,  vol.  IV.,  p.  197. 

*  Col,  Doc.  of  N.  7.,  vol.  IV..  p.  377. 
'  Col.  Doc,  of  N.  7.,  vol.  v.,  p.  319. 


366 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


the  Plantations  of  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania, 
and  Connecticut'  He  died  in  1734,  after  a  long  career 
of  service  and  usefulness. 

John  Bard,  his  grandson,  was  a  Lieutenant-Colonel 
in  the  Continental  army,  and  acquired  distinction  as 
Commander  of  the  "Orange  Rangers." 

Isaac  de  Coux  (or  Cow),  is  supposed  to  have  emi- 
grated from  Auvert,  in  France,  about  the  beginning  of 
the  XVII I th  century.'  In  171 7  he  was  a  Justice  of 
the  Peace,  and  in  i  739  he  was  Surveyor-General  at  Bur- 
lington, N.  J.  In  1774  a  special  act  was  passed  by  the 
Council  providing  for  his  widow,  "Sarah  Ely  Isaac  De 
Cow,"  who  had  lost  a  title-deed  by  fire. 

Joseph  Roy,the  founder  of  the  Roye  family,  came  from 
the  Island  of  Jersey,  in  i  71  i,  settled  first  in  Boston,  and 
from  there  removed  to  New  Jersey.  His  son  John  was 
a  Justice  of  the  Peace  in  Somerset  County,  in  i  752. 

Antoine  Pintard  is  supposed  to  have  been  a  Refugee 
after  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes.  He  ca'nie 
from  the  Antilles  to  this  country  in  1687.^^  He  was  a 

Justice  of  the  Peace,  at  Shrewsbury,  in  1700,  and  it  is 
recorded  that  he  presided  at  the  trial  of  several  persons 
who  had  attacked  a  gentleman  in  a  dark  lane  and 
robbed  him  of  his  sword.  After  East  and  West  New 
Jersey  had  been  consolidated,  he  was  recommended  by 
a  majority  of  the  Proprietors  for  a  seat  in  the  Council. 
Samuel  Pintard,  evidently  a  Huguenot,  is  also  named, 
in  1695,  as  a  galley-slave  upon  the  ship  "La  Grande."' 
John  Pintard  was  employed  by  Mr.  Jefferson  in  1789 

'  Col,  Doc.  of  X.  7,  vol.  v.,  p.  197. 

''Archives  Rationales.     "Marie  de  Coux,  fugitive  d'Auvert."     C.  W.  Baird  : 
History  of  the  Huguenot  Emigration  to  America,  vol.  II.,  p.  32. 
^  Baird,  vol.  II.,  p.  32. 
*C.  W.  Baird  :     History  of  the  Huguenot  Emigration  vol.  I.,  p.  326. 


The  Huguenot  Settlers  in  New  Jersey     367 

as  Translating  Clerk  for  the  Department  of  State. 
Upon  the  removal  of  the  Federal  Government  to 
Philadelphia  he  resigned,  and  Philip  Freneau  was 
appointed  in  his  place. 

Andr^  Fresneau  was  a  native  of  La  Rochelle,  and 
emigrated  to  America  about  the  year  1702.  He  was 
for  many  years  the  agent  of  the  Royal  West  Indian 
Company  of  France.^  He  was  married  to  Miss  Marie 
Morin  at  the  Huguenot  church,  L'Eglise  du  St.  Esprit, 
in  New^  York.  Their  son  Pierre  purchased  a  farm  in 
Monmouth  County,  and  removed  to  it  with  his  family. 
Thus  Philip  Freneau  w^as  of  Huguenot  descent  on 
both  sides.  He  graduated  at  Princeton  in  1771,  where 
he  had  been  the  friend  and  fellow-student  of  James 
Madison  and  Henry  Lee.  He  is  described  as  a  typical 
Frenchman,  brilliant,  clear-headed,  courao^eous,  full  of 
imagination,  and  ready  to  return  a  blow  alike  with  the 
pen  or  the  sword.  He  possessed  a  poetic  genius  of 
superior  quality,  beginning  to  write  while  a  boy  and  not 
flagging  in  riper  years.  He  wrote  the  verses  "  Rising 
Glory  of  America"  as  early  as  1770,  and  predicted  the 
rise  of  new  American  States  on  the  Ohio  and  beyond  the 
Mississippi.  When  the  Revolutionary  War  began,  he 
implored  the  restoration  of  British  rule  as  in  the  days 
of  George  H,  but  was  brave  enough  afterwards  and 
paid  the  penalty  of  his  convictions.  He  was  captured 
on  the  Aurora  in  1780  and  confined  in  a  prison  ship  in 
the  Wallabout,  suffering  like  other  prisoners  from  priva- 
tion and  brutal  treatment.  He  wrote  his  first  lyric  to 
the  memory  of  the  men  who  fell  at  Eutaw  Springs,  and 
in  another  poem,  commemorated  in  glowing  words  the 
hapless  dead  of  the  prison  ships. 

^  Magazine  of  American  History,  new  series,  vol.  IV.,  p.  266. 


\ 


368 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


After  his  appointment  to  office  by  Mr.  Jefferson,  he  be- 
came the  founder  and  editor  of  the  National  Gazette. 
Political  controversy  ran  high,  and  he  spared  nobody. 
He  even  accused  General  Washington  of  monarchic 
aspirations.  This  imputation,  which  was  flagrantly  un- 
just, was  warmly  resented  by  the  President.  He  left 
public  life  a  few  years  afterwards  and  engaged  in  com- 
merce, making  several  voyages  by  sea.  But  he  never 
relinquished  the  pen.  He  published  several  volumes  of 
poetic  composition  and  translation.  Philip  Freneau  is 
the  only  poet  whose  ringing  verse  roused  alike  the 
hearts  and  nerved  the  arms  of  two  generations  of 
Americans  against  England.  He  celebrated  the  suc- 
cesses of  the  Revolution  and  the  War  of  1812,  the 
conqueror  at  Yorktown  and  the  victor  of  Niagara.  He 
sang  the  battles  of  Paul  Jones,  and  the  victories  of 
Perry  and  McDonough.  His  death  was  remarkably  in 
analogy  with  his  life.  Setting  out  on  foot  for  home  on 
the  night  of  December  18.  1832,  in  a  blizzard,  he  lost 
his  way,  and  becoming  mired  in  a  boggy  place,  was 
overcome  by  the  storm  and  buried  in  the  snow. 

We  pass  over,  with  but  a  respectful  mention,  other  of 
the  Refugees,  the  Bedells.  La  Contes,  Chevalliers,  and 
Ballaguiers.      Their  fame  has  already  ennobled  them. 

Elias  Boudinot  has  few  superiors  or  even  peers  in 
his  claims  upon  the  gratitude  of  his  countrymen.  As 
we  call  Washington  the  *'  Father  of  his  Country,"  so 
was  Boudinot  the  Father  of  his  State.  Brave,  firm, 
cautious,  sagacious,  instant  in  good  word  and  work,  and 
withal  kind  and  considerate,  he  had  the  qualities  that 
denote  the  man  truly  great.  He  was,  indeed,  first  in 
the  State,  first  in  Congress,  and  first  in  the  hearts  of 
Jerseymen. 

Le  Sieur   Helie   Boudinot  was    distinguished  in  his 

o 


The  Huguenot  Settlers  in  New  Jersey     369 

native  town  of  Marans  as  a  prosperous  merchant  and  a 
zealous  Protestant.     Immediately  after  the  Revocation 
of  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  he  made  his  escape  to  Eng- 
land with  his  children.    Here  he  was  naturalized,  together 
with  his  fellow-refugee,  Etienne  Delancy,  and  others,  in 
1686.      The  same  year  he  married  Mme.  Suzanne  Papin 
d'   Harriette,'  the  widow  of  Benjamin  d'   Harriette,    a 
distinguished    merchant    of     La    Rochelle,    and    sailed 
directly  afterwards  with   Delancy  for  New  York.      He 
took  an  active  part  in  colonial  affairs,  and  was  involved 
in   the  conflict  with  Governor  Leisler.      His  name  also 
appears  on  a  petition  to  King  William  HI  against  cruel 
ecclesiastical  oppression.     A  resolute   obstinacy  seems 
to  have  characterized  him  and  his  descendants.      His 
son    Elie    was    a    merchant    in    New    York,  where    he 
followed  in  the  footsteps  of  the  father.     The   English 
influence  now  appears,  for  the  son  in  the  next  generation 
had  the  name  of  Elias.     He  married  Katherine  Williams, 
and  removed  with  her  to  Philadelphia,  where  he  followed 
the  calling  of  a  silversmith.      Their  son,  Elias,  was  born 
in    Philadelphia    in    1740    and    baptized    by    the    Rev. 
George  Whitefield.      He  received  such  a  classical  educa- 
tion as  he  could  procure  at   Princeton,  and  studied  law 
with   Richard  Stockton,  his  sister's  husband.      He  was 
licensed  at  the  age  of  twenty  and  began   practice   in 
Elizabeth  Town,  where  he  soon  gained  a  leading  posi- 
tion.    Two  years    after    he    married  'the  sister  of   his 
preceptor.       For  a  time,   Alexander  Hamilton,   then  a 
youth  of  fifteen,  was  an  inmate  of  his  family.^ 

Hamilton  himself  was  regarded  as  of  Huguenot  de- 
scent on  the  side  of  his  mother.  Their  friendship  lasted 
through  life. 

'  Livre  des  Mariages  de  L  ' Eglise  de  la  Savoye. 

•  James  A.  Hamilton  :     Lt/e  of  Alex.  Hamilton,  vol.  I.,  pp.  2-7  . 


I    J 


370 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


Elias  Boudinot  possessed  great  energy.  He  was  the 
first  to  open  the  sulphur  and  copper  mines  of  New 
Jersey.  In  1772  he  became  a  trustee  of  the  College  at 
Princeton  and  held  the  office  for  fifty  years.  In  1775 
he  was  Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Safety  at  Eliza- 
beth Town,  and  was  chosen  a  member  of  the  Provincial 
Congress  which  wrested  the  government  of  New  Jersey 
out  of  the  hands  of  Governor  Franklin.  In  this  dilemma, 
resembling  anarchy,  he  and  Mr.  William  Peartree  Smith 
were  sent  to  the  Continental  Congress  at  Philadelphia 
for  advice.  The  result  was  the  establishing  of  New 
Jersey  as  a  self-governing  commonwealth. 

No  man  was  more  efficient  in  effort  forthe  patriot  cause 
than  Elias  Boudinot.  General  Washington  had  known 
his  ability  to  provide  for  desperate  emergencies,  and 
accordingly,  after  the  successful  battles  of  Trenton  and 
Princeton,  besought  him  to  accept  a  commission  as  com- 
missary-general of  prisoners.  He  complied  reluctantly, 
hoping  to  prevent  the  military  from  encroaching  on  the 
civil  authority,  and  to  be  of  some  real  service.  It  was 
no  pleasant  duty.  He  was  compelled  to  become  liable 
for  $50,000,  on  the  promise  of  General  Washington  to 
divide  the  loss,  in  case  the  Congress  did  not  repay 
him.  This  money  was  used  to  supply  the  wants  of  the 
starving  prisoners  in  the  enemy's  lines. 

Boudinot  was  elected  a  delegate  to  the  Congress  in 
1777  and  again  in  1781.  The  next  year  a  band  of  dis- 
charged soldiers  created  disturbances  in  Philadelphia. 
They  even  threatened  the  safety  of  the  Congress.  That 
body  removed  to  Princeton,  and  Colonel  Boudinot  was 
chosen  president.  In  that  capacity  he  signed  the  Treaty 
of  Peace  with  Great  Britain,  by  which  the  independence 
of  the  thirteen  American  States  was  acknowledged. 

After  the  establishment  of  the  Federal  Constitution, 


The  Huguenot  Settlers  in  New  Jersey     371 

Mr.  Boudinot  was  elected  to  Congress  and  continued  in 
office  till  1795,  when  he  was  appointed  by  Washington 
Director  of  the  Mint.  He  resigned  this  office  in  1805 
and  retired  to  private  life.  He  then  made  his  residence 
at  Burlington. 

He  never  relaxed  his  efforts  in  behalf  of  religion  and 
education.  He  bestowed  several  generous  endowments 
upon  the  College  of  New  Jersey,  of  which  he  was  a 
trustee,  and  was  the  first  to  propose  the  establishing 
of  fellowships  in  that  institution.^ 

In  181 2  he  became  a  member  of  the  American  Board 
of  Commissioners  of  Foreign  Missions.  Six  years  later 
he  took  part  in  the  forming  of  the  American  Bible 
Society,  and  was  chosen  its  first  president. 

He  took  lively  interest  in  endeavors  to  promote  edu- 
cation among  the  Indians.  Three  Cherokee  youths 
were  admitted  to  the  Mission  School  in  181 8,  one  of 
whom  he  authorized  to  take  his  name.  The  young  man 
acquired  influence  afterwards  among  his  people,  but  was 
murdered  in  1830. 

Doctor  Boudinot,  as  he  was  called,  having  been  made 
an  honorary  Doctor  of  Laws  by  Yale  College  in  1790, 
bequeathed  thirteen  thousand  acres  of  land  to  the 
Mayor  and  corporation  of  Philadelphia,  to  enable  them 
to  supply  fuel  to  the  poor  of  the  city  at  moderate  prices. 
He  also  presented  three  thousand  acres  to  the  Phila- 
delphia Hospital  for  the  benefit  of  indigent  foreigners.^ 

He  was  a  voluminous  writer.  He  had  devoted  much 
attention  to  Biblical  literature,  and  made  several  contri- 
butions to  it  which  are  marked  alike  by  their  erudition 
and  their  quaintness  of  style.  His  death  took  place  in 
Burlington,  N.  J.,  October  24,  1821. 

*  John  McLean  :  History  of  Princeton  College,  vol.  II.,  p.  313. 
'  Applelon's  Cyclopadia  of  American  Biography,  vol.  I.,  s.  v. 


Zl'2-  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

Ellas  Boudinot  was  a  man  whom  every  one  revered. 
In  person  he  was  dignified,  in  manner  courteous,  in 
habits  of  thought  and  expression,  cool,  exact,  and  prompt 
to  perceive.  He  shone  brightly  in  the  constellation  of 
illustrious  men  who  established  the  American  Republic, 
and  no  one  prized  his  judgment  more  highly  than  did 
General  Washington  himself.  His  counsel  was  eagerly 
sought  by  all,  by  poor  as  well  as  rich,  and  when  he 
passed  from  this  sphere  of  existence  the  loss  was  felt 
everywhere. 

Elisha  Boudinot  was  likewise  an  ardent  patriot  dur- 
ing the  Revolution.  He  was  the  Clerk  of  the  Committee 
of  Safety  at  Newark,  and  afterwards,  in  1777,  Secretary 
of  the  Council  of  Safety  for  New  Jersey.  He  was  so 
active  in  this  capacity  that  the  British  offered  a  reward 
for  his  head.  A  band  of  Hessians  raided  the  Boudi- 
not house  during  his  absence,  and  the  family  portraits 
bearing  the  marks  of  their  bayonets  are  still  preserved. 
He  was  elected  bv  the  Leo^islature  Commissary-General 
of  Prisoners  for  the  State  in  1778.  He  studied  law 
with  his  brother,  and  after  the  war,  opened  an  office  in 
Newark.  In  1798  he  became  Justice  of  tiie  Supreme 
Court  of  New  Jersey,  and  died  in  Newark,  N.  J., 
October  17,  181 9. 

John  Gano  entered  the  Continental  army  as  a  sur- 
geon, but  took  active  part  in  the  engagement  at  Chat- 
terton  Hill.  He  had  been  educated  for  the  ministry, 
and  afterwards  acted  as  chaplain  in  General  Christian's 
brigade.  At  the  end  of  the  war  he  returned  to  the 
ministry. 

Captain  Shephard  Kollock,  another  descendant  of  the 
Refugees,  rendered  many  varied  services  of  much  impor- 
tance. He  was  editor  and  soldier  at  once, — he  founded 
and  published  the  Gazetteer,  the  first  Whig  newspaper 


The  Huguenot  Settlers  in  New  Jersey     373 

ever  seen  in  the  United  States,  as  well  as  the  New 
Jersey  Journal,  Washington's  official  medium,  and  also 
served  as  an  officer  of  artillery.  He  helped  at  the 
placing  of  the  iron  chain  across  the  Hudson  River,  and 
his  command  did  its  full  share  at  the  battle  of  Trenton. 
He  took  part,  in  concert  with  General  Henry  Knox,  in 
effecting  the  organization  of  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati. 
It  was  to  counteract  the  influence  of  this  association  that 
the  Tammany  Society  was  organized,  which  has  be- 
come so  noted  for  its  political  operations.  No  purpose 
of  that  character  was  contemplated  by  the  Society  of 
the  Cincinnati,  of  which  General  Washington  was  the 
first  President. 

A  special  tribute  is  due  to  Alexander  Hamilton.  He 
was  the  son  of  a  Scotch  merchant  in  the  Island  of  Nevis, 
and  his  mother  was  of  a  Huguenot  family,  the  Faucettes. 
She  had  been  married  against  her  will  to  a  Danish  West 
Indian  gentleman,  from  whom  she  was  afterwards 
judicially  separated.  Removing  to  the  Island  of  St. 
Christopher,  she  united  her  destiny  with  the  Scotch 
merchant,  and  died  a  few  years  afterwards,  leaving  to 
her  gifted  son  the  memory  of  her  goodness  and  superior 
mental  qualities. 

Thrown  upon  the  world  by  this  bereavement  and  the 
bankruptcy  of  his  father,  he  made  his  way  to  America 
at  the  age  of  fifteen.  Here  he  became  an  inmate  of 
the  family  of  Elias  Boudinot  and  attended  school. 
Friends  next  aided  him  to  become  a  student  at  King^s 
College  in  New  York.  He  early  entered  upon  the 
career  which  was  full  of  honor  to  himself  and  an  ad- 
vantage to  his  country.  He  wrote  his  name  indelibly  in 
the  records  of  the  new  nation.  When  the  States  were 
loosely  bonded  together  in  a  feeble  Confederation,  and 
suffering  the  evils  of  misrule,  bankruptcy,  and  threatened 


374 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


disintegration,  he  was  among  the  foremost  to  advocate 
a  Federal  Union.  He  labored  with  energy  for  a  con- 
stitutional government,  and  when  that  had  been  secured, 
with  Washington  at  its  head,  he  next  employed  his 
efforts  to  establish  its  financial  reputation.  Well  did 
he  deserve  the  praise  that  he  "  touched  the  corpse  of 
public  credit  and  assured  its  resuscitation  into  new 
life." 

Thus  the  Huguenots,  wherever  they  have  sojourned, 
have  brought  with  them  the  high  virtues  which  exalt  a 
people,  and,  with  these,  the  arts  and  manners  that  embel- 
lish daily  life.  In  the  New  Netherlands  and  New  Jersey 
they  literally  forgot  their  kindred  and  fatherland  and 
joined  hands  with  their  fellow-religionists  to  establish 
civil  and  relij^ious  freedom  with  toleration  in  all  matters 
of  conscience.  For  the  275  years  since  their  first  arrival 
at  Staten  Island,  they  and  their  descendants  have  labored 
successfully  to  promote  the  prosperity  of  the  State 
and  Republic.  Our  schools,  our  charities,  our  libraries, 
our  hospitals,  and  other  institutions  are  monuments  of 
such  effort.  In  the  States  all  along  the  Atlantic  seaboard, 
their  presence  is  recognized  as  a  leading  element  in  the 
forming  of  society  and  public  affairs,  and  those  de- 
scended from  the  Refugees  point  with  pride  to  the  fact 
that  it  was  the  mingling  of  the  polite,  vivacious,  and 
truly  moral  blood  of  the  Huguenot  with  that  of  the 
intolerant  Puritan  and,  self-indulgent,  imperious  Dutch- 
man, that  produced  the  keen,  industrious,  and  liberal- 
minded  nation  we  are  to-day. 

In  the  modest  commonwealth  of  New  Jersey,  we  have 
seen  that  they  constitute  no  insignificant  factor  in  her 
history.  The  Boudinots,  the  Stocktons,  Bayard,  Bedle, 
Demarest,  Seguine,  Depue  the  incorruptible  jurist,  are 
but  a  few  among  those  of  Huguenot  descent  who  have 


The  Huguenot  Settlers  in  New  Jersey     375 

achieved  honorable  fame,  and  whom  the  people  delight 
to  honor. 

In  short,  the  history  of  the  Huguenot  has  been  the 
history  of  trial  and  long-suffering,  of  holy  inspiration 
and  indomitable  energy,  of  statesmanlike  wisdom  and 
accompanying  prosperity.  Though  brave  in  war,  he 
was  always  watchful  and  zealous  for  a  reign  of  peace. 
Wherever  he  was  persecuted,  a  nemesis  has  invariably 
followed,  stern  and  inexorable,  from  St.  Bartholomew's 
Day,  157:,  to  the  Revolution  of  1793.  Wherever  he 
was  received  with  welcome  hospitality,  there  has  fol- 
lowed a  blessing  upon  the  region.  Every  country  where 
he  was  received  became  rich  and  powerful.  It  was,  as  in 
ancient  Hebrew  times,  where  the  Ark  of  the  Lord  was 
deposited  ::he  Lord  blessed  those  who  had  it  in  their 
keeping.  This  has  been  true  all  over  Europe,  and  we 
have  realiied  it  to  the  full  here  in  our  own  country. 


THE  POEM  AND  THE  SPEECHES  AT  THE  BAN- 
QUET  OF  THE  SOCIETY  GIVEN  AT  DELMON- 
ICO'S,  NEW  YORK  CITY  (FIFTH  AVENUE 
AND  FORTY-FOURTH  STREET),  ON  THURSDAY 
EVENING,  APRIL  14,  1898 


377 


Rev,  Melville  K.  Ba?7rv, 


REPORT  OF  THE  BANQUET 

WHEN  the  dinner  was  some  courses  advanced, 
the  Rev.  Melville  K.  Bailey,  of  Grace  Church 
Settlement,  presented  a  group  of  verses  descriptive  of 
the  emblem  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  America. 
Before  reading  the  poem  he  said  in  effect : 

In  offering  these  verses,  1  should  apologize,  were  I 
not  certain  that  the  verses  will  apologize  for  themselves. 
But  it  would  be  only  for  the  form  that  I  should  apolo- 
gize. The  ideas,  it  is  believed,  will  commend  themselves 
by  their  beauty.  They  are  the  ideas  which  cluster  about 
the  emblem  of  this  Society, — ideas  which  draw  their 
inspiration  from  the  romantic  history  of  France,  and  the 
most  romantic  history  of  the  Huguenot  movement. 
These  ideas  centre  chiefly  in  the  emblem  of  the  mari- 
gold, and  the  queen  who  chose  it  for  her  sign.  For 
these  ideas,  which  I  am  sure  need  no  apology,  I  am 
indebted  to  the  gracious  lady  whose  interest  has  made 
this  evening  possible. 

The  following  verses  were  then  read  : 


379 


NON   INFERIORA   SECUTUS 

By  Rkv.  MKLVILLE  K.  BAILEY 

WHEN    Marguerite    of    Valois    sought    a    fitting 
flower 
To  bloom  in  beauty  on  her  noble  crest, 
The  shining  lily  cried  :    *' To  show  thy  stainless  power, 

Fix  my  pure  lustre  on  thy  queenly  breast." 
Her  tears  ran  sadly  down,  and  with  a  trembling  voice 
The  Princess  said  :   "  The  lily  cannot  be  my  choice  ; 
The  splendor  of  thy  white  is  dashed  with  red, 
Where  guileless  sons  of  France  have  bled." 
The  rose  then  softly  murmured  :    "  Match  thy  ardent 

flush 
With  the  shell-tint  of  my  most  delicate  blush." 

"  Nay,"  said  the  gracious  Princess,  **  for  the  crimson 

rose 
Is  worn  on  island-England's  lordly  brows. 
The  joys  of  fleeting  life  are  hollow  ; 
I  will  not  seek  below 
Flower  red,  or  white  as  snow. 
Naught  lowlier  than  the  sun  I  follow." 


Set  lightly  in  the  bosom  of  the  meadow  green, 
Like  the  sun's  image  dancing  on  the  sea, 

A  golden  flower  said  to  this  daughter  of  a  queen  : 
'*  Though  my  steps  linger  here  on  this  fair  lea, 

My  glowing  heart  leaps    heavenward    from    the  lowly 
moors, 

3S0 


Non  Inferiora  Secutus 


381 


And  when  my  king  comes  from  night's  misty  curtained 
doors. 
To  greet  day's  lord  I  kiss  my  finger-tips. 
His  gold-light  meets  my  golden  lips. 
Men    cannot    look    upon  the  sun's  bright  shield, — my 

face 
All  day  turns  where  he  runs  his  burning  race. 

Acknowledging  full  well  his  most  persuasive  might ; 
And  when  his  gracious  joy  is  fled,  all  night 
I  sleep  within  the  darkling  hollow. 
Again  my  life  is  born 
When  breaks  the  flooding  morn  ; 
Nau'j-ht  lowlier  than  the  sun  I  follow." 


The  Princess  stooped  to  earth,  and  plucked  the  flower 
of  gold, 
Then  fixed  its  jewel  on  her  stately  neck. 
"Dear  little  peasant   flower,"   she   said,    *'art   thou   so 
bold, 
Seeking  the  royal  majesty  to  deck?" 
But  then  within  her  princely  heart  began  to  shine 
A  saintly  inward  glow,  lit  from  the  lamp  divine. 
Which  as  she  felt,  like  halo  of  the  blest, 
The  while  her  hand  the  flower  caressed. 
She  prayed  :    *'  Dear  Christ  of  God,  as  Mary's  golden 

bloom 
Follows  her  sun,  forgetting  nightly  gloom, 

Thy  beauty  would  I  see,  transfigured  on  the  mount. 
Filled  wqth  the  joy  of  grace  from  Thy  sweet  fount. 
Too  ripe,  the  joys  of  earth  prove  hollow, — 
Henceforth  with  spirit  meek 
Lifted  Thy  Face  to  seek, 
Naught  lowlier  than  Thy  Sun  I  follow." 


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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


'T  is  said  that  when  the  flaming  angel  of  the  day 
Falls  low  in  flight  beneath  the  western  waters, 
The  Marigold  shows  light  that  she  had  stored  away, 
And  glows  by  night  amid  the  garden's  daughters. 
Ah  !  France,  one  eve  the  angel  of  thy  light  had  set  ; 
Thy  lovely  daughters  mourned,  their  eyes  with  tears  all 
wet. 
Then  woman  dared  as  man  would  scarcely  dare, 
Loving  so  well  thy  champaigns  fair. 
A  disk  of  gold  gleams  in  the  silver  marguerite  ; 
But,  filled  to  trembling  brim  with  graces  sweet, 
Then  Marguerite  of  Valois'  heart  was  all  of  gold, 
O'er  France's  night  her  light  of  love  was  rolled. 
If  joys  of  earthly  life  were  hollow, 
One  queenly  dame  dared  say  : 
"  While  heaven's  sun  lights  earth's  day, 
Naught  lowlier  than  the  sun  I  follow." 

One  day  the  sun-born  dove  of  everlasting  peace 

Plucked  the  gold  flower  and  flew  beyond  the  sea. 
Seeking  the  end  of  passion's  woe  in  calm  surcease, 

Where  like  a  stainless  lily  love  might  be. 
The  hearts  of  France  bled  as  they  tore  from  that  dear  soil 
Lives  rooted  in  their  people's  life,  yet  light  was  toil. 
Yea,  light  was  grief,  if  free  from  vexing  strife 
TI.ey  might  fulfil  the  peace  of  life. 
Then,  as  the  turning  sun  rolled  on  with  burning  wheel, 
While  blue  waves  parted  neath  the  driving  keel, 

And  swift  the  white  scud  flew  upon  the  straining  mast. 
Forgetful  of  the  weary,  shadowed  past, 
As  hulls  rocked  in  the  surges  hollow, 
One  stood  upon  the  prow, 
And  cried,  with  earnest  brow, 
**  Naught  lowlier  than  the  sun  I  follow." 


Non  Inferiora  Secutus 


38, 


Forgotten  now  were  all  the  ancient,  cruel  years 
Whose  ill  had  France's  future  deep  enshrouded. 

Forgotten,  too,  the  assembling  troops  of  pallid  fears 
That  o'er  the  blood-washed  field  of  battle  crowded. 

Ah  !  those  great  days  when  silken  court  sought  dusty 
camp. 

When  the  stern  Huguenot,  whose  zeal  no  death  could 
damp. 

Swung  the  blue  steel  in  Heaven's  elected  task, 
And  smote  the  courtier's  gilded  casque. 

He  drew  the  snowy  baldric  o'er  unfearing  breast, 
And,  as  he  wreathed  its  folds  in  mystic  knot, 

He  swore  :    "  The  mark  of  shame  set  o'er  my  ill-won 
rest, 

Or  e'er  the  holy  cause  shall  be  forgot, 
The  pride  of  earthly  king  is  hollow  ; 

Sword,  thy  work  done,  then  rust. 

Thou,  body,  turn  to  dust. 
Naught  lowlier  than  the  sun  I  follow." 


The  exiles  cried  :  **  We  see  a  lustrous  land  afar 

That  fears  no  jealous  foeman's  threatening  frown, 
A  land  where  mounting  hope  shines  like  the  morning 
star, 

A  sky  of  England  and  of  France  the  crown. 
To  this  we  bear  the  immortal  torch  of  freedom's  flame, 
And,  for  this  gift  of  Heaven,  we  pledge  an  honored 
name. 

If  e'er  the  holy  faith  need  valiant  word 

The  faltering  will  with  truth  to  gird, 
Our  hearts  shall  leap  to  light  in  tribulation's  hour, 
Our  souls  the  petals  of  a  fiery  flower. 

Sharp  with  the  lightnings  of  a  piercing  Pentecost, 


.84 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


Like  that  which  thrilled  the  apostolic  host. 

All  fame  save  that  of  right  is  hollow  ; 
Brave  strife  wins  glorious  palm, 
After  wild  storm  shines  calm, 

Naught  lowlier  than  the  sun  we  follow." 


To-night,  in  this  far,  splendid  city  of  the  West, 

That  like  a  flower  of  gold  shines  on  the  earth, 
We,  heirs  of  what  our  fathers  sought  in  their  long  quest, 

Wear  the  bloom  native  to  their  land  of  birth. 
And  in  our  hearts,  though  late,  still  burn  the  golden 

rays 
That  lit  the  trembling  Princess  in  the  olden  days. 
Each  spirit  glows  with  some  chivalric  grace 
Descended  from  that  honored  race. 
Thus  be  the  gracious  company  to-night  here  met, 
A  flower  of  gold.     If  eyes  with  joy  be  wet, 
Or  if  they  gently  sadden  under  sorrow's  dews, 
Still  shine  for  aye  hope's  undimmed,  golden  hues. 
No  deeds  of  life  shall  we  call  hollow 
While  man's  hand  bravely  strives. 
While  man's  heart  strongly  lives, 
"  Naught  lowlier  than  the  sun  we  follow.'* 


COLONEL  MAURY'S  DINNER  SPEECH 

BEFORE  the  commencement  of  the  regular  order 
of  proceedings,  the  President  called  upon  Colonel 
Richard  L.  Maury,  Vice-President  of  the  Huguenot 
Society  of  America  and  delegate  from  Virginia,  for  a 
few  remarks  in  regard  to  a  beautiful  silver  bowl  which 
he  had  kindly  loaned  to  grace  the  occasion,  and  which, 
enclosed  in  a  wreath  of  crimson  Huguenot  roses,  had 
been  placed  in  front  of  the  President's  seat. 
Colonel  Maury  said  : 

Mr.  President,  Ladies,  and  Gentlemen  : 

The  saddest  of  all  the  sad  tales  of  the  Huguenot 
persecutions  is  connected  with  yonder  beautiful  silver 
bowl  embedded  in  sweet  roses  of  France,  and  before 
drinking  to  "The  Memory  of  our  Huguenot  Ances- 
tors" this  evening,  it  is  meet  that  we  should  know  what 
some  of  them  suffered. 

This  bowl  is  an  enlarged,  but  otherwise  exact,  re- 
production of  that  of  Estienne  Mangin  of  Meaux,  which, 
at  his  last  request,  was  filled  by  his  fainting  wife  with 
water,  and  served  to  the  "  Fourteen  of  Meaux."  Who 
were  these,  do  you  ask  ?  May  their  names  — the  roll- 
call  of  honor — long  live  in  our  memories  !  Pierre  Le- 
clerc,  Estienne  Mangin,  Jacques  Bouchebee,  Jehan 
Brisebarre,  Henry  Houtenot,  Thomas  Honore,  Jehan 
Baudouyn,  Jehan  Flesche,  Jehan  Picquery,  Pierre  Pic- 
query,  Jehan  Matheflon,  Philippe  Petit,  Michel  Caillon, 
and  Fran9ois  Leclerc.  Weary,  worn,  bleeding,  torn  by 
the  rack,  and  other  cruel  tortures,  this  devoted  band  of 


25 


385 


386 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


martyrs  was  sentenced  *'  to  have  their  tongues  cut  out  on 
the  day  of  execution,  unless  they  would  whisper  in  the 
ear  of  a  priest "  [i.e.,  pretend  to  confess],  and  to  be  drawn 
on  hurdles  like  lowest  criminals  through  the  streets  of 
Meaux,  to  the  front  of  Mangin's  house,  where  they 
were  to  be  burnt  at  the  stake.  This  sentence  was  car- 
ried out  on  Thursday,  Oct.  7,  1546. 

There,  gibbets  or  stakes  were  arranged  in  a  small 
circle.  The  victims  were  each  chained  to  a  stake,  all 
facing  inwards,  and  raised  six  or  eight  feet  from  the 
ground.  The  interspace  was  filled  with  faggots,  straw, 
and  gunpowder,  brimstone,  balks  of  timber,  and  other 
quick-burning  fuel.  Their  wives  and  children,  by  a  re- 
finement of  cruelty,  were  forced  to  look  on.  But  the 
martyr  spirit  was  aroused,  and  they  joined  the  holy 
martyrs  in  singing  psalms  —  that  is,  the  voices  of  the 
women  and  children  voiced  aloud  the  words  which  the 
poor  tongueless  victims  could  only  stammer  forth.  But 
in  the  ears  of  their  Heavenly  Father,  what  music  could 
be  sweeter  than  this  confession  of  their  faith,  in  the 
midst  of  the  fiery  furnace?  And  the  cup  in  which  was 
the  drop  of  water  to  quench  their  burning  thirst?  It 
was  the  sacramental  cup  they  had  used  at  their  services. 
I  have  finished.  All  the  eloquence  of  the  ages  cannot 
surpass  this  touching  bit  in  the  history  of  our  Huguenot 
ancestors. 

The  President  then  rose  and  gave  the  toast —  **  The 
Memory  of  our  Huguenot  Ancestors."  This  was  drunk 
standing,  and  in  silence,  the  orchestra  playing  the 
Twenty-fifth  Psalm,  the  music  composed  in  the  tenth 
century. 

Then  followed  the  President's  Address  of  Welcome. 


Frederic  J.  Dc  Peystcr. 

jd and  Present  Pr''^}4''tif  n  f  fi,.    <  r't'ty. 


I 


[ 


SPEECH    OF   THE    PRESIDENT    OF   THE 

SOCIETY 

FREDERIC  J.  DE  PEYSTER 

Ladies   and   Gentlemen,    Guests   and    Members    of  the 
Huguenot  Society  of  America. ■ 

T  T  is  at  once  my  pleasant  privilege  and  my  duty  to 
1      welcome  you  to-night. 

I  thank  you   most  heartily  for  the  honor,   the  very 
great  honor,  which  you  have  done  me  in  electing  me 
President  of  a  society  so  distinguished  as  this.     While 
appreciating  this  honor,    I    sincerely  regret  that    Mr. 
Marquand  is  no  longer  our  leader.     Nevv  York  boasts 
no  worthier  citizen  than  he ;  a  man  foremost  in  every 
good  work,  whether  benevolent,  literary,  or  artistic    a 
living  exemplification  of  the  Huguenot's  burning  love 
of  the  beautiful,  and  entire  devotion   to  duty.  "^  And 
then,   ladies  and   gentlemen,   when    Mr.    Marquand    is 
mterested  in  a  great  object  he  knows  how  to  give  like 
a  prince ;  not  as  princes  do  give,  but  as  they  should 
Our  Metropolitan  Museum  of  Art  contains  room  after 
room  full  of  priceless  treasures,  memorials  to  all  time  of 
his  splendid  generosity.     Although  our  Society  is  more 
than  fifteen  years  old.  Mr.  Marquand  had  but  one  pre- 
decessor, our  first  President,  the  founder  of  the  Society 
handsome,  affable,  charming  John  Jay.     Mr.  Jay  was' 
indeed,  a  Huguenot  of  the    Huguenots,   not  only  by 
birth,  but  by  tradition.     He  occupied  a  position  second 

387 


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^>.i 


ft 


388 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


Speech  of  the  President 


,89 


to  none,  his  father  and  his  uncle  were  leaders  in  their 
time,  while  his  grandfather,  Governor  and  Chief-Justice 
John  Jay,  was  a  man  to  whom  even  Washington  looked 
with  reverence.  The  Huguenot  Society  set  a  very  high 
standard  in  selecting  such  men  as  John  Jay  and  Henry 
G.  Marquand  as  its  first  Presidents.  No  one  appreci- 
ates more  fully  than  I,  the  difficulty  of  following  in  the 
footsteps  of  men  so  eminent.  I  trust,  ladies  and  gentle- 
men, that  you  will  do  all  in  your  power  to  aid  me  in  in- 
creasing the  influence  of  our  Society,  and  I  bespeak  in 
advance  your  patience  and  charity  on  the  many  occa- 
sions when  my  endeavor  is  sure  to  fall  short  of  my 
ideal. 

Our  Manhattan  has  always  been  the  crreat  Hu^nienot 

^ 

centre.  The  dreadful  wars  and  persecutions  which  de- 
prived France  of  her  best  and  noblest,  poured  a  rich 
stream  of  life-blood  into  Holland,  England,  and,  above 
all,  this  Manhattan  of  ours.  The  loss  to  France,  a  loss 
from  which  she  has  never  recovered,  was  the  very 
making  of  those  hospitable  foreign  lands  which  received 
i^with  outstretched  arms  our  exiled  ancestors. 

To  the  Huguenot  and  the  Hollander  belong  the 
honor  of  founding  this  mighty  city.  Together  they 
settled  our  New^  Amsterdam  ;  the  union  of  these  races 
formed  that  high-minded  Knickerbocker  class  which 
did,  and  still  does,  pretty  much  all  the  unpaid  work  of 
the  great  city.  Taste,  culture,  society,  charity,  all  nestle 
beneath  the  broad,  strong  wings  of  these  united  and 
kindred  races.  Every  good  man  or  woman  who  settles 
on  Manhattan  Island  is  a  welcome  ally,  and  it  is  in  the 
Knickerbocker  class  and  its  strong  and  glorious  allies 
that  all  hope  of  the  present  and  the  future  rests.  God 
grant  that  they  may  have  strength  and  courage  enough 
to  win  for  mankind  the  struggle  for  civilization. 


We  are  proud,  indeed,  of  our  Huguenot  ancestors, 
and  this  Society  exists,  not  to  keep  alive  the  religious 
dogmas  of  the  Huguenot,  but  to  hand  down  to  all  future 
generations  his  heroic  virtues  as  an  example  for  them 
to  emulate.  In  short,  this  is  not  a  religious,  but  an 
historical  society. 

It  is  then  as  an  historical  society  that  we  have 
assembled  here  to-night  in  honor  of  our  Huguenot  an- 
cestors, and  to  commemorate  their  most  signal  triumph, 
the  signing  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  by  the  greatest  of 
all  French  kings,  Henry  IV. 

It  was  the  absolute  devotion  of  the  Huguenot  to  his 
cause,  his  readiness  to  die  for  his  idea,  which  first  seated 
Henry  IV.  on  his  throne,  and  then,  when  the  frivolous 
monarch  forgot  his  old  faith,  and  old  friends,  in  his  en- 
joyment of  new-found  power  and  pleasure,  it  was  the 
firm,  strong  hand  of  the  Huguenot  which  forced  from 
the  King  the  Great  Charter  of  Protestant  liberty,  that 
which  we  celebrate  to-night.  The  idea  of  commemo- 
rating this  crowning  triumph  of  the  French  Puritan 
came,  as  all  good  ideas  in  America  do  come,  from  the 
brain  of  an  American  woman.  In  deference  to  her  ex- 
pressed wish  I  shall  not  mention  her  name,  but  you  all 
know  her.  You  all  know  to  whom  the  splendid  success 
of  this  celebration  is  due.  It  is  due  to  her  inspiration, 
to  her  untiring  energy,  as  well  as  to  her  unfailing  gener- 
osity, that  this  banquet  to-night  is,  indeed,  a  triumph  of 
triumphs. 

There  is  one  unusual  feature  at  this  banquet  to 
which  I  would  call  your  attention.  While  it  is  not 
unusual  for  strangers  from  neighboring  cities  to  honor 
by  their  presence  the  banquets  of  this  and  kindred  so- 
cieties, never  before  in  the  whole  history  of  America 
have  delegations  from  the  far-distant  foreign  lands  on 


i\ 


! 


I 


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I/' 


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\A 


390  Pluguenot  Society  of  America 

the  other  side  of  the  Atlantic  been  seen  at  our  tables  • 
men  who  have  crossed  and  ivho  propose  to  recross 
that  troubled  ocean  merely  for  the  sake  of  joining  with 
us  in  an  historical  celebration.  This  is,  indeed,  the 
highest  honor  ever  done  to  an  American  society,  and, 
as  such,  I  welcome  most  warmly  our  transatlantic 
brothers. 

And  first  of  all  it  gives  me  the  greatest  pleasure 
to  welcome  to  this  table  the  representative  of  that  frag- 
ment of  the  Huguenot  race  which  despite  the  trials  and 
tribulations  of  two  centuries  of  persecution  still  cling 
to  the  old  land  of  our  fathers,  beautiful  France.  True, 
our  ancestors  were  cruelly  persecuted  and  driven  into 
exile,  but  they  never  ceased  to  love  their  old  home, 
and  we,  their  children,  after  all  this  lapse  of  time  look 
with  ardent  afifection  to  what  we  still  claim  as  our 
fatherland. 

The  Huguenot  Society  of  Holland  has  no  represen- 
tative here  to-night.  It  needs  none,  for  almost  every 
one  here  is  the  descendant  of  a  Dutch  Huguenot.  Our 
ancestors  would  have  fared  ill  but  for  the  hospitality  of 
the  "  glorious  little  land  of  dykes  and  dams."  In  that 
storied  country  they  began  life  anew  with  all  the  bless- 
ings of  civil  and  religious  liberty  to  sustain  them.  Be- 
neath the  broad  folds  of  the  tricolor  of  Holland  they 
settled  here  on  Manhattan,  and  next  to  God  in  His 
mercy  and  the  strong  arms  of  our  ancestors  we  owe 
most  to  the  fostering  care  of  that  heroic  republic. 

Among  the  many  hospitable  foreign  lands  which 
received  with  open  arms  our  exiled  ancestors  none  gave 
them  a  more  cordial  greeting  and  a  safer  retreat  than 
the  old  home  of  all  Anglo-Sa.xons,  liberty-loving  Eng- 
land. When  the  Revocation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes 
forced  the  great  mass  of  the  Huguenots  into  exile  the 


Speech  of  the  President  391 

tyrannical  Stuarts,  then  on  the  throne,  looked  with  but 
little  favor  on  the  fugitives,  but  the  English  people  took 
the  poor  exiles  for  conscience'  sake  to  their  brave,  warm 
hearts.     The  tyrant  loathed,  the  English  people  loved 
and  welcomed  them.     To-night  three  members  of  the 
Huguenot  Society  of  London  (one  of  them,  Mr.  Brown- 
ing, its  Vice-President)  are  at  this  table  with  us.     Mr. 
Browning,  we  welcome  you  and  your  companions  as 
brothers  at  a  brother's  board.     Two  centuries  of  time, 
three  thousand  miles  of  stormy  billows,  cannot  separate 
those   in   whose  veins  courses  the  same  heroic  blood. 
No  matter  how  widely  separated  may  be  the  places  of 
our  birth,  nor  how  different  the  flags  which  claim  our 
allegiance,  we  are  still  brothers.     No  length  of  time,  no 
distance  of  space,  can  ever  separate   Huguenots  from 
Huguenots.     I  deem  it  a  happy  augury  that  you  visit 
this  land  at  a  time  when  at  last  old  strifes  are  forgotten, 
and  the  American  realizes  that  the  sons  of  Britain  are 
not  only  his  nearest  relatives,   but  his   truest  friends. 
Welcome,   therefore,    twice    welcome,    gentlemen,    not 
only  as  Huguenots  but  as  Englishmen,  to  this  city,  this 
state,  and  this  nation  of  ours. 

We  are  honored  by  having  here  to-night  the  repre- 
sentative of  the  oldest  Protestant  race  in  Europe,  a  peo- 
ple who  were  Protestants  hundreds  of  years  before  our 
ancestors  were  touched  by  the  spirit  of  the  Reforma- 
tion,—a  people  whom  no  dangers  could  daunt,  no  per- 
secutions crush,  — a  people  who  after  centuries  of 
persecution  still  remain  loyal  to  their  faith.  History 
tells  of  no  race  more  heroic  than  these  children  of  the 
high  Alps,  and  to  this  day  the  people  of  those  moun- 
tams,  Protestant  and  Catholic  alike,  challenge  the  ad- 
miration of  mankind  by  their  undaunted  coura<re  We 
welcome  you,  Mr.  Brez,  as  the  representative  of  the 


'ii 


f     ii 


■i 


'i 


.* 


U 


392  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

Societe   Vaudoise,  —  the    VValdensians  of   history  and 
romance. 

We  have  with  us  our  dear  friend,  the  Rev.  Dr  Witt 
nieyer,  of  I'Eglise  du  Saint-Esprit.  We  bear  in  mind 
that  we  owe  our  very  existence  as  a  Society  to  his  zeal 
and  energy.  It  is  with  especial  pleasure  therefore  that 
I  welcome  him  to-night  as  the  founder  of  the  Huguenot 
Society  of  America. 

We  also  welcome  the  representatives  of  our  sister 
Huguenot  Societies  from  New  Rochelle  and  South 
Carolina.  Virginia  has  peculiar  claims  to  our  gratitude 
and  our  welcome  for  sending  us  as  her  representative  a 
man  so  learned  and  so  eloquent  as  Colonel  Maury. 

We  are,  indeed,  fortunate  that  so  many  of  our  sister 
societies  are  present  to-night.      St.    Nicholas,   the  old 
New  York  society,  is  to  a  great  degree  made  up  of  men 
of  the  united   races  of    Holland  and    France.      Pretty 
much  every  member  of  that  society  is  eligible  to  ours. 
For  it  is  safe  to  say  not  only  that  every  Hollander  is  a 
Huguenot,  but  also  that  every  New  York  Huguenot  is 
a  Hollander.     St.   Nicholas  represents  all  that  is  best 
m  old   New  York,  and  from   its  first   President,    Peter 
Gerard  Stuyvesant,  to  the  present  incumbent,  it  has  al- 
ways been  in  the  hands  of  gentlemen.      While  St.  Nich- 
olas flourishes  there  is  little  danger  that  the  romantic 
story  of  our   imperial  city  with  its  inspiring  memories 
and  hallowed  traditions  will  ever  be  forgotten. 

In  the  St.  Andrew's  Society  we  welcome  the  oldest 
of  American  organizations,  one  which  not  only  long  an- 
tedates the  Cincinnati,  but  which  carries  us  back  to  the 
peaceful  days  of  the  earlier  Georges,  when  loyalty  was 
the  boast  and  long  before  the  Revolutionary  storm  be- 
gan to  threaten.  Knickerbockers  as  well  as  Scotchmen 
have  good  reason  to    be    proud   of   this  time-honored 


Speech  of  the  President 


i93 


n 


society,  for  conspicuous  among  the  many  eminent  names 
which  adorn  the  long  roll  of  its  Presidents  may  be 
found  not  only  those  of  Philip  and  Robert  Livingston, 
but  of  that  greatest  of  all  New  Yorkers,  Alexander 
Hamilton.  Hamilton  was,  indeed,  the  true  architect  of 
our  great  Republic,  the  man  of  all  others  upon  whose 
energy,  ability,  and  patriotism  Washington  himself 
relied. 

Among  our  many  guests  none  is  more  welcome  than 
the  Cincinnati,  which  boasts  Washington  himself  as  its 
first  President.  The  descendants  of  Revolutionary 
officers  are  always  honored,  but  more  particularly  so 
when  they  can  boast  such  leaders  as  Washington  and 
Hamilton. 

The  St.  George's  Society  comes  in  for  the  tidal  wave 
of  popularity  upon  which  all  things  English  now  float. 
No  benevolent  society  stands  higher  and  none  gives  a 
more  delightful  dinner  than  St.  George. 

Here,  too,  is  our  dear  old  friend,  Mr.  Dodge,  bearing 
on  his  bosom  the  badge  of  the  generous  and  powerful 
New  tlngland  Society. 

Right  heartily  do  we  welcome  the  Luther  Society, 
and  the  speakers  of  the  evening,  Mr.  Dodge,  Dr.  Baird, 
Dr.  Van  de  Water,  and  Dr.  Depew. 

Strong,  pure,  and  upright  as  the  Hollander  and  the 
Puritan  were,  they  were  sadly  wanting  in  the  love  of 
the  graceful  and  the  beautiful  until  taught  by  the 
Huguenot  ;  for  as  Whittier  phrases  it, 

"  He  brought  the  gentle  courtesies, 
The  nameless  grace  of  France." 

It  IS  then  to  our  race  that  America  owes  all  the  grace 
and  charm  in  life,  society,  and  letters  of  which  she 
could  boast  before  the  Revolution. 


ill 


i  ■'  i 


394  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

History  has  no  pages  so  splendid  as  those  which  are 
rendered  glorious  by  the  utter  self-devotion  of  generous 
heroism.  Patriotism  nowhere  shines  with  a  brighter 
lustre  than  in  the  record  of  Greek  history.  As  Emer- 
son says  :  "  The  Spartan  made  patriotism  his  religion 
and  died  before  the  majesty  of  his  country  without  a 
question."  Yes,  in  the  Lacedemonian  ranks  he  was 
mdeed,  a  hero.  But  banish  him  from  Greece  and  from 
Sparta,  let  him  become  an  exile  from  the  army  and  the 
fatherland,  and  the  Spartan  was  merely  a  matchless 
gladiator.  His  roots  were  deep  in  his  native  valley,  and 
transplanted  he  withered. 

No  race  has  fought  and  died  with  more  burning 
enthusiasm  than  did  the  Hebrew  in  defence  of  Mounts 
Moriah  and  Zion.  But  torn  from  his  rocky  bed,  he 
failed  to  take  root  elsewhere.  For  two  thousand  years 
he  has  remained  a  Jew,  and  nothing  but  a  Jew. 

And  the  Puritan  :  he  like  the  Jew  and  the  Spartan 
fought  bravely  on  his  native  heath  for  his  liberty  and 
his  religion.  But  banished,  he  remained  an  Englishman 
still,  he  refused  to  surrender  either  his  nationalfty  or  his 
language. 

Since  the  beginning  of  time  none  have  suffered  more 
cruel  persecutions  than  the  Huguenot.  But  when  ban- 
ished he,  unlike  Puritan.  Jew,  and  Spartan,  gave  up 
cheerfully  not  only  his  wealth,  home,  and  fatherland, 
but  friends  and  kindred,  and  even  dear  mother  tongue 
Itself  for  the  sake  of  his  ideal,  —  religious  freedom. 
While  in  the  great  Walhalla  of  heroism  the  Puritan, 
the  Jew,  and  the  Spartan  deserve  distinguished  honor, 
surely  if  reward  be  proportioned  to  achievement  the 
highest  niche  in  the  Temple  of  Fame  belongs  of  right 
to  the  Huguenot. 


R,        ieorrre  R.   Van  Dr  ]]\^tir.  D.D. 

'■  •.   ■      ■  .^t.  Auari7iis  L/iuic/i,  Arw  York  City. 


I 


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"THE  EDICT  OF  NANTES 


»» 


RESPONSE  TO  THE  ABOVE  TOAST 

By   the  Rev.  GEO.  R.  VAN   DE  WATER,  D.D, 

Rector  of  St.  Andrew's  Church,  Harlem,  and  Chaplain  of  Columbia  University 

in  the  City  of  New  York 

Mr.  President,  Ladies,  and  Gentlemen  : 
""pHAT  I  may  feel  entirely  free  to  express  my  senti- 
1       ments  concerning  the  specific  subject  assigned 
me  for  treatment,  I  must  speak  of  something  that  just 
now  seems  uppermost  in  my  mind,  and  demands  ex- 
pression before  anything  else  can   be  considered      In 
acknowledging  my  grateful  appreciation  of  your  invita- 
tion to  dine  with  your  honored  Society,  and  as  its  guest 
to  be  among  the  chosen  speakers,  I  must  say  that  in 
many  respects  this  festivity  to-night  beats  the  Dutch 
In  al  my  experience  with  public  dinners.-an  experience 
my  friends  will  candidly  admit    not    limited.-I   have 
never  yet  attended  one  with  so  many  novel  and  pleas- 
ing features  as  this  to-night.     It  has  abounded  with 
happy  surprises.     The  presence  of  so  many  of  our  fair 
sisters,   of  whom  some  facetious  and  soured  wag  has 
asserted,    "  They  are  ever  associated  with  man's  first 
■sleep  and  last  repose."  is  chief  among  the  unique  attrac- 
tions of  your  feast ;  but  scarcely  second  to  this  has  been 
the  introduction  of  an  original  poem  read  during  the 
game  course,  which  at  once  suggests  the  literary  char- 
acter of   your  Society,  which    can    digest   squab   and 

395 


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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


"  The  Edict  of  Nantes 


>> 


poetry  synchronously,   and    not   lose   taste   for  either. 
Nor  were  your  novelties  yet  exhausted.     Your  ingen- 
ious committee  gave  us  an  unusual  and  a  rare  treat  in  the 
vocal  selections  of  the  boy  soloists  of  Grace  Church  choir, 
who,  like  all  connected  with  the  administration  of  that 
ideal  parish,  are  the  very  best  of  their  kind.    Add  to  all 
these  features,  the  photography  of  the  scene  by  flash- 
light, the  artistic  and  valuable  souvenirs  of  white  enam- 
elled flags  with  the  significant  Fleur-de-lys  conspicuous 
in  their  folds,  the  sensitive  regard  for  the  presence  of 
ladies  and  the  arrangement  by  which  in  an  intermission 
of  fifteen  minutes  the  men  could  smoke  elsewhere,  the 
prompt  return  to  the  tables,  and  the  felicitous  speech- 
making — all  have  combined  to  make  this  dinner  of  the 
Huguenot  Society  the  most  unique  of  any  that  I  have 
yet  attended.      I   sincerely   hope  that   the   Society  will 
not  wait  another  hundred  years  to  have  a  similar  fes- 
tivity, and  if  one  dared  to  express  a  wish  that  seems 
unseemly,  I  would  say,  when  you  have  another  one  like 
this,  I  hope  I  shall  be  there. 

And  now,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  having  heard  from 
the  President  a  speech  that  reminds  us  of  the  babblings 
of  Tennyson's  brook,  and  listened  to  the  valuable  sug- 
gestions of  the  learned  professor,  your  eminent  histo- 
rian, it  is  appropriate  and  timely,  high  timely,  I  might 
say,  that  you  give  some  attention  to  the  theme  which 
is  dominant,  which  supplies  the  raison  d'etre  for  this 
celebration.  Need  I  say  that  I  refer  to  the  Edict  of 
Nantes,  a  document  published  April  13,  1598,  by  King 
Henry  IV  of  France,  which  since  has  become  so  his- 
toric, it  is  not  too  much  to  say  of  it,  that  it  constitutes 
the  veritable  Magna  Charta  of  French  religious  liberty? 
It  takes  its  place  with  such  significant  public  state- 
ments of  principles  and  rules  of  conduct  as  the  famous 


397 


1 


Charter  wrested  by  the  nobles  from  King  John  of 
England,  and  the  Declaration  of  Independence  pub- 
lished and  proclaimed  to  the  world  by  our  fathers  of 
colonial  days  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia  on  the  4th  of 
July,  1776. 

Civil  and  religious  liberty,  that  priceless  boon  for 
man,  is  forever  associated  with  all  these  three  docu- 
ments. Fortunately  for  England  it  has  tenaciously 
adhered  to  this  principle,  and  held  the  people's  affec- 
tion throughout  its  favored  realm. 

Fortunately  for  this  country,  the  ardent  attachment 
to  its  famous  declaration  has  increased  with  the  ad- 
vancing years,  until  never  in  its  history  have  the  people 
of  America  been  more  devoted  to  the  principles  that 
gave  occasion  for  its  birth  as  a  nation.  Very  un- 
fortunately, however,  for  France,  its  excellent  Edict, 
providing  for  civil  and  religious  liberty  for  all  its  sub- 
jects, encountered  such  opposition  by  the  reigning 
Church  that,  lasting  only  eighty-seven  years,  it  was 
revoked,  by  Louis  XIV,  October  18,  1685. 

The  publication  of  this  Edict  of  Nantes  and  its 
revocation,  all  in  a  period  of  a  little  short  of  a  century, 
mark  the  high-  and  the  low-water  level  of  civil  and 
religious  liberty  in  France. 

This  Edict  looks  backward  and  forward.  To  under- 
stand its  significance  you  must  review  the  history  of 
Protestantism  in  France  from  the  time  when  Luther 
climbed  the  Sancta  Scala  in  Rome,  and  found  light  in 
the  text  he  uttered,  "The  just  shall  live  by  faith." 
Those  who  were  influenced  by  the  Protestant  idea  in 
France,  who  reacted  from  the  corruptions  in  the 
Roman  Church,  who  worshipped  in  other  than  the 
state's  authorized  religious  assemblies,  who  thought 
that   they  had    the   right    to    worship    God  after   the 


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Huguenot  vSociety  of  America 


dictates  of  their  own  conscience,  constituted  a  body  of 
earnest,  sober,  industrious  citizens,  the  flower  of  the 
flock  in  the  sunny  country,  and  were  finally  designated 
by  the  term  Huguenots.  It  is  difficult  to  discover  the 
origin  of  this  title,  but  it  is  known  that  it  was  originally 
applied  as  an  opprobrium.  As  such  it  ranks  with  some 
of  the  choicest  epithets  of  history.  Disciples  of  Christ 
were  first  called  Christians  in  derision.  Loyal  subjects 
of  Holland  were  called  "beggars  of  the  sea"  by  the 
fanatical  followers  of  Philip  H  and  Duke  Alva.  In 
each  case  the  term  of  derision  became  the  title  of  en- 
dearment. To  be  a  Huguenot  is  an  occasion  for  pride. 
It  means  much  to  the  possessor  of  the  title.  Though 
your  fathers  suffered  much,  even  to  expatriation,  be- 
cause they  would  be  none  other  than  Huguenots,  their 
descendants  rejoice  to-day  in  the  very  epithet  that  was 
to  their  ancestors  a  title  of  reproach,  and  something 
much  worse. 

There  is  no  good  reason  to-night,  for  any  reason 
prudential,  or  purpose  of  placating  our  opponents, 
whom  we  respect  but  with  whom  we  cannot  agree,  to 
blind  ourselves  to  truth.  We  are  here  because  we 
are  Protestants.  We  are  willing  to  stand  up  and  be 
counted.  If  we  are  ashamed  of  that  name,  we  despise 
our  birthright  and  are  false  to  our  ancestry.  The 
Edict  of  Nantes  was  published  to  give  liberty  as  a 
rightful  possession  to  people  who  had  been  miserably 
maltreated  by  the  authorities  of  both  Church  and  State. 
It  was  revoked  by  a  wicked  King,  supported  by  an 
unworthy  Pope.  There  never  would  have  been  Prot- 
estantism in  France,  or  in  any  other  country  in  Europe, 
had  the  Roman  Church  been  loyal  to  the  teachings  of 
Christ,  and  its  officers  been  worthy  of  their  high 
and    holy    calling.      But    what   could    be    expected  of 


''  The  Edict  of  Nantes  "  399 

self-respecting  subjects  when  a  Church  was  ruled  by  such 
popes  as  Alexander  VI  and  Julius  II.     With  scarcely 
an  exception,  it  has  been  said  that  for  some  time  pre- 
vious to  the  publication  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes  there 
was  not  a  man  who  sat  in  the  chair  of  St.  Peter  who, 
judged  by  our  present-day  standards,  could  be  said  to 
be  a  respectable  Christian.      Even  of  those  who  seem 
to  be  exceptions— of  whom  one  at  least  was  sainted, 
Gregory  XIII— it  may  be  said  that  none  at  any  time 
was    particularly    scrupulous,   and   some    were    diaboli- 
cally crafty  and  malignant.     Times  have  changed,  and 
changed  so  much,  until   now  it  aff'ords  pleasur^  to  ac- 
knowledge that  perhaps  the  most  conspicuous  Christian 
man  in  the  world  is  the  present  occupant  of  the  chair 
of  St.   Peter,    Pope  Leo  XIII.     Had  his  predecessors 
in    the    sixteenth    century    been   as    pious    in   deed  as 
they  were  in  profession,  there  would  never  have  been 
the  criminal  injustice,  the  shameful  treatment  of  sub- 
jects, and  the  Bartholomew  massacre  of  1572,  with  a 
King  giving  the  signal  for  the  slaughter,  and  a  Pope, 
St.  Gregory  XIII,  expressing  delight  and  ordering  a  Te 
Ueum  sung  to  celebrate  the  most  bloody  and  barbarous 
murder  on  the  pages  of  history.      Of  these  things  we 
must  speak,  no/eus  volens,  if  we  are  truthfully  to  recount 
the  history  which  terminated  in  the  loss  to  France  of 
thousands   of   her   choicest  children.     Oh,  could    that 
famous    Edict    of    Nantes,    with    its  magnificent  pref- 
ace  and    its    ninety-two   articles,    by    which    the    Hu- 
guenots    were    allowed    to  worship   in   their  own  way 
throughout  the  kingdom  and,  with  the  exception  of  a  few 
towns,  to    have  their  schools,  their  colleges,  and  their 
ministers  recognized  and    supported   by   the  state,  all 
inability  to  hold  office  removed,  their  poor  and  sick  to  be 
admitted  to  hospitals,— of  every  one  of  these  privileges 


I 


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400 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


they  had  previously  suffered   deprivation,— could  that 
Edict  have  remained  upon  the  statute  books  of  France, 
and  been  enforced  in  spirit  and  letter,  the  ^eo^rraphy 
of    Europe   would    not    have    been   what    it    is  to-day, 
and  the  power  of  France  would  have  been  unequalled 
by  any  nation  in  the  world.      Ah,  /a  belle  mats  la  pauvre 
France,  short-sighted,  bigoted,  unsteady,  thou  hast  not 
excelled  !     Scarcely  was  it  published  when  Pope  Clem- 
ent VII  became   enraged   at   its   concessions,   stormed 
about   the  Vatican  like  a  caged  hyena,   and  wrote  to 
Henry   IV  that  "a  decree  which  gave  liberty  of  con- 
science  to  all  was  the  most   accursed    that    had    ever 
been    made."     Systematic    persecution    continued,   the 
story  of  which  is  dismal  reading,   until,   able  to  with- 
stand no  longer,  the  Huguenots  began  to  leave  home 
and  settle  in  large  numbers  in  adjacent  countries,  like 
Switzerland,  the  Netherlands,  England,  and  Germany. 
Wherever  out  of   France    they   went  they   prospered, 
and  contributed  to  the  countries  in  which  they  settled 
the    elements  of  an   industrial   civilization,   an   artistic 
taste,   an   amiable   temperament,  and   a  frugality  that, 
readily  amassing  wealth,  added  to  the  strength  and  the 
glory  of  their  new  homes. 

Great  w^as  the  rejoicing  of  the  Jesuits  on  the  Revoca- 
tion of  the  Edict  of  Nantes.  Rome  sprang  up  with  a 
shout  of  joy  to  celebrate  the  event,  Te  Deums  were 
sung,  processions  went  from  shrine  to  shrine,  and  the 
Pope  sent  a  brief  to  Louis,  conveying  to  him, — the 
villainous,  lustful  King, — the  congratulations  and  praises 
of  the  Roman  Church. 

Three  hundred  years  is  a  loner  time,  lone  enough  to 
learn  to  forgive,  may  be  to  love,  one's  enemies,  but  it 
is  not  necessary  to  forget  what  these  enemies  have 
done.     Aye,  it  is  necessary  to  remember.     As  great  an 


"  The  Edict  of  Nantes  "  401 

authority  as  Mr.  Gladstone,  speaking  of  papal  suprem- 
acy  and   infallibility,  has   said    that   a    revival  of   the 
experience    of    popes   ruling   monarchs   and    bringing 
nations  to   their  feet  depends  merely  upon  numbers. 
If   you    Huguenots   ever  forget    what    your   ancestors 
suffered,  and  by  whom  they  suffered,  you  will  deserve 
to  have  your  tongues  cleave  to  the  roof  of  your  mouths, 
and  your  right  hands  to  forget  their  cunning. 
^  I  turn  in  closing  to  express  our  gratitude  to  Almighty 
God,  who  can  make  even  the  wrath  of  men  to  praise 
Him,  for  the  great  blessings  we  derived  in  this  country 
from  the  dire  calamity  of  the  expulsion  of  the  Hugue- 
nots from  France.     We  are  richer,  better,  nobler,  hap- 
pier by  far  for  your  ancestors'  coming  to  us.     Yours  is  a 
most  honorable  ancestry.     Look  to  the  rock  whence  you 
are  hewn,  and  be  reasonably  proud.      If  you  recognize 
in  your  origins  the  occasion  for  honest  pride,  acknowl- 
edge also  that  this   ancestry  imposes  upon  you  some 
burden  of  responsibility.     A  true  son  of  a  Huguenot 
will  be  honest,  industrious,  feariess  for  the  truth,  out- 
spoken   for  the   right,  will  love   God,  be  loyal  to  his 
Church,  will  be  enthusiastic  in  his  patriotism,  and  in 
his  home  be  an  amiable,  cultured.  Christian  gentleman. 
At  the  close  of  this  nineteenth  century,  there  is  need 
still  for  the   Huguenot.     Oppression   has  not  ceased. 
The  Church  still  hunts  heretics,  and  some  think  they 
serve  God  when  they  nag,  annoy,  and  seriously  impair 
the  usefulness  of  those  who  claim  the  right  to  exercise 
freedom  in  the  study  and  the  proclamation  of  truth. 
Nor  are    the  nations    yet  sufficiently  Christian,   even 
those  bearing  the  name  of  Christian,  to  treat  their  sub- 
jects as  they  deserve.     Near  our  shores,  too  near  for 
us  to  bear  the  iniquity  much  longer,  the  old  fanatical, 
cruel  country  of  the  Inquisition,  by  spoliation,  by  rapine, 


^ 


J 


< 


:!i 


402 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


by  iniquitous  taxation,  by  barbaric  starvation,  is  rapidly 
converting  what  was  once  the  Pearl  of  the  Antilles  into 
a  pest-house  of  shame  and  misery. 

By  peaceful  methods  if  possible,  by  warlike  measures 
if  we  must,  this  thing  must  stop. 

The  Huguenot  spirit  is  needed  in  America  at  this 
serious  crisis.  It  will  teach  us  to  suffer  wrong  rather 
than  do  a  wrong ;  to  entreat,  to  exhort,  to  persuade, 
until  the  patience  of  a  long-suffering,  indignant  people 
is  almost  exhausted.  It  will  teach  us  to  enter  upon 
war  soberly,  advisedly,  discreetly,  and  in  the  fear  of 
God.  It  will  teach  us  when  we  do  fight  to  fight  hard, 
when  we  do  strike  to  strike  severely.  The  spirit  of  the 
Huguenot  will  never  strive  in  a  cause  that  is  not  right, 
but  once  undertaking  the  struggle  it  will,  in  the  fear  of 
God,  wage  war  to  an  honorable  and  a  successful  finish. 

If,  in  the  providence  of  God,  the  blended  elements 
of  our  American  civilization,  amono-  which  the  Hu- 
guenot  is  conspicuous  and  influential,  shall  produce  a 
conglomerate  which,  representing  Anglo-Saxon  civiliza- 
tion, shall  forever  conquer  and  subdue  the  mediaeval 
civilization  that  delights  in  bull-fights  and  revelled  in 
the  Inquisition,  your  fathers  will  not  have  come  here 
in  vain. 


f 


■•THE     UNION     OF     THE     FRENCH      AND 

DUTCH  IN  NEW  NETHERLAND 

AND  NEW  YORK" 

RESPONSE     TO    THE    ABOVE    TOAST  * 

Bv  Prof.  HENRY  M.  BAIRD, 

New  York  University 

Mr.  President,  Ladies,  and  Gentlemen  : 

P  XACTLY  how  much  Dutch  blood  I  have  in  my 

i-^  veins,  as  compared  with  my  Huguenot  blood  I 
am  afraid,  Mr.  Chairman.  I  can  hardly  tell,— a  small 
fraction,  but  enough,  perhaps,  to  entitle  me  to  speak  to 
the  toast  that  falls  to  my  lot  to-night. 

Two  years  since,  at  the  Bicentenary  of  the  Charter  of 
the  Reformed  Protestant  Dutch,  or  Collegiate,  Church 
of  this  city-the  first  charter  given  to  a  religious  body 
here— I  had  the  honor  to  address  congratulatory  words 
to  that  venerable  corporation  in  behalf  of  the  French 
or  Huguenot   Church,   the  oldest   of   the  three  other 
churches  that  were  in  existence  on  this  island  two  hun- 
dred  years  ago.     And  now  I  take  it  that  I  am  speaking 
for  the  Dutch  at  a  gathering  at  which  the  Huguenots 
are   the   hosts,   whereas   then   they   were   the   guests. 
Ihus   I  may  seem  in  some  sense  to  typify  the  very 
union  of  which  I  am  called  upon  to  discourse. 

Well,  ladies  and  gentlemen,  am  I  to  talk  of  the  union 
'n  past,  present,  or  future  ?  As  no  limitation  is  indi- 
cated, I  must  say  a  word  or  two  as  to  each  period  ;  for 

*  At  the  Banquet,  Dr.  Baird  spoke  before  Dr.  Van  de  Water. 

403 


I 


404 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


the  union  is  close  and  strong  and  for  all  time.  It  was 
close  and  strong  in  the  earliest  epoch  of  colonization. 
In  point  of  fact,  so  intimate  were  the  relations,  that 
it  was  next  to  impossible  to  tell  which  were  hosts  and 
which  guests.  Politically,  the  Dutch,  being  the  owners 
of  the  colony  and  sending  it  forth,  were  hosts,  and  the 
Huguenots  were  guests.  But  the  first  company  of 
men  and  women  that  sailed  in  the  ship  New  Nether- 
land  from  Texel  in  March,  1623,  and  reached  New 
Amsterdam  in  May  of  the  same  year,  after  a  propitious 
passage  of  about  two  months,  consisted,  we  are  told, 
of  thirty  families,  "  mostly  Walloons,"  that  is.  French- 
speaking  Protestants  from  the  Low  Countries  con- 
tiguous to  France,  or  Huguenots,  originally  inhabitants 
of  France  itself. 

We  can  imagine  the  strange  sight  when  next  the 
settlement  on  the  island  of  the  Manhattoes  received 
accessions  to  its  population — the  French  guests  of  the 
Dutch,  standing  I  will  not  say  on  the  wharf,  but  at 
the  water's  edge,  and  extending  the  right  hand  of  wel- 
come to  their  former  hosts  from  Holland,  and  congratu- 
lating them  upon  their  safe  escape  from  the  perils  of 
the  deep.  From  that  time  on,  so  quietly,  so  harmo- 
niously, so  amicably  did  Hollander  and  Huguenot  or 
Walloon  live  together  in  New  Netherland,  that  you 
might  more  easily  have  rent  warp  from  woof  in  a  firm  and 
comely  fabric,  than  have  divided  and  set  at  variance  such 
kindred  souls.  For  theirs  was  no  external  union  dic- 
tated by  policy,  but  a  union  of  soul  prompted  by  like 
sentiments  and  like  beliefs.  As  two  drops  of  pure 
water  brought  by  accident  into  close  proximity,  these 
Protestant  emigrants  from  a  distant  continent  did 
not  deliberate  whether  they  should  live  separate  or 
coalesce.     They  met  one  another,  and  in  virtue  of  a 


a 


The  Union  of  the  French  and  Dutch  "     405 


mutual   attraction,  they  no  sooner  touched  than  they 
were  one. 

Of  Dutch  and   French  union  in  the  present,   what 
stronger  proof  can  I  find  than  that  which  a  glance  at 
the  brilliant  gathering  before  me  affords  ?     For  I  would 
venture  to  say  that  if  a  few  English  names  were  elimi- 
nated,  it   would   be   found  that   full    one    half    of   the 
descendants  of  the   Huguenots  that  are  here  to  com- 
memorate the  promulgation  of  the  great  law  of  Henry 
IV.,  and  the  virtues  of  their  ancestors  who  won  that 
charter  of  Protestant  liberties,  themselves  bear  the  names 
of  other  progenitors  who  came  from  the  old  Amsterdam 
and  Utrecht,  from  Leyden  and  Dort.     My  friends,  you 
are  yourselves  a  living  demonstration  that  the  union 
begun  in  the  past  is  fully  consummated  in  the  present. 
And  what  of  the  future  ?     Union  is  for  work.      We 
stand  at  a  great,  a  critical  point  in  our  national  history. 
French  Huguenot  and  Hollander,  yes,  and  Englishman, 
too,  we  confront  at  this  very  moment  an  old  enemy,  a 
common  foe,  a  foe  of  our  common  humanity,  whom  we 
arraign  for  her  crimes  against  the  race  to  which  we 
belong.     We  face  that  foe  together,  Dutch  and  Hugue- 
not equally.     For  it  was  the  same  perfidy  that  in  the 
times  of  our  fathers  encouraged  the  murderers  of  Ad- 
miral  Coligny,  and   later  prompted  Ravaillac  to  stab 
good  Henry  of  Navarre  to  the  heart,  which  also  assas- 
sinated William  the  Silent,   the  author  of  the  Dutch 
Republic.     And  if,  therefore,— which  may  God  forbid  ! 
—we  be  compelled  to  enter  into  a  new  struggle,  and  be 
plunged  into  war,  this  time  against  an  ancestral  enemy, 
the  old  union  of  Huguenots  and  Dutch  in  New  Nether- 
land and  New  York  will  again  be  shown,  both  fighting 
shoulder  to  shoulder,  with  the  same  courage  and  pa- 
triotism, for  a  common  country. 


itl 


«ijif* 


* 


'The  Honored  Delegates*' 


407 


-THE    HONORED    DELEGATES  FROM  CIS- 

TANT    HUGUENOT   CENTRES    IN 

EUROPE  AND  AMERICA" 

RESPONSE  TO  THE  ABOVE  TOAST 

By  a.  GIRAUD  BROWNING,  F.S.A., 

Vice-President  of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  London 

Mr,  President,  Ladies,  andGentlemen  : 

TO  one  who  finds  a  kind  of  constitutional  difficulty 
in  expressing  his  own  thoughts,  an  invitation  to 
express  the  thoughts  of  others  is  an  honor  which  can 
only  be  accepted  with  considerable  anxiety. 

I  am  asked  to  respond,  for  the  delegates  from  Europe 
and  from  your  American  branches,  to  the  generous  toast 
of  your  President.  Thus  am  I  associated  with  gende- 
men  gathered  together  from  North,  South,  and  West  of 
your  own  great  country,  and  from  lands  beyond  the 
seas.  The  names  of  some  are  familiar  as  household 
words  to  those  who  have  found  interest  and  delight  in 
the  study  of  Huguenot  history.  Each  in  his  own  way, 
and  from  his  own  standpoint,  has  helped  in  the  renais- 
sance of  interest  in  Huguenot  matters  which  has  un- 
doubtedly taken  place  during  the  last  few  years.  Each, 
too.  has  helped  by  his  labors  to  smooth  the  path  of  future 
students  of  Huguenot  history.  Is  it  possible  to  find 
among  a  group  of  men  with  minds  so  diverse  and  with 
views  so  varied  any  thoughts,  any  motives,  which  are 
common  to  all,  and  to  which  common  expression  can  be 
given  ?    Yes,  I  think  it  is.     In  the  first  place,  I  honesdy 

406 


believe  that  we  all  feel  a  fascination  in  the  subject  of 
our  study  from  whichever  side  we  approach  it.  The 
Huguenot  ideal  (if  I  may  use  the  term)  is  so  lofty,  so 
pure,  so  noble.  Think  of  the  characters  (quite  apart 
from  the  achievements)  of  such  men  as  Gaspard  de 
Coligny,  of  Duplessis  Mornay,  and  of  others.  Is  it  not 
almost  irresistible,  having  once  grasped  the  characters  of 
these  men,  to  study  more  and  more  closely  their  environ- 
ment and  the  effect  of  their  lives  upon  their  own  and 
future  generations  ? 

Then  again,  there  is  the  instinct,  strong  to-day  as 
when  proclaimed  by  the  Preacher,  to  *' praise  famous 
men  of  old  and  our  fathers  which  begat  us." 

And  once  more,  there  is  the  pride,  the  justifiable 
pride,  of  descent  from  a  stock  of  brave  men  and  virtuous 
women. 

But  these  thoughts  are  drawn  from  the  past.  The 
thought  which  must,  I  think,  be  uppermost  at  this  mo- 
ment in  the  minds  of  all  those  for  whom  it  is  my  privi- 
lege to  speak,  is  one  (A  gratified  surprise  2X  the  splendid 
hospitality  which  has  been  lavished  upon  us  by  our 
hosts,  the  Huguenot  Society  of  America.  Within  an 
hour  or  two  of  landing  on  your  shores  I  found  myself, 
almost  as  in  a  dream,  in  the  most  beautiful  church  in 
your  city  joining  in  your  Easter  service  of  praise,  the 
sanctuary  made  still  more  beautiful  by  its  adornment  of 
lovely  flowers,  and  the  service  made  still  more  impres- 
sive by  the  aid  of  magnificent  music.  From  the  pulpit 
of  this  church  the  right  hand  of  fellowship  was  held  out 
to  all  those  for  whom  I  am  speaking,  and  the  key-note 
was  then  struck  of  the  generous  welcome  which  has 
since  been  continuously  extended  to  us.  I  cannot  be 
wrong  in  saying  that  each  European  and  American  dele- 
gate profoundly  appreciates  the  reception  he  has  met  at 


t 


,# 


4o8 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


your  hands,  or  in  expressing  the  thanks  which  we  all 
owe  to  your  society. 

I  should  perhaps  say  a  word  or  two  upon  the  different 
societies  here  represented.  So  far  as  I  know,  the 
French  Protestant  History  Society,  of  which  Mr.  Weiss 
is  the  delegate,  is  the  oldest  and  most  important  of  us 
all.  For  more  than  forty  years  it  has  been  engaged  in 
the  work  of  collecting  and  recording  the  actual  facts  of 
Huguenot  history  from  original  contemporary  docu- 
ments and  correspondence  scattered  throughout  France. 
The  Society's  Bulletin,  appearing  month  by  month 
through  all  these  years,  has  been  as  it  were  a  quiet  rill  of 
Truth  trickling  down  the  page  of  History.  The  official 
records  published  in  the  Btdletin  must  have  killed 
many  an  old  fable  telling  against  the  Huguenots,  and 
we  cannot  tell  how  many  new  ones  would  have  been 
created  but  for  the  fear  of  instant  exposure  by  Mr- 
Weiss  in  his  Society's  Bulletin, 

The  Huguenot  Society  of  London,  though  much 
younger,  has,  I  think,  justified  its  short  existence  of 
about  thirteen  years  by  both  the  quantity  and  quality 
of  its  work.  Already  it  has  published  five  volumes  of 
Proceedings,  consisting  chiefly  of  papers  read  before  the 
Society,  and  some  twelve  or  fourteen  quarto  volumes 
giving  the  history  of  various  French  churches  of  the 
Refuge,  with  their  registers  and  other  historical  matter 
— and  I  can  at  least  claim  for  the  work  of  the  Hugue- 
not Society  of  London,  that  in  no  single  case  has  a 
paper  been  merely  a  rechauffe  of  already  published 
matter,  but  all  have  been  the  result  of  personal  research 
among  original  records.  I  am  less  competent  to  speak 
for  the  other  European  societies  and  for  the  American 
branches,  with  whose  working  I  am  less  familiar,  but  I 
must  repeat  that  we  are  all  most  deeply  touched  by 


Robert  Hovcndcn,  F,S.A, 


\ 


\ 


(4 


li 


i  I 


f 


"The  Honored  Delegates  ' 


409 


your  welcome,  and  that  we  most  thoroughly  appreciate 
your  hospitality. 

May  I  take  this,  the  first  opportunity  I  have  ever 
had  of  personally  thanking  the  Huguenot  Society  of 
America  for  the  great  distinction  conferred  upon  me 
thirteen  years  ago,  when  at  the  suggestion  of  your  late 
President,  the  Hon.  John  Jay,  I  was  made  an  Honorary 
Member  of  your  Society  ?  I  have  always  cherished  this 
distinction,  but  not  until  to-night  have  I  realized  its 
full  significance. 


•  %... 


k 


} 


I  - 


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1    , 

M 


'11 


M.  NATHANAEL  WEISSS  LECTURE 


1 


411 


I! 


I 


lieniy  IV. 

From  a  medal  by  the  Huguenot  Giiillaume  Dupri, 
(Kindness  of  M,  Weiss.) 


i 


-&¥'ii 


1 


PARIS  AND  THE  REFORMATION  UNDER 

FRANCIS   I. 


^i 


II 


The  stereopticon  lecture  delivered  before  the  Huguenot  Society  of  America  by 
M.  Weiss  in  the  Hall  of  the  United  Charities  Building,  on  Friday.  April  15,  1898, 
at  8  P.M.,  abridged  and  translated  by  Mrs.  James  M.  Lawton  from  the  French 
original  lecture  as  printed  in  the  Bulletin  [1894,  242-270].  (The  names  of  the 
views  are  in  italic.) 

PARIS  and  the  Reformation  are  in  reality  two  terms 
which  exclude  each  other.  Paris  never  accepted 
the  Reformation  —  she  applauded  the  butcheries  of  our 
first  martyrs,  did  not  protest  against  the  executions  of 
the  '•  Chambre  ardente,"  which  were  mingled  with  the 
most  magnificent  festivities.  Paris  was  responsible  for 
the  Massacre  of  St.   Bartholomew's  Day  and  for  the 

Ligue  — insisted  upon  the  abjuration  of  the  Bearnais 

put  away  as  far  as  possible  from  her  walls  the  Reformed 
worship,  and  twice  at  least  destroyed  the  Huguenot 
church  at  Charenton.  A  View  of  Paris,  Engraved 
in  the  XVI.  Century,  shows  in  front,  to  the  left,  a 
group  of  poor  people  vainly  imploring,  with  clasped 
hands,  a  soldier,  who,  after  having  broken  his  lance  over 
them,  is  stoning  them.  The  legend  (''  Pii  patiendo  vin- 
cunt,  impii  saeviendo  pereunt ")  beneath  some  copies  of 
this  curious  picture  shows  that  the  artist  meant  to  rep- 
resent the  Protestants  being  stoned  even  outside  of  the 
Parisian  faubourgs.  Still  if  Paris  did  everything  to  de- 
stroy the  Reformation,  it  has  decidedly  rendered  it  great 
services.     I  wish  to  bring  to  mind,  in  going  back  to  the 

413 


414 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


Paris  and  the  Reformation 


415 


origin  of  the  Reformation  in  the  reign  of   Francis  I 
some  of  these  services. 

Three  names  are  as  inseparably  connected  with  Paris 
as  with  the  Reformation  :  Jacques  Lefcvre  d'EtapUs 
freed  Philosophy  from  Scholasticism,  and  had  the  glory 
of  being  the  first  to  promote  the  diffusion  and  the  inter- 
pretation of  the  Sacred  Scriptures,  an  honor  that  his 
compatriot,  Frangois  Vatable,  our  first  Hebrew  scholar, 
shared  with  him.  Greek  Literature  had  not  then  :iny 
representative  more  famous  than  Guillaiinie  de  Budi. 
If  he  did  not  participate  directly,  as  did  the  two  others. 
in  the  first  beginnings  of  the  Reformation,  it  must  not 
be  forgotten  that  he  worked  indirectly  but  efficaciously. 
The  College  of  France  owes  him  its  foundation  much 
more  than  to  Francis  I.,  and  after  his  death  his  family 
went  to  Geneva  for  their  faith. 

The  first  dreams  of  the  Reformation  had  for  a  wit- 
ness, now  standing  in  the  very  midst  of  Paris  and  not 
outside  of  its  walls  as  in  the  time  of  F^rancis  I.,  the 
celebrated  Abbaye  de  Saint'Gerniain'dcS'Prds,  one  of  the 
most  important  in  France.  Under  Louis  XII.,  Guil- 
laume  Bri^onnet,  to  whom  his  father,  the  Cardinal,  had 
given  this  abbey,  had  offered  it  as  an  asylum  t(j  his 
old  professor,  Lefevre  d'Etaples.  It  was,  therefore, 
in  Saint-Germain-des-Pres  that  Jacques  Lefevre  lived 
for  fifteen  years,  absorbed  in  pious  meditations,  long 
prayers,  erudite  studies,  and  lessons  given  to  students  to 
whom  Bri9onnet  offered  the  hospitality  of  the  empty 
cells  of  the  cloister.  From  here  several  books  were 
issued,  which  have  given  to  Lefevre  the  title  of  the  first 
Reformer:  in  1509  his  Commentary  on  the  Psalms,  in 
15 12  the  Commentary  on  the  Epistles  of  Paul,  proclaim- 
ing Justification  by  Faith  alone,  and  in  15 17  another 
work,  demonstrating  that  Mary  Magdalene,  Mary,  sister 


of  Lazarus,  and  Mary,  the  sinner  of  the  Gospel,  were 
three  different  women,  and  not  one  and  the  same  per- 
son, as  is  taught  by  the  Roman  Church.     Strange  to  say, 
this  last  treatise  nearly  caused  Lefevre  to  be  condemned 
as  a  heretic,  while  his  explanations  on  the  Epistles  of 
Paul,  though  much  more  compromising,  were   not  at- 
tacked until  later.      Gtiillaiime  Far  el,  one  of  his  pupils, 
was,  among  the  Frenchmen  of  his  time,  the  one  who 
embraced  the  Reformation  the  most  ardently  and  the 
most  thoroughly,  and  was  obliged  to  expatriate  himself 
from  his  master  and  his  country.     While  Farel  and  his 
master  were  seeking  truth  and  peace,  sometimes  in  the 
Bible,  sometimes  in  the  practices  recommended  by  the 
Church,  the  name  of  Lttther  resounded  throughout  all 
Europe. 

His  attitude,  decided,  firm,  and  progressive,  at  Wit- 
tenberg, at  Augsburg,  at  Leipzig,  his  fervent  appeals  to 
the  people  and  to  the  nobles,  his  condemnation  by  the 
Pope,  and  the  act  of  audacity  by  which  he  replied  to 
it,  in  solemnly  burning  the  bull  of  excommunication  and 
the  decrees,—  all  this  made  the  effect  of  a  series  of  thun- 
der-claps.    At  Leipzig,  in  June,  1519,  Luther  had  con- 
sented  to  the  proposition  of  the  celebrated  Doctor  Eck 
to  submit  their  differences  to  the  judgment  of  the  uni- 
versities of  Erfurt  and  of  Paris,  and  waited  for  this  for 
two  years,  during  which  time  his  writings  and  those  of 
his  adversaries  circulated  throughout  France.     On  the 
fifteenth  day  of  April,  152 1,  the  faculty  of  theology  of 
the  University  of  Paris  declared  that  Luther's  opinions 
were  heretical,  dangerous,  schismatic.     This  celebrated 
factum  was  deliberated  and  voted  upon  in  a  little  church 
opposite  the  Hotel  de  Cluny,— on  the  spot  of  the  theatre 
of  this    n^m^  —  rEglise   des   Mathnrins,    and    it   was 
at  once  printed  by  Josse  Bade,  who,  we  will  remark  here. 


\\\ 


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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


Paris  and  the  Reformation 


417 


married,  in  1526,  his  daughter  to  the  celebrated  Hugue- 
not printer,  Robert  Estienne,  and  afterwards  saw  his  son 
follow  his  son-in-law  to  Geneva.  After  this,  all  those 
who  had  the  writings  of  Luther  or  of  Melanchthon  (who 
defended  his  friend  by  an  Apology)  were  obliged  to  de- 
liver them  up  to  the  law  under  a  penalty  of  one  hundred, 
afterwards  of  five  hundred,  pounds  (the  3d  of  August 
and  the  30th  of  November,  1521),  and  whoever  was 
suspected  of  taking  the  part  of  Luther  was  in  danger  of 
losing  his  head. 

Bri^onnet  grouped  around  Lefevre  and  F*arel  at 
Meaux  all  of  those  who  were  of  the  same  faith, 
namely  :  Vatable,  Gerard  Roussel,  Michel  dArande, 
Pierre  Caroli,  Martial  Mazurier,  and  others.  The  court 
at  this  time  was  favorable  to  the  propagandists.  In 
spite  of  frivolity  and  egotism,  Louise  de  Savoie  had  her 
Bible  read  to  her  by  Michel  dArande,  the  almoner  of 
her  pious  daughter,  Margaret.  Francis  L  gave  more 
attention  to  the  latter  than  he  did  to  his  pleasures  and 
his  dreams  of  political  grandeur  ;  that  is  to  say,  his  at- 
tention was  very  much  divided.  The  most  peaceable 
year  for  the  Reformation  in  its  beginnings  in  France 
was  the  year  1522.  Robert  Estienne,  stepson  of  Simon 
de  Colines,  published  a  Latin  text  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, corrected  after  the  original  Greek.  It  was  from^ 
House  near  the  Ecole  de  Ddcret,  viz.,  near  the  Law  School, 
between  June  and  November,  1523,  that  \kv^  first  French 
New  Testament  came  out.  Fifty  to  sixty  years  after- 
wards, Th.  de  B^ze,  preparing  a  collection  of  portraits  of 
all  those  who  from  far  and  near  had  contributed  to  bring 
back  true  religion  to  the  different  countries  of  Christen- 
dom, vainly  attempted  to  procure  those  of  our  first 
martyrs.  Their  names  only  are  in  the  middle  of  the 
frame  which  ought  to  hold  the  portraits,  and  this  part 


of  the  book  begins  with  these  simple  words,  surrounded 
by  a  severe  border  in  the  style  of  the  Renaissance  : 

**  MARTYRS 

FRANCOIS,  QVI  IVS- 

QVES  AVX  DERNIERS    SOV- 

SPIRS  DE  LEVRS  VIES,   ET  AV   PRIS 

DE  LEVR  SANG  ONT  MAIN- 

TENV  LA  VERITE  DV 


FILS  DE  DIEV. 


"  1 


On  the  8th  of  August,  1523,  a  Norman  hermit  from 
Pressy  was  burned  in  the  hog  market  outside  of  the 
gate  St.   Honore.      Eight  days  before,  the  celebrated 
gentleman,  Louis  de  Berquin,  a  great  friend  of  Erasmus 
and  an  assiduous  reader  of  Luther,  had  been  imprisoned 
in  the  clock  tower  of  the  Court  of  Justice,  and  on  the 
26th  of  November  commenced  the  trial  of  another  her- 
mit, Jean  Guybert,  which  was  not  finished  until  three 
years  later.       In  December,  1524,  a  Bull  of  Indulgence 
having  been  mutilated,  one  of  the  supposed  culprits, 
Jean  Leclerc,  was  seized  and  imprisoned.     The  17th  of 
March,    1525,    he   was   with    others   publicly   whipped 
through  the  streets  of   Paris  and   Meaux,  and  in   the 
latter  city  branded  on  the  forehead  with  a  red-hot  iron 
in  the  form  of   a   fleur-de-lis,  while  his  mother  cried 

"Vive  J^sus-Christ  et  ses  enseignes." » 

Jacques  Pauvant,  perhaps  a  pensioner  of  Marguerite, 
could  only  be  saved  by  her.  Shaken  by  the  sophistries 
of  Mazurier,  Pauvant,  on  the  24th  of  December,  1525, 
recanted  publicly  on  the  Parvis  or  place  before  Notri 

'French  martyrs  who.  to  their  last  breath  and  through  the  sacrifice  of  their  lives 
maintained  the  truth  of  the  Son  of  God.  ' 

*  Long  live  Jesus-Christ  and  His  signs. 
27 


V 


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Huguenot  Society  of  America 


Dame  de  Paris.  On  the  28th  of  August,  1526,  they 
wished  to  again  make  him  recant ;  he  refused.  They 
dragged  him  to  the  Place  Matibert,  where  they  pierced 
his  tongue,  strangled  him,  and  burnt  his  body  at  the 
stake. 

One  may  say  that  at  this  critical  moment,  of  all  those 
who  had  surrounded  with  their  solicitude  and  their  pro- 
tection the  new-born  Reformation,  but  one  person  kept 
faithfully  attached  to  it,  MargtierUe  d'Angoulemc  (this 
portrait  of  Marguerite,  unprinted,  as  is  that  of  her 
mother,  shows  her  in  the  costume  of  a  penitent,  with  a 
mirror  in  her  hand,  and  has  thus  been  borrowed  from 
the  book  of  Hours  of  Catherine  de  Medicis).  Unfor- 
tunately she  was  then  in  Madrid,  but  one  can  judge  of 
the  thoughtful  and  enlightened  character  of  her  piety  by 
some  verses  inspired  by  the  premature  death  of  her 
niece  Charlotte,  which  were  only  published  once  sev- 
eral years  later/  [The  title-page  of  the  second  edition 
of  Marguerite's  Miroir  de  I'  A  me  Pecker  esse  was  tht^n 
thrown  on  the  screen.  Translated  in  part  it  reads  thus: 
*'  Dialoofue  in  the  form  of  a  nocturnal  vision  between  the 
very  noble  &  excellent  Madame  Marguerite  de  France, 
only  sister  of  the  King,  our  Sire,  by  the  grace  of  God 
Queen  of  Navarre,  Duchess  d'Alencon  &:  Berry,  S:  the 
blessed  soul  of  the  defunct  Madame  Charlotte  of  France, 
eldest  daughter  of  the  said  King,  &  niece  of  the  said 
Madame  Queen."  The  first  edition  of  the  Miroir 
appeared  in  1531,  the  second  in  1533.] 

Thanks  to  her,  Lefevre,  Gerard  Roussel,  and  Michel 
d'Arande  were  able  to  return  later  to  France,  and 
even  to  die  there  in  peace.  It  was  she  who  saved 
Berquin  in  1523  and  also  in  1526.  But  instead  of 
keeping    quiet   after   this    second    escape,    he   did  all 

'  They  are  printed  in  the  Bulletin,  pp.  255,  256. 


Paris  and  the  Reformation  419 

he  could  to  get  the  better  of  his  accusers.     He  was 
accused  of   having  on    the  3d    or  4th  of  June    1528 
mutilated  a  statue  of  the  Virgin  in  the  Rue  St.  Antoine' 
At  the  head  of  an  expiatory  procession,  Francis  I   him- 
self placed  a  silver  statue  in  the  place  of  the  mutilated 
one.      Berquin   was   condemned   to   have   his   toncrue 
pierced  and  to  be  a  prisoner  for  life,  but  owing  to  "the 
absence  of  the  King  and  of  his  sister,  he  was  executed 
on  the  17th  of  April,   1529,  on  the  celebrated  Placcde- 
Grh'c,  now  of  the  H6tel-de-Ville.     This  closed  the  initial 
period  of  the  French  Reformation.     Cldment   Marot 
valet  de  chambre  of  the  King,  familiar  with  Marcruerite 
and  her  proteges,  the  greatest  poet  of  the  Renaissance 
wrote  a  poem  on  the  death  of  Berquin.     The  name  of 
.Marot  unites  this  period  with  that  which  will  be  domi- 
nated by  that  of  yean  Calvin,  who  had  not  as  yet  made 
himself  conspicuous.    His  severe  and  grave  face  already 
when  he  was  only  25.  is  in  very  great  contrast  with  thai 
of  nuodorc  de  Bcze,  which  is  the  type  of  the  elegant 
jaincsse  dorde  of  the  time. 

Calvin  then  lived  in  the  Quartier  Saint  Genevieve,  at 
the  College  Fortet.     Among  his  friends  was  Guillaume 
Up,  Rector  of  the  University,  who  according  to  custom 
had  to  deliver  the  opening  address  on  All  Saints'  Day 
<^o^-  I.  1533).  and  Calvin  wrote  it  for  him.     This  dis- 
course, bidding  all  those  who  had  suffered  for  the  exer- 
cise of  their  faith  to  take  courage,   that  though  thev 
might  be  killed  their  reward  was  in  heaven    etc     pro- 
nounced probably  in  the  same  church  of  the  Mathurins 
Whence  had  been  given,  twelve  years  before,  by  the  Sor- 
bonne,  the  signal  for  persecuting  the  Reformers,  caused 
such  a  scandal  that  the  King  gave  the  order  to  pursue 
the  heretics,   who  however  had  time  to   escape.     On 
Uecember  24,  1533,  on  the  Place  Maubert,  Antoine  Au- 


420  Huguenot  Society  of  America 

gereau  was  executed,  whose  only  crime  was  that  of  hav- 
ing'printed  twice  the  celebrated  Miroir  of  Marguerite. 
The  last  edition  of  this  precious  book  contains  as  an 
appendix  Marot's  first  essay  of  a  translation  in  verse  of 
the  Psalms.  He  was  not  a  hard  worker,  and  it  was  not 
until  several  years  later  that  thirty  Psalms  were  placed 
before  the  public.  These  were  finished  in  a  house  in 
the  Rue  dti  Clos  Bruneatc,  au  Fatibottrg  Saint  Germain, 
which  had  been  given  by  P>ancis  I.  to  his  valet  (Marot) 
in  1539.  The  next  year,  Charles  the  K,  hearing  of  this 
work,  recompensed  the  poet  royally  and  asked  him  to 
put  in  verse  his  favorite  Psalm,  the  11 8th,  which  was 
also  the  favorite  of  his  great  adversary,  Luther.  The 
privilege  of  printing  these  Psalms  was  signed  on  the 
30th  of  November,  1 541,  and  the  following  year  the  book 
appeared  under  this  title  : 

T rente    Pfeaiil- 

MES  DE  DAVID,  MIS 

en  francoys  par  Clement 

Marot,  valet  de 

chambre  du 

Roy. 

• 
00 

His  work  survived  him.  First  adapted  to  popular  airs, 
they  soon  were  put  to  music  by  a  true  artist,  Louis 
Bourgeois,  who  was  a  refugee  at  Geneva  for  his  faith. 

Every  one  sang  the  Psalms  —  students,  the  court, 
Catholics,  and  Protestants.  But  never  were  they  sung 
with  such  fervor  as  at  the  places  of  execution  of  Hugue- 
nots— for  instance,  on  the  7th  of  October,  1546,  when  a 
circle  of  fourteen  stakes  was  erected  at  Meaux,  on  the 
Place  du  Grand  Marchd,  before  the  house  of  Nicolas 


Paris  and  the  Reformation 


421 


Mangin,  where  Pierre  Leclerc  had  preached  and  given 
the  Holy  Communion.  When  the  fifty-seven  con- 
demned arrived,  all  the  country  were  assembled  and  the 
79th  Psalm  was  intoned. 

More  than  this,  when,  six  months  from  then,  March 
31.  1547,  Francis  I.  was  dying,  he  had  the  Psalms  of 
Marot  brought  to  him,  and  expired  pronouncing  the 
name  of  the  same  Jesus  which  so  many  of  his  victims  had 
invoked,  and  which  his  sister  Marguerite  repeated  three 
times  with  her  dying  lips. 

I  have  said  enough  to  prove  that  if  Paris  was  against 
the  Reformation,  we  owe  it  to  her  to  have  made  it  pos- 
sible, in  grouping  together,  in  instructing,  those  who 
undertook  and  followed  it,  and  above  all  in'having  given 
us  two  such  powerful  weapons  as  the  French  New 
Testament  and  the  Psalter  of  Marot  and  of  Bourgeois. 


APPENDIX  TO  ARTICLE  ON  THE   FRENCH  PROT 
ESTANT  HOSPITAL  OF  LONDON 

{See  page  777) 

CHARTER  OF  INCORPORATION 

OF   THE 

FRENCH  PROTESTANT  HOSPITAL 

George,  by  the  Grace  of  God,  of  (Ireat  Britain,  France  and  Irkland, 
King,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  &c.  To  All  to  whom  these  I'resents 
shall  come,  Greeting. 

Whereas  Our  Right  Trusty  and  Right  Welbeloved  Cousin,  Henry  de  Massue, 
Marquis  de  Ruvigny,  Earl  of  Galloway,  and  our  trusty  and  welbeloved  Philip 
Menard,  Lewis  Saurin,  Henry  de  Ste.  Colome,  Claude  Scoffier,  Clerks;  Nicholas 
de  la  Sabliere,  Guy  de  la  Court  Vicouse,  Jacob  de  Blagny,  David  Montolieu  de  St. 
Hipolite,  Moses  Pulojas,  Francis  de  Pontereau,  Lewis  de  Gaillardy,  Lewis  des 
Clouseaux,  James  Robethon,  Peter  Champion  de  Crespigny,  Albert  de  Lande, 
James  Baudoin,  Rene  de  la  Combe  de  Cluzet,  Peter  Reneu,  Stephen  Seignoret. 
John  le  Clerc  de  Virly,  Lewis  Tudert,  Rene  Baudoin,  James  Lewis  Berchere,  Taul 
du  Four,  John  de  Rossieres,  Thomas  le  Heup,  Solomon  Penny,  Peter  Marchand, 
Benjamin  Barroneau,  Thomas  Thomas,  Philip  Fruchard,  Peter  James  du  Desert, 
John  Philip  Charles,  James  Tabart.  James  de  Vaux,  Peter  Triquet,  John  Perigail. 
and  Peter  Cabibel,  all  French  Refugees  Natturalized,  in  the  behalfe  of  themselves 
and  several  other  French  Refugees,  Our  Subjects,  have  by  their  I'etition  humbly 
represented  unto  Us,  that  James  de  Gastigny,  Esquire,  heretofore  master  of  the 
Buckhounds  in  Holland  to  his  late  Majesty  King  William,  by  his  last  Will  and 
Testament,  bearing  date  the  tenth  day  of  April,  One  Thousand  seven  hundred  and 
eight.  Did  Bequeath  One  thousand  pounds,  to  be  applied  towards  the  Building  of 
an  Hospital  for  Poor,  Sick,  and  Infirm  French  Protestants,  and  buying  of  house- 
hold goods  and  other  conveniences  for  thatt  use,  which  hath  induced  the  Petition- 
ers to  begin  the  Building  of  an  Hospital  for  lodging  and  Subsisting  a  small 
Number  of  the  Poorest  sort  of  their  Nation  :  That  other  Persons  have  Contributed 
towards  this  Charity,  and  that  they  have  for  that  purpose  purchased  a  piece  of 
ground  called  Golden  Acre,  scituate  in  the  Parish  of  St.  Giles,  Crij^plegate,  in 
the  County  of  Middx.  ;  And  hoping  that  Wee  would  be  Graciously  Pleased  to 
favour  their  Design  with  Our  Royal  Sanction  have  humbly  Prayed  Us  by  letters 
Patents  under  Our  Great  Seal  of  Great  Britain  to  Incorporate  and  Create  them  the 
Petitioners  and  their  Successors  into  a  Body  Politik  and  Corporate,  in  such  manner 

422 


Htiguenoi  Church,  Charleston,  S.  C,  Rev,  Dr, 

Vedder,  Rector, 


Appendix  to  French  Protestant  Hospital  423 

and  with  such  Powers,  Authorities,  liberties,  and  Priviledges,  to  them  and  their 
successors,  as  are  contained  in  the  Schedule  of  heads  to  their  Petition  annext  : 
Wee  are  graciously  pleased  to  Condescend  to  their  Request.     Know  Yee  there- 
fore that  Wee,  of  Our  especial  Grace,  certain  Knowledge,  and  meer  motion,  have 
Granted.  Constituted,  Declared,  Ordained,  and  Appointed,  And  by  these  Presents 
for  Us,  Our  Heirs,  and  Successors,  do  Grant,  Constitute,   Declare,  Ordain,  and 
Appoint  that  the  said  Henry  de  Massue  [here  follows  the  preceding  list],  shall  be 
and  be  called  One  Body  Corporate  and  Politick,  in  Deed  and  in  Name,  By  the 
Name  of  The  Governor  and  Directors  of  the  Hospital  for  Poor  French 
Protestants  and  their  Descendants  Residing  in  Great  Britain  And  them 
and  their  successors  by  the  Name  of  The  Governor  and  Directors  of  the  Hospital 
for  Poor  French  Protestants  and  their  Descendants  residing  in  Great  Britain,  Wee 
do  really  and  fully  for  Us,  Our  Heirs  and  Successors,  make.  Erect,  Ordain,'  Con- 
^titute,   Establish,  Confirm,   and    Declare,    by  these    Presents,   to   be    one' Body 
Corporate  &  Politick,  in  Deed  &  in  Name  for  ever.     And  wee  do  hereby  for  Us, 
Our  heirs  and  Successors,   Grant  and  Declare   that  by   the  same  Name  of  the 
Governor  and  Directors  of  the  Hospital  for  Poor  French  Protestants  and  their 
Descendants  residing  in  Great  Britain,  they  shall  have  perpetual  Succession  :  And 
that  they  and  their  Successors,  by  the  name  of  the  Governor  and  Directors  of  the 
Hospital  for  Poor  French  Protestants  and  their  Descendants,  residing  in  Great 
Britain,  for  ever  hereafter  shall  and  may  plead  and  be  Impleaded,  Sue  and  be  Sued, 
Answer  and  be  Answered  unto.  Defend  and  be  Defended,  in  whatsoever  Courts  and 
Places,  and  before  any  Judges,  Justices  and  Officers  of  Us,  Our  Heirs  and  Successors, 
in  all  and  singular  Actions,  Pleas,  Suits,  matters  and  Demands,  of  what  nature,  kind 
or  quality  soever  they  shall  be  in  the  same  manner  and  form,  and  as  fully  and  amply  as 
any  of  Our  Subjects  within  that  part  of  Our  United  Kingdom  of  Great  Britain  called 
England,  may  and  can  do,  Plead  or  be  Impleaded,  Sue  or  be  Sued,  Answer  or  be 
Answered  unto,  defend  or  be  defended  ;  And  that  they  and  their  Successors  for 
ever  hereafter  shall  and  may  have  and  use  a  Common  Seal  for  the  Affairs  and 
Busniess  of  the  said  Corporation  ;   And  that  it  shall  and  may  be  lawful  to  and  for 
the  Governor  and  Directors  of  the  Hospital  for  Poor  French  Protestants  and  their 
Descendants  residing  in  Great  Britain  aforesaid,  and  their  Successors,  the  same 
Seal  from  time  to  time  at  their  Will  and  Pleasure  to  break,  change,  alter,  or  to 
make  new  as  to  them  shall  seem  expedient ;  And  that  they  and  their  Successors 
shall  and  may  for  ever  be  capable  of  purchasing,  taking,  receiving,  having,  and 
enjoymg  houses,  lands,  tenements,  and  hereditaments,  or  any  Estate  whatsoever, 
real  and  personal,  for  lives,  terms  of  years,  or  for  ever,  not  exceeding  the  yearly 
value  of  Five  hundred  pounds  of  lawful  money  of  Great  Britain,  in  all    Issues 
above  reprizes  for  the  benefit  and  use  of  the  Poor  of  the  said  Hospital.         And 
Wee  have  also  Given  and  Granted,  And  by  these  Presents,  for  Us,  Our  Heirs  and 
Successors,  Do  Give  and  Grant  unto  every  Subject  or  Subjects  whatsoever  of  Us, 
tJur  Heirs  and  Successors,  full  Power  and  Authority  to  Give,  Grant,  Sell,  Aliene, 
Assign,  Dispose,  or  Bequeath  unto  the  said  Corporation  of  the  Governor  and  Direc- 
tors of  the  Hospital  for  Poor  French  Protestants  and  their  Descendants  residing  in 
^reat  Bntain  aforesaid,  and  their  Successors,  for  the  benefit  and  use  of  the  Poor  of 
he  said  Hospital,  any  Houses,  lands,    Tenements,    and  Hereditaments,  or  any 
i^^tate  whatsoever,  real  and  personal,  for  lives,   Terms  of  years,  or  for  ever,  not 
exceeding  the  yeariy  value  of  Five  hundred  pounds,  a^  aforesaid.     And  further 


ii 
f  f 


i      i.t 


424 


Huguenot  Society  of  America 


for  the  due  and  Orderly  Regulating  and  Government  of  the  said  Hospital,  We 
Will,  And  do  by  these  Presents,  for  Us,  Our  Heirs  and  Successors,  Grant,  Ordain 
and  Appoint,  that  from  henceforth  for  ever  there  shall  be  a  Governor,  a  Deputy^ 
Governor,  and  thirty-seven  Directors,  or  more  of  The  Said  Corporation 
to  be  Constituted  and  Chosen  in  such  manner  as  hereafter  in  these  I*resents  is  expressed 
and  specified.     And  for  the  better  execution  of  Our  Royal  Will  and  Pleasure  herein 
before  declared,  Wee  have  made,  Ordained.  Named,  Constituted,  and  Appointed 
And  do  by  these  Presents  for  Us,  Our  Heirs  and  Successors,  make,  Ordain,  Name 
Constitute,  and  Appoint  the  said  Henry  de  Massue,  M  arruis  de  Ruvigny,  Earl 
of  CiALLowAY,  to  be  the  first  and  present  Governor  of  the  said  Corporation  hereby 
erected  and    Incorporated  as  aforesaid,  and  to  continue  for   the   space  of  three 
years  from  the  date  hereof,  and  till  the  Feast  of  St,  Michael  next  following  the 
end  of  the  said  three  years  ;   the  said  James  Baudoin  to  be  first  and  present 
Deputy-Governor  of  the  said  Corporation,  and  to  continue  for  the  space  of  One 
Year  from  the  date  hereof,  and  till  the  Feast  of  St.  Michael  next  ensueing  the  end 
of  the  said  year  ;  and  the  said  [here  follows  the  same  list,  with  the  exception  of 
James  Baudoin]  to  be  the  first  and  present  Directors  of  the  said  Corporation,  to 
continue  for  the  term  of  their  natural  lives,  unless  removed  for  some  reasonable 
cause.     And  Wee  do  hereby  for  Us,  our  Heires  and  Successors,  Give  and  Grant 
unto  the  Directors  of  the  said  Corporation,  or  the  major  part  of  them,  for  the  time 
being,  full  Power  and  Authority  after  the  death,  or  Removal  or  Determination  of 
the  Terms  for  which  the  said  Governor  and  Deputy-Governor  are  hereby  Consti- 
tuted,  to  Choose  others  in  their  room  respectively,  and  from  time  to  time  for  ever, 
to  Chuse  a  Governor  every  three  years,  and  a  Deputy-Governor  every  year,  at  the 
Feast  of  St.  Michael  the  Archangel,  or  within  fourteen  days  after,  out  of  the  Direc- 
tors  ;    and  also,   upon   reasonable  Cause,   to  remove  the   Governor  and  Deputy- 
Governor  for  the  time  being,  and  to  Choose  others  in  their  room  who  shall  continue 
in  their  Offices,  (viz)  the  Governor  for  three  years  from  the  time  of  such  Choice. 
and  till  the  Michaelmas-day  following  the  end  of  the  said  three  years  ;  and  the 
Deputy-Governor    for   one    year    from    the   time   of    such    Choice,    and   till   the 
Michaelmas-day  following  the  end  of  the  said  year,  unless  they  shall  dye,  or  be 
removed  as  aforesaid  ;   and  likewise  as  often  as  any  of  the   Directors  shall  be 
removed  or  die,  to  Nominate  others  in  his  or  their  room,  and  to  add  as  many  more 
Directors  to  the  said  number  of  thirty-seven  as  they  or  the  major  part  of  them  shall 
think  fitt ;   And  also  to  appoint  a  Treasurer,  and  a  minister  to  perform  Divine 
Service  in  the  said  Hospital  after  the  Rites  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  such 
Servants  as  shall  be  necessary,  and  one  or  more  person  or  persons  from  time  to 
time  to  Collect  and  Receive  Voluntary  Contributions  for  the  use  of  the  said  Hospi- 
tal.    And  Wee  do,  by  these  Presents,  for  Us,  Our  Heirs  and  Successors,  Grant. 
Ordain,  and  Appoint,  That  the  Governor,  Deputy-Governor,  and  Directors  of  the 
said  Corporation  for  the  time  being  shall  have  full  Power  and  Authority  from  time 
to  time,  as  they  shall  think  fitt  and  necessary,  to  meet  and  Assemble  at  the  said 
Hospital,  and  there  to  prepare  make.  Ordain,  and  Constitute  such  and  so  many 
good  and  wholsom  By-laws,  Rules,  Orders,  and  Ordinances,  as  they  shall  think 
beneficial  for  the  said  Hospital.     And  that  it  shall  and  may  be  lawfull  to  and  for 
the  Governor,  Deputy-Governor,  and  Directors  of  the  said  Corporation  from  time 
to  time  to  alter,  Anull,  or  make  void  the  said  By-laws,  Rules,  Orders,  c^'  Ordi- 
nances as  to  them  shall  seem  expedient.     Provided  always  that  the  said  By-laws, 


Appendix  to  French  Protestant  Hospital  425 

Rules.  Orders  and  Ordinances  so  as  aforesaid  to  be  made  be  reasonable,  and  not 
repugant  to  law.     And  our  Will  and  Pleasure  is.  And  Wee  do  by  these  Presents. 
for  Us,  Our  Heirs  and  Successors,  Ordain  and  Appoint,  that  when  the  Directors 
shall  meet  to  treat  about  any  matter  relating  to  the  said  Corporation,  Ten  shall 
make  a  quorum  ;  and  that  all  their  Resolutions  shall  be  binding  against  the  rest, 
who  shall  not  attend  on  three  days'  notice  in  Writing  from  their  Secretary  of 
the  time  and  place  of  meeting,  in  the  same  manner  as  if  the  whole  Number  had 
been  present ;  And  also  that  the  Governor  and  Directors  do  not  Relieve  in  the  said 
Hospital,  or  by  the  Revenue  thereof,  any  French  Protestants,  or  their  Descendants, 
who  shall  not  have  been  actually  resident  and  setled  in  Great  Britain  by  the  space 
of  six  months  at  the  least,  and  so  continue,  and  who  shall  not  take  the  Oaths  of 
Allegiance  and  Supremacy.  &  the  Abjuration  Oath,  before  the  (Governor  or  Deputy- 
Governor,  or  the  Directors,  or  any  three  or  more  of  them  for  the  time  being,  to 
whom  Wee  do  for  Us,  Our  Heirs  and  Successors,  Give  full  Power  and  Authority 
to  Administer  the  same  from  time  to  time  accordingly.     And  Lastly,  Our  Will  and 
Pleasure  is,  And  Wee  do  by  these  Presents  for   Us,  Our  Heirs  and  Successors, 
(Irant   unto   the  said   Corporation   and  their  Successors,  that   these  Our   letters 
Patents  or  the  Jnrolment  thereof,  shall  be  in  and  by  all  things  good,  firm,  valid, 
sufficient,  and  effectual  in  the  law,   according  to  the  true  intent  and   meaning 
thereof,  and  shall  be  taken.  Construed,  and  Adjudged  in  the  most  favorable  and 
beneficial  Sense  for  the  best  Advantage  of  the  said  Corporation  and  their  Succes- 
sors, as  well  in  all  Courts  of  Record  as  elsewhere,  and  by  all  and  singular  the 
Officers  and  ministers  whatsoever  and  wheresoever  of  Us,  Our  Heirs  and  Successors 
Any  Omission,  Imperfection,   Defect,  matter.  Cause,  or  thing  whatsoever  to  the 
contrary  thereof  in  any  wise  notwithstanding.     In  Witnesse  whereof  Wee  have 
caused  these  Our  letters  to  be  made  Patents. 

Witnesse  Our  self  at  Westminster  the  Four  and  twentieth  day  of    Tuly   in  the 
Fourth  Year  of  Our  Reign. 
By  Writ  of  Privy  Seal. 

Cocks. 

Great  Seal, 


\ 


INDEX. 

If  any  Huguenot  name,  or  name  of  place  or  of  person  having  any  important 
bearing  on  Huguenot  history,  has  been  omitted,  it  has  been  through  oversight       \s 
no  plates  have  been  made  of  the  volume  some  errors  in  spelling  of  names   as  on 
pages  201.  204,  205,  206,  which  have  been  pointed  out  by  the  authors  or  'subse- 
quently discovered,  could  not  be  corrected  on  the  pages,  as  they  had  been  printed  • 
consequently  they  have  been  corrected  here.     Opportunity  has  also  been  taken  to 
impart   mformation    bibliographical   and    geographical,  wherever    the    reference 
was  to  a  book  or  a  place  not   likely  to  be  familiar.       Many  of   the    Huguenot 
names  are   plainly   variously   spelled.       These    varieties    appear    here   with    no 
attempt  at  unification.     The  names  are  arranged  in  alphabetical  order  under  the 
prefixes.     As  in  course  of  time  in  some  cases  the  prefix  disappeared  altogether   the 
name  will  be  found  in  the  lists  without  it-..  ^.,  de  la  Fontaine  became  Fontaine 
Therefore  when  a  name  cannot  be  found  under  a  prefix  it  should  be  looked  for 
under  the  name  proper.     A  semi-colon  between  references  implies  a  change  of  sub- 
ject, e.  g.,  Paris,  siege  of,  19,  but  37  is  reference  merely  to  Paris  as  a  city 


|; 


I 


A])beville,  25  m.  northwest  of  Amiens* 
France,  220 

Abbott,  J.  Le  Grange,  chorister,  1. 

Ablon,  on  east  bank  of  the  Seine,  12  m. 
south  of  Paris,  168 

Aboasson,  Jean,  296 

Abramse,  Anthony,  345 

A{;c,  Mathieu,  and  wife,  324 

Agnast,  ffrancois,  303 

Agnevv,  David  Carnegie,  Protestant  Ex- 
iles j  torn  France  in  the  Reign  of  Louis 
XIV.  ;  or.  The  Huguenot  Refu- 
gees ami  their  Descendants  in  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland,  2d  ed..  3  vols., 
London.  1871-74,  referred  to, 
.317 

Aigle.  Jacob,  304 

Albert.  Cardinal,  Archduke,  mentioned, 
^;'  -^2,  43,  47.  48.  51;  solicitude 
pl'i  c  ^'^"^"^O"  people,  39  ;  upon 
1  fillip  of  Spain,  40  ;  upon  Henry  IV. 
40  ;  gives  Dutch  a  two  months'  truce, 
44  ;  anxious  about  the  Treaty  of  Ver- 
vins.  45 

Aldobrandini,  Cardinal,  later  Clement 
^HI.,  27 

Alexander  VI..  Pope,  399 
Allaire,  Alexander,  349 


Allaire,     Rev.     Benjamin    F.    (Roman 
Catholic),  priest,  346 

Alva,  Duke  of,  398 

Amboise.  14  m.  east  of  Tours,  France, 
Edict  of,  140,  339 

Amiens,  84  m.  north  of  Paris    i\    33 
42.  47,  357  '  '    ' 

Ammonet,  Jacob,  322 

Amonet,  Jacob,  wife,  and  four  children, 
303 

Amonet.  Jacob,  and  five  children,  324 

Amsterdam,  222,  405 

Ancellein,  from  Guadaloupe,  363  ;  treas- 
urer under  the  government  there, 
364  ;  descendants  still  found  in  New 
Jersey,  364 

Anderson,  Miss  M.  L.,  contributor  to 
purchase  of  flags,  xxxi. 

Anderson,  Mrs.  Gen.  Robert,  contribu- 
tor to  purchase  of  flags,  xxxi.  ;  on 
Banquet  list,  xliv. 

Andre,  Major  John,  buried  on  the  Dem- 
arest  farm,  362 

Andrivet,  Jean,  219 
Angeliere,  Elizabet,  284 
Angers,    190   m.    southwest    of    Paris 
21 

Angevin,  Zacarie,  349 

Angevine,  346 

Annonay,  37  m.  south  of  Lyons,  r68 


427 


I 


II 


428 


Index 


Index 


Anquez,  Leonce,  Histoire  des  assemblees 

politique  s   ties    Re  formes    de   France. 

Paris,  1859,  referred  to,  59 
Anthon-en-Perche,  in  Orleannais,  220 
Anti-Dreyfus  poster,  155 
Anverille.  in  Normandy,  221 
Apple  ton's     Cyclopcedia     of   American 

Biography^  revised  ed.,   New   York, 

1898-99,  6  vols.,  cited,  371 
Archives   A^ationales,  quoted,  164-166. 

if>8,  173,  366 
Argall,  Captain.  Sir  Samuel,  a  Virginia 

governor,     l)urne(l     Acadian    settle- 
ments, 243 
Arman,  Henri,  222 
Arman,  Paul,  222 
Amaud,    France,    with    wife   and    two 

children,  222 
Arnaud,  Isaac,  and  wife,  2S4,  312 
Arnaut,  jean,  296 

Arnaut,  Jean,  wife,  and  daughter,  289 
Arnold,  Benedict,  225 
Arques,    3    m.     southeast    of    Dieppe, 

19.  20 
Arras,  100  m.  north-northeast  of    Paris, 

48.  49 
Artois,  the  province  of  which  Arras  was 

the  capital,  48,  51,  220 
Asa,  King  of  Judah,  163 
Ashurst,  Sir  Henry,  349 
Assembly   of  French    Cleri^y  in   /jg^- 

ijgd.    Proceedings   of,    quoted,    173, 

174 
Atterbury,     Mrs.     Anson     P.,    of     the 

Ladies' Committee,  xiii.  ;  on  Banquet 

list,  xliv. 
Aubery,  Antoine,  Histoire  du  Cardinal 

Due  de  yoyeuse  ;  a  la  fin  de  la  que  lie 

sont    plusieurs    mcmoires    .     .     .    et 

autres  pieces,  Paris,  1654,  referred  to, 

22 
Aubrey,  Andre,  322 
Aubry,  Andre,  and  two  children,  324 
Audra,  Kev.  E.,  written  to.  xxiii. 
Augsburg.  Religious  Peace  of,  58 
Augustin,  S.,  297 
Aumale,  Duke  of,  23 
Aunant,  Jean,  with  wife,  219 
Aunis,  222 
Aurore,  French  newspaper,  for  January 

21,  i8q8,  quoted,  156 
Austria,  159 
Auvert,  20  m.  north  of  Paris,  366 


B 


Bacon's  Quarter,  Va.,  277,  308 

Bacon's  Rebellion,  308 

Bacot,  Hon.  T.  VV.,  appointed  delegate 
from  South  Carolina,  on  the  pro- 
gram, xxix.,  XXX. 


429 


Bacot,  Pierre,  with  his  wife,  221 

Bade,  Josse,  printer  of    University  of 
Paris's     condemnation     of     Luther 
415  ;  daughter  of,  married  Robert  Es- 
tienne,  416 

Badeau,  Benjamin,  342 

Badeau,  Elie,   349 

Badeau,  Isaac,  342 

Badoiiet,  Estienne,  2S4 

Bagdasarian,  George,  chorister,  1. 

Bailey,  Rev.  Melville  K.,  read  poem  at 
Banquet,  xlix.,  li.  ;  remarks  before 
reading  his  poem,  379  ;  poem.  3S0- 
384 

Baira,  Michel.  205 

Baird,  Rev.  Dr.  Charles  Wasliington. 
History  of  Huguenot  Emigration 
to  America,  2  vols.,  New  Vork.  1S84, 
quoted,  226,  234-236,  258,  259] 
272-274,  360,  365.  366 

Baird,  Prof.  Henry  xMartyn,  appointed 
honorary  secretary  of  Celebration 
Committee  for  Correspondence  with 
foreign  Huguenot  Societies,  xiv., 
xxvi.  ;  letter,  xvii.  ;  letter  to  these  so- 
cieties, xviii.-xx.  ;  reports,  xvii., 
xxiii.  ;  on  program,  xxviii.,  xxix., 
xxxvii.  ;  acts  as  host,  xxxiv.;  at 
Banquet,  xlii.  ;  spoke  to  toast,  1.. 
liii.  ;  made  celebration  an  interna- 
tional success,  liv.  ;  gave  luncheon, 
liv.  ;  final  report,  Ivii.,  Iviii.,  17  ; 
paper,  1 35-1 54 

,   7'he    Huguenots   and  Henry  of 

Navarre,  New  York,   i88o,  2  vols., 
alluded  to,  157 

Huguenots  and  the  Revocation  of 


the  Edict  of  Nantes,  New  York,  1S9;, 
2  vols.,  quoted,  328 

speech     at    Banquet,    403-4' 5  , 


speech  at  Bicentenary  of  the  Charter 
of  the  Reformed  Protestant  Dutch 
or  Collegiate  Church,  New  Vork  City. 
403  ;  union  between  Dutch  and  Hu- 
guenot close,  strong,  enduring. — tirst 
Dutch  were  hosts,  then  or  later 
Huguenots'  guests,  404  ;  union  in 
face  of  expected  trouble,  405  :  men- 
tioned, xxiv.,  xlvi.,  177,  218,  226.393 

Baird  (or  Bard),  Peter,  supposed  native 
of  Dauphiny.  became  citizen  of  New 
Jersey,  held  different  otifices,  365,  366 

Bakenesse  and  other  churches  in  Haar- 
lem, Holland,  210  sqq. 

Balaros,  Pierre,  304 

Ballaguier,  36S 

Ballet,  347 

Bancroft,  George,  History  of  the  United 
States,  revised  ed.,  New  York,  1885. 
6  vols.,  quoted,  on  Virginia's  attrac- 
tions to  emigrants,  246  sqq.,  250 


Bangs,  Mrs.   Fletcher,  on  Banquet  list, 

xliv. 
Banquet,  xxvi.,  xxix.,  xxxii.,  xl.-liii.  ; 

unusual  feature  at,  390 
Banta,  Theodore  M.,  of  the  Committee 
on  Papers,  xiii.,  contributor  to  pur- 
chase of  flags,  xxxi.  ;  read  Mr.  Wilde- 
man's    paper,    xxix.,    xxx.,    xxxix.  ; 
acts  as  escort  at   Banquet,  xlii.  ;  on 
Banquet  list,  xliv.  ;   on  executive  and 
papers  committees,  xlvi.  ;  represents 
Mr.  VVildeman,  xlvii.  ;  gives  advance 
copy  of  the  Holland  Anthem  for  use 
at  Banquet,  liii. 
Barachin,  Jean,  and  wife,  303 
Barbie,  Claude,  and  wife,  304 
Barhot,  Jacques,  222 
Barhot,  Jean,  222 

Barbour,  \Vm.  D.,  elected  treasurer  of 
the  stewards,  xvi.,  xxxii.,  xlvi.  ;  con- 
tributor to  purchase  of  flags,  xxxii.  ; 
at  Banquet,  xl.  ;  acts  as  escort  at 
Banquet,  xlii.  ;  on  Banquet  list,  xliv.  ; 
report  as  treasurer  of  the  stewards, 
Ixii. 
Bard.     See  Baird. 

Bard,  John,  grandson  of   Peter  Baird 
(or    Bard),    commanded    Orange 
Hangers  in  the  Revolutionary  War, 
366 
Bardon,  Claud,  and  wife,  284 
Bareheit,  Andrew,  341 
Barraud,  231 
Barrel,  Samuel,  290 
Barret,  346 

Barroneau,  Benjamin,  422 
Barton,  356 
Barton,  A.,  342 
Kartow,  347 

Basel,  Catharine,  and  daughter,  303 
Bastile,  in  Paris,  339 
Bataille.  I.'-aac,  221 
Batin,  Richard,  220 
Battaile,  John,  256 
Batton,  John  Isaac,  and  wives,  220 
Batton,  Jacques  (.son  of  former),  220 
Batton.     See  Batin. 

Baudoin,  Jacques,  early  benefactor  of 
the  French  Protestant  Hospital  of 
I  ondon,  185  ;  first  deputy-governor, 
187  sq. 

Baudoin,  James,  422 

Baudoin,  Rene,  422 

Baudouin,  Francois,  119 

Baudouyn,  Jtrhan,  one  of  the  Fourteen 

of  Meaux,  385 
Baudry,  312 
Baudry,  Pierre,  289 
Baudry,  P.,  296 
Bault,  346 
Bayard,  374 


Bayard,  Hon.  Thomas  F.,  late  vice- 
president  for  Delaware,  xlv. 

Bayard,  Judith,  a  Huguenot,  mar- 
ried Governor  Peter  Stuyvesant, 
356 

Bayeux,  347 

Bazoil,  312 

Beaman,  Charles  Cotesworth,  xvi. 

Beam,  30,  115  ;  with  La  Rochelle  and 
Sedan  sheltered  peaceably  both 
Protestants  and  Roman  Catholics, 
160 

Bearnais,  20,  413 

Beaucaire,  13  m.  east  of  Nimes,  166 

Beauchamp,  Picardie,  residence  of  Jean 
des  Marest,  357 

Beauchamp  Street,  New  Rochelle,  N. 
Y.,  344 

Beaufort,  S.  C,  220 

Beaulieu,  Edict  of,  143 

Beauvais,    54    m.    north-northwest    of 

Paris,  31 
Bedell,  356,  368,  374 
Bedford,  on  the  Potomac,  Va.,  260 
Belet,  294 

Belleroche,    Edward,     delegate     from 
London  Huguenot  Society,  xxii.,  Ivii.; 
on    program,    xxviii.,   xxix.,    xxxvii; 
at    Grace    Church    service,    xxxiii.  ; 
at    Banquet,     xlvii.  ;    lunched    with 
Mr.  Marquand,  Iv.  ;  went  to  unveil- 
ing of  Huguenot  monument  at  New 
Rochelle,     Ivi.  ;     paper,  17-51 
Bellin,  Jeane,  303 
Belloe,  Jean,  304 
Belotte  family,  223 
Benet,  Daniel,  348 

Benoist  (or  Benoit),  Elie,  Histoire  de 
r^dit  de  Nantes  jusque  h   VMt    de 
revocation   en  octobre,   i68s ;    Delft, 
1693-95  ;    5  parts,   quoted,    59,    128,' 
151 
Benoit,  Jacques,  221 
Benon,  ffran  :  ,  303 
Berchaud,  Jeanne,  wife  of  Jean  Boyd» 

222,  223 
Berchere,  James  Lewis,  422 
Berin.  Anthoine,  325 
Berkeley  Co.,  Carolina,  322 
Bernard  and  Soulier,  Explication  of  the 
Edict  of  Nantes^   referred   to,    112, 
113,  129 
Bernard,  327,  347 
Bernard  and  wife,  312 
Bernard,  David,  284 
Bernard,  David,  wife,  and  five  children, 

324 
Bernard,  Joseph,  324 
Berrard,  Joseph,  and  wife,  304 
Berraud,  327 
Berry,  220 


tl 


430 


Index 


Index 


i ' 


431 


Berry,     Captain     John,     remonstrated 
against  des  Marest's  petition  for  a  re- 
survey,  359 
Berthaut,  bishop  of  Seez,  37 
Bertonneau,  Jacques,  and  wife,  222 
Bertonneau,  Sara,  222 
Besiers,  130 
Besley,  34O,  348,  349 
Besley  House,  New  Rochelle,  343 
Beverley,  Kol)ert,   7Vie  History  of  Vir- 
ginia Reprinted  from    the   Authors 
Second     Revised     Edition,     London, 
1722,    with    an    Introduction    by    C, 
Campbell,     Richmond.     Va.,      1S55, 
quoted,  239,  240 
Beza,    Theodore,   at    Poissy,    138.     See 

also  De  Beze. 
Bibbeau,  Jaques,  2S4 
Bicentenary  of  the  Charter  of  the  Re- 
formed Protestant  Dutch  (Collegiate) 
Church,  New  York  City.  403 
Bilbaud,  Jacques,  wife,  and  child,  324 
Bilboa,  312 
Billet,  Katharine,  312 
Billot,  Catherine,  285 
Billot,  Francois,  284 
Bionne,  near  Orleans,  126 
Bioret,  Jacq.,  wife,  and    two  children, 

324 
Bird,  357 

Bissell,  Mrs.  Y.  Sand  ford,  subscriber  to 

Celebration  Fund,  Ixiii. 
Bisset,  Elie,  and  family,  222 
Black,  357 
Black,     Starr    &    Frost,     New     York 

jewelers,  made  the  Banquet  souven- 
irs, XXV. 
Blackberry,  Lawton,  350 
Blacktnan,  314 
Blackmare,  William,  3cx) 
Blackwall,  on  the  Thames,  4  m.  below 

St.  Paul's,  282,  303 
Blackwell,    Miss    Ruthelia    R.,   of   the 

Ladies'  Committee,  xiii. 
Blackwell,  William  Bayard,  one  of  the 

stewards,  xv. 
Blair,  Rev.  James,  the  commissary.  259, 

288  ;  letter  to  the  Bishop  of  London, 

336 
Blaithwayte,  306 
Blathwayt,  William,  269 
Blauvelt,  362 
Blavet,  22,  42 
Bleiiet,  1).,  296 

Blevet.    David,  wife,  and  six  children, 

289 

Block,  Adrien,  commander  of  the  On- 

rest,  explorer,  354 
Blood,  John  Balch.  on  Banquet  list,  xliv. 
Bloomer,  Robert,  341 
Blouet,  wife,  and  seven  children,  312 


Bocar,  Estienne,  wife,  and  two  children 
304  '^'^"• 

Bochet,  Nicolas,  220 

Bogart,  362 

Boignan,  313 

Boignard,  Anthonie,  289 

Bois.  Petit,  surname  of  Jacques  Nicho 
las,  222 

Boisseau,  Rev.  James,  sailed  for  Vir 
ginia,  had  difficulties  with  his  vestrv 
259  >• 

Boisseau,  Jean,  222 

Boissieux,   Rev.  James,  became  rector 

of  a  chief  Virginia  parish,  335 
Boisson,  Jean,  2 84 
Boissonot,  363 
Bolton,  Robert,  History  of  Westchester 

County,    New    York,    1848,    2  vols 

quoted,  349 
Bolts,  349 

Bomard,  Catherine,  284 
Hon,  Louiss,  284 
Bona,  363 
Bonall,  James,  256 

Bonard,  Estienne,  wife,  and  three  chil- 
dren, 324 
Bondet,  346 

Bondet,  Rev.  Daniel,  348 
Bonduel,  Alard,  203 
Bonduran,  312 
Bondurand,  Jean  Pierre,  289 
Bondurant,  326,  327 
Bonet,  344 
Bonet,  Mary,  345 
Bonhoste,  Jonas,  220 
Bonifoy,  David,  344 
Bonneau,  Antoine,  222 
Bonneau,     Marie,   wife  of    Nicola,  uc 

Longemare,  22r 
Bonnet,  John  Ferdinand,  342 
lionnett,  344 

Bonnett  Mouse,  New  Rochelle,  343 
Bonsergent,  Mathieu,  324 
Bonsergent,  Matthieu,  and  wife,  304 
Bontemps,  Pierre,  205 
Bonviller.  Isaac,  304 
Booker,  wife,  and  child,  305 
Bookstaver,  Hon.    H.  W\,  on  Banquet 

list,  xliii. 
Booraem,  Miss  Frances  D.,  on  Banquet 

list,  xliv,  ;   subscriber  to  Celebration 

Fund,  Ixii. 
Bordeaux,  167,  223 
Bordieu,  Samuel,  with  family,  221 
Borel,  281 
Bosquet,     Andrew,    Huguenot    galley 

slave,  333 
Bossard,  292 
Bossard,  Jean,  wife,  and  three  children, 

289 
Bossard,  wife,  and  three  children,  312 


Bosse.  Francois,  284 
Boston,  Mass.,  219,  350 
Bouchebee,  Jacques,  one  of  the  Four- 
teen of  Meaux,  385 
Boucher,  309 
Boucher,  Jean,  denounces  Henry  IV. 's 

conversion  as  insincere,  28 
Bouchet,  Jean,  284 
Bouchillon,  Joseph  Leonard,  223 
Boudinot,  374 

Boudinot,  Elias,  character,  36S  ;  career 
of  his  granilfather   Helie.  368,  369  ; 
his    grandmother,    his     father,     his 
mother,  his  birth,  and  his  baptism  by 
Whitetield,    educated    at    Princeton, 
studied  law  with  his  brother-in-law' 
Richard  Stockton,  began  practice  in 
Elizabeth    Town,   maVried    sister   of 
his  preceptor,  took  Alexander  Hamil- 
ton into  his  family,  369  ;  first  opened 
New    Jersey     sulphur    and     copper 
mines,  trustee  of    Princeton  College, 
chairman  Elizabeth  Town  Committee 
of  Safety,  member   Provincial    Con- 
gress, commissary-general  of  prison- 
ers,   became  liable    for  $50,000    for 
Revolutionary  War,  delegate  to  Con- 
gress, president,  and  as  such  signed 
treaty  of  peace   with  Great   Britain, 
370 ;     afterwards    in    Congress    till 
made  Director  of  the  Mint  in  1795,  re- 
tired in  1805  to  private  life,  patron 
of  Pnnceton  College,  member  A.  B. 
C.   F.   M.,    first  president  American 
Bible  Society,    interested    in   Indian 
education,  authorized  one  Indian  to 
take  his  name,  honorary  LL.D.,Yale 
College,  bequests  to  city  of  Philadel- 
phia, author  of  several  works,  died  at 
Burlington,  371;  personal  worth,  372 
Boudinot,  Elie,  son  of  Helie,  merchant 
m  i\ew  \ork,  married  and  removed  to 
Ihiladelphia  where  he  was  a  silver- 
smith, 369 

Boudinot,     Elisha,     brother    of    Elias 
patriot,  various  offices,   price  set  or! 
nis  head,  house  raided  by  Hessians 
commissary,  general      of     prisoners] 
practised  law  with   Elias  in  Newark 
hecame  justice  of  Supreme  Court  of 
^ew  Jersey,  died  at  Newark,  372 

Boudinot,     Helie.    born     at     Marans 
i*  ranee,  escaped  to  England,  married 
widow  of  Benjamin  d'  Harriette,  emi- 
grated  to   New  York,  prominent  in 
colonial  affairs,  369 

Bouillie,  346 

Bouillon,  title  of  Conde.  33,  47 
Boulogne-sur-mer,  153  ' 

bourgeois,  Louis,  set  Marot's    Psalms 
10  music,  420 


Bourgoian,  Joseph,  284 

Bouriier.  E.,  president  of  the  Walloon 

Society,  Ixi. 
Bourreau,  Antoine,  221 
Bourru,  Jean,  284 

Bowdoin,  George  S.,  Treasurer  of  the 
Society,    XXV.,  xxvi..  xlv.  ;    contrib- 
utor    to    purchase    of    flags,    xxxi.  ; 
at      the      Grace      Church     service' 
xxxiii.  ;      on      Banquet    list,      xlii    • 
treasurer    of   the   Celebration    ComI 
mittee,  xlvi.  ;  subscriber  to  Celebra- 
tion   Fund,     Ixii.,     and     report     as 
treasurer  of,  Ixii.,  Ixiii. 
Boyd,  Jean,  223 
Boyd,  Jean,  with  wife,  222 
Boyer,  347 
Boyer,  John,  306 

Braban,  Daniel,  wife,  three  children 
and  boy,  303  ' 

Brault,  296 

Brazil,  Huguenot  colony  in,  229 

Bremar,  Solomon,  220 

Brent,  George,  of  Woodstock  and  Bren- 
ton,  distinguished  lawyer,  seeks  Hu- 
guenot  settlers  on  his  lands,  260   261 

Brenton,  on  Occoquon  Creek,  Va.,'now 
Brentsville,  short-lived  Huguenot 
settlement,  259,  260,  261,  263 

Bretagne,  Southern,  221,  272 

Breton,  347 

Brez,  John  Daniel,  contributor  to  pur- 
chase of  flags,  xxxi.  ;  at  Grace  Church 
service,    xxxiii.  ;    represents  Vaudois 
Society  in  celebration  and  at  Banquet 
xhi.,  xlvii.,  Iviii.,  lix.,  391 

Brians,  Thomas,  wife,  and  five  children 
324 

Bri9onnet,  Guillaume,  Cardinal,  414,  416 

Bricou,  Salomon,  and  wife,  304 

Brie,  219 

Briscon,  Samuel,  222 

Brisebarre,  Jehan,  one  of  the  Fourteen 

of  Meaux,  385 
Brittain,  346 
Brittany.  41,  42,  54,  58 
Broc,  iMoise,  289 
Brooke,  312 

Broret,  Jaques,  wife,  and  two  children 

284 

Brousse  and  son,  312 

Brousse,  Jacques,  322 

Brousse,  Jaques,  and  child,  284 

Browning,  A.  Giraud,  F.  S.  A.,  Vice- 
President  of  and  delegate  from  Lon- 
don Huguenot  Society,  xxii.;  on  pro- 
gram, xxviii.,  XXX.,  xxxix.  ;  at  Grace 
Church  service,  xxxiii.;  report  quoted, 
xxxvii.  ;  presented  St.  Bartholomew's 
Day  iMassacre  and  Revocation  of  Edict 
of  Nantes  medals,  xxxviii. ;  letters  re- 


432 


Index 


Browning —  Continued 

ferring  to  his    gift,  xxxviii.,   xxxix.  ; 
at  the  Banquet,  xlii.,  xlvii.  ;   speaks 
at   Banquet,  1.,    liii.  ;    lunched    with 
Mr.  Marquand,  Iv.,  Ivii.  ;  paper,  177- 
2CK)  ;  welconrjed  by  Mr.  de  Peyster  at 
Banquet,    391  ;    speech   at  Banquet, 
4o6-40<) ;  topics  of  speech  :  attraction 
of  the  study  of  Huguenot  history,  406, 
407  ;  splendid  hospitality  lavished  on 
the  foreign  guests  of  the  Society,  407; 
work  of   the  French  Protestant    His- 
torical Society,  408  ;  and  of  the  Hu- 
guenot Society  of  London,  408 
Br  >wning.  Miss,  xxxiii.,  xxxv.,  Iv. 
Bnignet,  Marie,  221 
Brussels,  37.  38,  42,  44,  46,  48,  49 
Budd,  Mrs.  William  A.,  of  the  Ladies' 

Committee,  xiii. 
Bulletin   de   la    Soci^t/de  VHistoire  du 
Protestantisme  Fran^ais,  alluded    to 
or  quoted,  loS,  162,  166-167,  '68,  170, 
413,  418 
Buretel,  Pierre,  222 
Burgundy,  168 

Byrd,  Colonel  William,  advocated  lo- 
cating Huguenots  at  Manakin  Town, 
Va.,  25^  s(/.  ;  seeks  Huguenot  set- 
tlers, 260,  278,  280,  287  ;  secures  lo- 
cation of  Huguenots  at  Manakin 
Town,  in  spite  of  Dr.  Coxe's  ef- 
forts, 274,  275  ;  meetings  at  his  house, 
275.  30^  :  sets  forth  superiority  of 
Manakin  Town,  276  ;  probable  se- 
cret reason,  277  ;  petition  to  the  Lords 
in  Council,  278-280 ;  appointed  to 
administer  relief,  311  ;  street  in  Man- 
akin Town  name«l  after  him,  314J 
visits  and  describes  the  town,  314 


Cabanis,  Henry,  wife,  and  child,  284 

Cabibel,  Peter,  422 

Caboine,  312 

Caen,  148  m.  west-northwest  of  Paris, 

221 
Caftes,  Paul,  296 
Cahaigne,  Michel,  304 
Cailland,  Joseph,  wife,  and  child,  324 
Cailleboeuf,  Isaac,  221 
Caillon,    Michel,  one   of  the  Fourteen 

of  Meaux,  385 
Caillau,  Joseph,  and  wife,  303 
Cairon,  231 
Cairon,  Rev.  Jean,  and  three  children, 

324 
Cajetan,  Cardinal,  28 
Calais,  220 
Calver,   Jean,   wife,  and  five  children, 

324 


Calvin,  John,  160 ;   229  ;   preached  m 
Saintongeand  Aunis,  231 ;  Huguenots 
called  upon  to  renounce  his  "errors" 
to  escape  persecution,  330,  419  ;  li^^d 
in  Pans  at  the  College  Fortet,  wrote 
Gillaume  Cop's  rectorial  oration,  and 
in  consequence  both  had  to  flee,  41Q 
Cambier,  Lambert,  203 
Campbell,  John  Wilson,  History  of  Vir 
ginia    to    1781,    Philadelphia,    1S13' 
quoted.  263,  309,  325 
Cantepie,  312 

Cantepie,  Michel,  and  wife,  324 
Cape  Hope  Colony  Huguenot   Society 

invited  to  send  a  paper,  xvii. 
Capen,  Jacob,  289 
Capon,  Jacob,  296 
Cappon,  Jacob,  and  wife,  324 
Carbonnet,  Anne,  and  child,  289 
Caret,  347 
Carion,  Moise,  219 
Carleton,  Sir  Dudley,  British  Ambassa- 
dor  at  The  Hague,  quoted,  29  ;  trans- 
mits  petition  from  Walloons  (Hugue- 
nots) to  settle  in  Virginia,  250  sq. 
Caroli,  Pierre,  416 
Carolina,  Province  of,  322 
Carpenter,  357 

Carpenter,    Stephen  P.,   first   exhibited 
the      Huntington     and    Churchland 
pears,  351 
Carriere,  Jean,  221 
Carron,  Sir  Claude,  221 
Castelmoron,   Gascony,   France,  ances- 
tral home  of  the  Maury  family,  335 
Castiche,  Paul,  289 
Castige,  312 
Castine,  347 
Castra,  312 

Catalagirone,  Bonaventura,  General  of 
the  Cordeliers,  efforts  to  effect  Treaty 
of  Vervins,   38  sqq.  ;    praised  by  Al- 
bert and  by  Henry  IV.,  41 
Caudain,  (not  Candain),  Jacques,  205 
Caudebec  (Cuddeback),  Jacob,  362 
Cautepie,  Jean,  285 
Cautepie,  Michel,  wife,  and   two  chil- 
dren, 285 
Cavalier,  Pierre,  wife,  and  son,  289 
Cavalier,  wife,  and  child,  313 
Cecil,  William,  Lord  Burghley,  40,  42 
Cedar  Grove,  N.  J.,  363 
Celebration,     announcements    of    the, 
xxvi.,    xxvii.  ;     programs,    etc.,    of, 
xxvii.-xxxi.  ;     arrival     of    delegates, 
xxxiii.  ;     opening    service    at  Grace 
Church,  xxxiii.  ;  poem  and  papers  on 
first  day's  session,  xxxvii.  ;  papers  on 
second   day's    session,   xxxix.  ;    con- 
cluding Banquet,  xl.-liii.  ;  who  sug- 
gested and  made  a  success  of,  389 


Index 


43S 


Celebration  Committee,  xii.-xvii.,  xxi., 
xxiii.,  xxv.,  xxxii,  ;  Mrs.  James  M.' 
Lawton,  secretary  of,  xvii.  ;  ordered 
a  commemorative  volume,  xxi. 

Cemeteries  denied  to  Huguenots,  165 

Chabran  and  wife,  312 

Chabran,  Estienne,  and  wife,  289 

Chabran,  Ettienne,  296 

Chadaine.  347 

Chaince,  in  Poitou,  France,  221 

Chalaine  and  five  children,  312 

Chalais.  in  Saintonge,  France,  222 

Chalanier,  wife,  and  child,  312 

Chamberlain,  29 

Chamberlayne,     Abraham,     Huguenot 
merchant,    contributed    liberally     to 
Hudson's  expedition,  354 
Chambers,  362 

Chambon,  Gedeon,  wife,  and  child,  324 
Chambor  and  wife,  312 
Chamboux,  Jedron,  and  wife,  284 
*'  Chambre  ardente,"  413 
Champagne.   220 
Champain,  James,  245 
Champaine,  James,  271 
Chanabas,  Isaac,  and  his  son,  284 
Chaperon,  Jean,  304 
Chapj)uis,  H.  T.,  216 
Chart'itie,  Leon  Auguste,  and  wife,  303 
Charenton,    5   m.    southeast   of   Paris 

126,  413 

Charier,  Charles,  304 

Charles  II..  conmation  robes  of,  made 
from  Virginia  silk,  242 

Charles   V.,  asked  Clement   Marot  to 
ver.sify  the  iiSth  Psalm,  his  favorite 
420  ' 

CharlesIX     18.  21,25,  138,  142,  143 
Charles,  John  Philip,  422 

Charleston,  S.  C,  219,  220,  222,   223 
323  •5' 

Charlotte  of  France,  418 

Charlotte  Amelia,  Queen  of  Denmark 
ai'pointed     Menard     Pastor    of    the 
l-rench  Church  at  Copenhagen,   183 

<-narpentier,  357  *>     '       j 

Charpentier,  flrran9ois,  and  wife,  304 
Chartres.  15S  ^  ^ 

Chastaigniers,  Alexandre,  222 
thastaigniers,  Henri,  222 
Cnastain,  3r2 

Chastain.  Estienne,  284.  320 
Uastain,  Estienne.  and  wife,  324 

Chastain,  Jean,  and  wife,  324 
Chastain,  Pierre,  322 

2^^"'  ^'^"^'  ^'^^^'  ^""^  ^^^  children, 

Chastain.  Pierre,  wife,  and  six  children, 

324  ' 

Chastatain,  Quintin,  284 

^hatanier,  Pierre,  wife,  and  father,  284 


Chateaudun,   26  m.  south-southwest  of 
Chartres,  220 

Chatelas,  in  Saintonge,  France,  222 

Chatelleraud,  in  Poitou,  France,  221 

Chatellerault.  assembly  of,  33,  162 

Chatillon,  Duke  of,  25 

Chauvin,  Bonaventure,  272 

Cheilon,  363  ;  purchased  with  la  Rue 
part  of  Tusculum  from  Mrs.  Wither- 
spoon,  364  ;  later  removed  to  Elizabeth 
Town,  there  taught  French,  had  as  in- 
timate friend  Gen.Winfield  Scott,  364 

Cheneau,  Estienne,  and  wife,  304 

Chengny.  Claude,  220 

Cherry  Hill  Station,  N.  J.    357 

Cherry  Valley,  N.  J.,  363,' 365 
Chevallier,  368 

Chevas,  and  two  children,  305 
Chevas,  Jean,  and  wife,  284 
Chevreaux,  in  Poitou,  France,  221 
Chinandan,  wife,  and  two  children,  312 
Chinon,    25    m.    southwest    of    Tours 

trance,  339 
Churchland  pear,  origin  of  name,  351 
Cincinnati  Society,  through  its  represen- 
tative, welcomed  at  the  Banquet.  393 
Clapie,  Francis,  290 
Clapier,  312 
Clark,  John,  345 

Clarkson,    Banyer,     acts    as    escort    at 

Banquet,  xliii.;  on  Banquet  list,  xliv. 

Clarkson,  Mrs.  E.  L.  de  P.,  on  the  Ban- 

quet  list,  xliv. 
Claude,  Jean,  in  his  Plaintes,  tried  to 
prove  that  the   Edict  of  Nantes  was 
fundamental    law.    153;    referred  to 
234 
Claude,  Phillippe,  289 
Clearwater,  Judge  A.  T.,  on  program, 
xxix.,    XXX.;    on  Banquet  list,  xliv  • 
vice-president  for  New  Paltz,  xlv. ;  on 
Committee  on  Papers,  xNi 
Clement  VIIL,  Pope,  27-29,'  168,  170- 
sorrow  of,  over  the  Edict  of  Nantes' 
35,  400  (not  Clement  VII  )  * 

C^er,  347 

Clere,  Franfois,  284 

Clovis,  163 

Cochet,  Andre,  284 

Cocke,  James,  300 

Cocks,  425 

Coelembier,  Jan,  206  (not  Coclenbier) 

Cohgni  Street,  New  Rochelle,  N.  Y.   344 

Cohgny,  Admiral,  Gaspardde,  138; '159; 
405,  407  ;  attempt  to  settle  Hugue-' 
nots  m  the  New  World,  229,  353 

Coligny,  de  Gorgue,  223 

Coligny,  Louise  de.  Princess  of  Oranee 
18,  42  ^  * 

Coligny,  the  brothers,  referred  to,  234 
Colineau,  Mathieu,  223 


1  I 

i 

I 


'I' 


I 


434 


Index 


Collect  Pond,  Manhattan  Island,  rally- 
ing place  of  out-of-town  Huguenots 
on  Sunday,  356 

Collection  des  proch  verbaux  des  assem- 
bUes  ge'n^rales  du  clerge  de  France^ 
(i 560-1 775), Paris,  1767-1778,  8  vols., 
quoted,  163 

Collegiate  (Dutch)  Church,  N.  Y.  City, 

403 
Collie,  Henry,  wife,  and  child,  304 

Columbus,  referred  to,  229 

Combelle,  Jean,  289 

Compi^gne,  45  m.  northeast  of  Paris, 

47,  163 

Comte,  Pierre,  284 

Conde,  Prince  of,  25 

Condes,  the,  referred  to,  234 

Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  bays  and 
rivers  explored  by  Adrien  Block,  354 

Concourt,  in  Artois,  France,  220 

Consistories,  declared  incompetent  to 
accept  legacies,  130  sq.;  decree  of 
council  relative  to,  130  ;  Parliament 
of  Pau  on,  131 

Constantin,  Jean,  284 

Constantine,  the  Emperor,  57,  163 

Constantine,  Tho.,  312 

Conversion  to  the  Protestant  faith  for- 
bidden, 113 

Cooper,  357 

Corbelose,  Jacque,  296 

Corbell,  Jacques,  289 

Corbet,  312 

Cordeliers  (monks),  38,  41,  42,  48-50 

Cordes,  Antoine,  219 

Corine,  312 

Cornbury,  Edward  Hyde,  Lord,  gover- 
nor of  New  York  and  New  Jersey, 

359 
Corneau,   Henry,  304 

Cornu,  Pierre,  284 

Corotuck,  Va.,  278 

Cosse-Brissac,  the   governor   of    Paris, 

bribed  by  Henry,  29 
Cothonneau,    Jeremie,    with   wife   and 

child,  222 
Coton,  36 
Cottin,  Pierre,  222 
Couillandeau,  F^ierre,  and  his  daughter, 

Susanne,  wife  of  Isaac  Dubosc,  222 
Coullard,  Augustin,  289 
Coullard,  Jean,  289 
Coullon  and  wife,  305 
Coupet,  Fran9oise,  284 
Cousin,    of    Dieppe,    alleged    to    have 

landed  in  America  in  1488,  229 
Coustillat,  Paul,  304 
Coutant.  344 
Coutant,  Andrew,  342 
Coutant,  Isaac,  342 
Coutant,  Jean,  344 


Coutant,  married  James  P.  Huntington 
of  pear  fame,  351 

Covin,  Lazarus,  223 

Cowdin.  Mrs.,  on  Banquet  list,  xliv. 

Coxe,  Daniel,  M.  D.,  former  physician 
to  Queen  Anne,  advocated  site  in 
Norfolk  County,  Va.,  for  Huguenots, 
254,  276-280  ;  had  much  land  in  Va. 
and  Carolina,  271  ;  made  contract  to 
sell  to  Huguenots  land  in  Carolina,  271  • 
and  later  in  Norfolk  Co.,  Va.,'272 

274, 275 
Craven  Co.,  S.  C,  322 
Cripplegate,  London,  181,  183 
Croatan    Indians  adopt  Huguenots,  353 
Crommelin,  H.  van  VVickevoort,  216 
Cuddeback,  362,  363 
Cuddeback.     See  Caudebec. 
Cumery,  Ouly,  304 
Cupper,  Pierre,  284 
Curien,  Elizabet,  304 
Cury,  Abraham,  304 
Cutting,  Robert   F.,  on  the  Committee 

on  Arrangements,  xlvi. 


D 


Dabney,  327 

Dabney,  Cornelius,  256 

Dabney,  Sarah,  256 

Daillie,  Rev.  Pierre,  occasionally  served 
French  congregation  on  the  Ilacken- 
sack,  removed  to  Boston,  360 

Dais,  346 

d'Albret,  Jeanne,  referred  to,  158,  159, 
172,  233 

D'allizon,  Tho.,  and  wife,  324 

D'Anseme,  in  Picardie,  France,  220 

Darien,  expedition  to,  alluded  to,  279 

d'Arande,  Michel,  almoner  of  Margue- 
rite d'Angouleme,  416  ;  protected  by 
her,  418 

Darlington,  Charles  F.,  one  of  the 
stewards,  xxxii.,  xlvi.  ;  contributor 
to  purchase  of  flags,  xxxii.  ;  acts  as 
escort  at  Banquet,  xliii.  ;  on  Ban- 
quet list,  xliv. 

Darlington,  Rev.  James  H.,  on  Ban- 
quet list,  xliv. 

Dashaise,  David,  259 

d'Aubigne,  Cornelius  (called  de  Bony. 
Dabney),  received  grants  of  land  in 
Virginia,  256 

d'Aubigne,  Sarah  (called  Dabney),  re- 
ceived grant  of  land  in  Virginia. 
256 

D'Aubigne,  Theodore  Agrippa,  the 
Huguenot  historian.  Memoires  char- 
acterized, 19;  referred  to,  26,  233; 
Lhistoire  universelle,  quoted,  330 

Daulegre,  296 


Index 


435 


Dauphin,  Jean,  303 
Dauphiny,  219,  365 
David,  Pierre,  and  wife,  324 
Davis,  George    T.,  delegate    from    the 
Huguenot  Society  of  New  Rochelle, 
on  program,  xxix.,  xxx.,   xxxix.  ;   at 
Banquet,  xliii.,  xlvii.;  342  ;  paper  on 
*'  Huguenots    and    New    Rochelle  " 
340-352 
De  Bandy,  256 
Debane,  Joseph,  341 
De  Bar,  John,  256 
De  Baum,  William,  256 
De  Baun,  362 

de  Bellievre,  22,  23,  38,  40.  47 
<le  Berquin,  Louis,  Huguenot  martyr, 
imprisoned  for  faith's  sake  in  Paris,' 
417;  protected  by  Marguerite  d'An- 
gouleme, 418;  but  executed  during 
her  absence  from  Paris,  419 
De  Berry,  256 

de  Beze,  Theodore,  unable  to  procure 
portraits  of  French  martyrs,  416  •   a 
typical    gilded   youth,    419    {see   a/so 
Be/.a) 
de  Blagny,  Jacob,  422 
Deblez,  347 

De   Bonald,    Louis  Gabriel   Ambroise, 
/  /ic'one  du  potivoir  politique  et  re'li- 
gtftix  dans  la  soci^U  civile,  dMontr/e 
par  le  raisonnement  et  par  Phistoire 
Pans,  1843,  3  vols.,  quoted,  18 
De  Bonrepos,  346 
de   Bonrepos,    Rev.    Benjamin,    D  D 

344,348 
de  Bonrepos,  Elei,  349 
de   Bonrepos    House,    New    Rochelle 

343 
de  Bony,  Cornelius,  256 
deBooy,  C.-J.  G.,  206 
de  Bourbon,  Cardinal,  27 
de  Bourdeaux,  Jacques,  219 
Uebron,  Estienne,  304 

de    Bade,    Guillaume,    French    Greek 

scholar,  414 
de  Caumont,  22 
de  Chambre,  Abraham,  362 
de  Lhien,  Bougre,  321 
Decker,  356 

Ue  Clapie,    Franfois,    wife,    and    two 

cnildren,  324 
f  Cluzet,  Rene  de  la  Combe,  422 
detohgny.     ^"^^  Coligny. 
ae  Lohnes.  Simon,  step-father  of  Robert 

tstienne,  416 
de  Corne,  Isaac,  205 
de  Come,  Pierre  de,  285 

nTr^U^r  ^^foche-Heron.  Henri, 

iZ  '^•'^^^  ^^"''^^  '■«  ^^e    United 

hiJaU  ^  -r^^^^  ""^  '^^   ecclesiastical 
History.     Translated  and  enlarged  by 


John  Gilmary  Shea,  New  York   i8q6 
cited,  364  ' 

de  Coux  (or  Cow),  Isaac,  emigrated 
from  France  to  New  Jersey,  held  of- 
nces  there,  366 

de  Coux,  Marie,  366 

de  Cow,  Sarah  Ely  Isaac,  widow  of 
Isaac  de  Coux,  special  act  of  New 
Jersey  Council  in  her  favor,  366 

de  Crespigny,  Peter  Champion.  422 

pSr^P'^?7'    ^'hi^PPe,    assistant    to 
i^hihppe  Menard,  191 

de  Fayauge,  R.  H.  Th.  D.,  216 

de  Felice,  Paul,  delegate  from  French 
Huguenot  Society,  xxii.,  xlvii.  ;  on  the 
program,  paper  translated  and  read 
in  his  absence  by  Mr.  Du  Fais,  who 
also  represented  him  at  Banquet 
xxviii.,  XXIX.,  xxxvii.,  xlvii.;  prevented 
from  coming,   Iviii.  ;  paper,  105-134 

de  Fleury,  Charles,  166  ^ 

de  Gaillardy,  Lewis,  422 

de  Gatigny,  Jacques,  founder  of  the 
Jrench  Protestant  Hospital  of  Lon- 
don, 178  :  sketch  of  life  and  philan- 
thropic plans,  180-184,  192 

De    Gourges,  of    Dieppe,  avenged   the 
slaughter  of   Huguenots  in   Florida 
230  ' 

d'Hervart,  le    Baron   Philibert,  second 
governor  of    the    French    Protestant 
Hospital  of  London,  190 
de  Hay,  Isaac,  304 
De  Hull,  Cornelius,  256 
de  Joyeuse,  Cardinal,  22,  35 
De  Joux,    head   of    second    Huguenot 
party,  arrives,  289  ;  goes  to  and  be- 
comes head  of  Manakin  Town    290  • 
through  opposition  of  first  comers  un-' 
der  de  la  Muce  takes  new  land  for  his 
party,  291  ;  complained  of  by  Muce 
and  Sailly,  291,  292  ;  complaints  and 
demands  of  the  De  Joux  party    293- 
297  ;  result  of  the  latter,  297  ;  death 
ot  De  Joux,  297  ;  inventory  of  estate 
ot,  298-300,  302  ;  hastened  prepara- 
tion for  the  winter,  310;  checkedlistto 
receive  Indian  meal,  312  ;    had  with 
iJe    Richebourg   management   of    its 
distribution,  313  ;  was  excluded  with 
his  party  from  the  rest   at  Manakin 
lown,  313  ;  special  qualifications  as 
ruler,  316  ;  circumstances  of  his  ban- 
ishment from  France,  316,  317;  his 
wife,   Magdalene,  316  ;  his  children, 
Oliver  and  Mary,  316 
de  la  Chambre,  Jacques,  205 
de  la  Court  Vicouse,  Guy,  422 
de  la  Duguie,  Antoine,  167 
de  la  Fontaine,  Jean,  224 
de  la  Grange,  166 


t| 


il 


H 


if 


436 


Index 


Index 


de  la  Howe,  Dr.  John,  220 
de  la  Marque,  Pierre,  202,  203 
Delamarre,  Noel,  wife,  and  daughter, 

289 
de  la  Mezang^re,  iig 
de  la  Muce-Ponthus,  Bonaventure  Chau- 

vin,  seigneur,  272 
de  la  Muce-Ponthus,  Cesar,  273 
de  la   Muce-Ponthus,   David,    Marquis, 

273 

de  la  Muce-Ponthus,  Oliver,  Marquis, 
leader  of  1 1  uguenot  E^migration  to  Nor- 
folk County,  Va.,  231,  268,  271,  287; 
his  life  and  ancestry,  272-274  ;  l)lamed 
for  change  of  his  colony  to  Manakin 
Town,  276  ;  returned  to  London, 
276  ;  arrival  in  Virginia,  2B3  ;  poor 
business  man,  285,  286  ;  superseded 
by  De  Joux,  290;  troubles  with  De 
Joux,  291-297  ;  left  Virginia,  297, 
307  ;  last  official  order,  313,  322 

de  la  Muce-Ponthus,  Urseline,  widow 
of  Cesar.   273 

de  la  Musse.  Bonaventure,  272 

Delancy,  Etienne,  fellow-refugee  to 
Helie  Boudinot,  369 

de  Lande,  Albert,  422 

De  la  Mundayes,  256 

De  la  Nome,  Gozen,  256 

De  la  Noue,  Francois,  20,  234,  272 

de  la  Noue,  Odet,  108 

de  la  Plaine,  Fleury,  221 

de  la  Sabliere,  Nicholas,  422 

De  Launay,  312 

de  Launay,  ffrancois,  and  child,  289 

Delaunay,  Pierre,  324 

Delavan,  356 

de  la  Vcrune,  120 

De  la  Warr,  Thomas  West,  third  lord, 
captain-general,  and  governor  of  Vir- 
ginia, brings  the  first  French  emi- 
grants into  Virginia,  236  ;  anchored 
at  Hampton,  set  a  Frenchman  to 
plant  grape-vines  to  make  wine,  236  ; 
landed  at  Jamestown  and  re-estab- 
lished the  colony,  237 

Delhapiel,  flfran9ois,  296 

de  I'Hopital,  Michel,  counsels  patience, 

137.  159 
de  Ligne,  Count,  made  a  prince  of  the 

Netherlands,  50 
Delinet,  Jacques,  304 
De  Logny.  312 

Delome,  Pierre,  and  wife,  283 
de  Longemare,  Nicholas,  with  his  wife, 

221 
de  Lorme,  Marie,  220 
Delpus,  ffrancis,  304 
de  Luxembourg,  Connetable  Fran9ois. 

S<e  Piney,  Duke  of. 
Demarest,  374 


437 


Demarest,    David,    member    House  of 
Representatives,  362 

Demarest,  Rev.  Prof.  David  D..  D.L) 
LL.D.,  on   Banquet  list,  xliv.  ;  vicel 
president  for  New  Jersey,  xlv. ;   Tfig 
Huguenots  on  the  Hackensack,'  1^^^ 
Brunswick,  N.  J.,  1886,  quoted   3:- 
359.  361  ■    •' 

Demarest,  John,  entertained  the  Duke 
of  York,  362 

Demarest  farm,  place  where  Andre's 
body  was  buried,  362 

de  Medicis,  Catherine,  17,  142  ;  quoted 
232  jy..  418 

de  Medicis,  Mary,  17 

de  Melvis.  Jean  Genge,  289 

de  Modene,  166 

Demeon,  Pierre,  222 

Demonet,  Eugene  M.,  on  Ban<iuei  list, 
xliv. 

de  Monlbeton,  David  de  iaumont, 
Baron,  Huguenot  galley-slave,  333 

de  Montmorency,  Mary,  50 

De  Monts,  of  Pons  in  Saintonge, 
founder  of  French  colony  in  AcacHa, 
230,  243 

de  Momay,  Philippe,  referred  to.  234 

De  Mott,  362 

De  Munn,  362 

Deneille,  Thomas,  303 

Denise.  Isaac,  205 

de  Parthenay,  Catherine,  ViconUe.v«.e  de 
Rohan,  referred  to,  253 

Depew,  Hon.  Chauncey  Mitchell,  at 
Banquet,  xlii.;  spoke  to  toast,  l.,hii.; 
welcomed  by  Mr.  de  Peyster  at  Ban- 
quet, 393 

De  I'eyster,  Ashton,  acts  as  escort  at 
Banquet,  xliii. 

de  Peyster,  Frederic  J.,  appointed  chair- 
man Committee  on  Arrangements, 
xii.  ;  gave  its  plans,  xii.,  xiii.  ;  men- 
tioned, xiv.,  xvi,  xxi.,  xxii..  xxri.. 
xxvii,  Ivii.;  contributor  to  purchase  of 
flags,  xxxi.  ;  to  preside  at  Banquet, 
xxxii. ;  at  Grace  Church  service,  xxxiii. ; 
at  Mr.  Marquand's  reception,  xxxv. ; 
elected  president  of  the  Society,  xxxix. ; 
chairman  Committee  on  Arrange- 
ments, xii. ,  xlvi. ;  acts  as  escort  at  Ban- 
quet, xlii. ;  represented  Society  of  Co- 
lonial Wars,  xliii. ;  xlviii.;  on  Banquet 
list,  xliii.  ;  vice-president  for  New 
York,  xlv.  ;  presided  at  Banquet.  Hi.; 
speech  at  Banquet,  3S7-394 :  \vel- 
comed  delegates,  French,  390;  Lon- 
don, 391  ;  Waldensian.  392  ;  founder 
of  the  Society,  392  ;  Colonel  Maury. 
392  ;  representatives  of  sister  Hugue- 
not Societies  of  New  Rochelle  and 
South  Carolina,  392  ;   of  sister  socie- 


de  Peyster  —  Continued 
ties,  St.  Nicholas,  392  ;  St.  Andrews 
392 ;    Cincinnati,    393  ;    St.  George! 
393;    New  England,   393;    Luther, 
393  ;  welcomed  the  speakers,  393 
de    Peyster,    Mrs.     Frederic    J.,    gave 

luncheon,  xxxvi. 
De  Peyster.  Henry  M.,  appointed  to  act 
as  escort  to  Bishop  Potter  at  Banquet, 
xliii. 
de  I'ontereau,  Frances,  422 
de  Portes.  of  Besiers,  130 
Deppe,  Pierre,  325 
de  Pre,  Richard,  309 
Depue,  374 

de  Raniberge,  Antoine,  296 
de  Rambouillet,    Bishop  Claude  d'An- 
gennes,  demand  of,  of  Henry  IV.,  163 
de  Revedoux,  Bruneau,  222 
de  Richbourg  (same  as  De  Richebourg 
below),  Rev.    Claude   Philippe,   220' 
245,  271,  283 
de    Richbourg,     Rev.    Isaac    Porcher, 

with  his  wife,  220 
de  Richebourg,  Comtes,  322 
de  Richebourg,  Isaac  Porcher,  M.  D., 
from   Province  of    Berri,    relative  of 
Claude  Philipe  de,  in  South  Carolina 
Huguenot  Colony,  322 
De  Richebourg,  Rev.  Claude  Philippe 
mmister  of  the  first  body  of  Hugue- 
not  settlers,   Va.,    is   on  the   list    to 
receive     Indian      meal,     312      31'- • 
shared    with    De   Joux 'the   manage^ 
ment    of     the     distribution     of     the 
meal,  313  ;  receives  money  from  De 
'^ailly.  313  ;  succeeds  De  Joux,  317  ; 
<lifferent    disposition,    317;     trouble 
with  Abraham  Salle,  318  ;  his  petition 
to  the  Governor,  318-320;    went  to 
Jamestown,  S.C,  with  many  of  his 
congregation    322  ;    death.   322  ;  has 
legacy  left  him,  322  ;    anecdotes  of 
323 

"^"n ''^^,?u.^?'  ^^^'^^P^'  ^^^"^e  as  Rev. 

Claude  Philippe)  and  wife,    312 
de  Rij,  Jean,  35S  "^ 

de  Rohan,  Vicomte  Renee,  referred  to 

234.  253 
de  Rommel,  26,  35 
de  Rossieres.  John,  422 
de  Rosny,  23 

de  Rousseau,  Theodore,  2S9 
deRousserie,  Fran9ois.  219 

rte't;,"^''''"^"^'''"^"^^' 

de  Sadly,  Sieur  Charies,  joint-leader  of 

'luguenot  emigration  to  Norfolk  Co., 

trin.L  '^P.^"'  changed,  and  party 
transferred  to  up  the  James  River. 
-'4'  2;5  ;  shares  with  de  la  Muce  the 


mistakes  and  troubles  of  Manakin 
lown,  283  sqq.\  efforts  at  govern- 
ment  and  trouble  with  De  Joux  and 
his  party,  291  ;  returned  to  England 
297  ;  work  at  Manakin  Town  309  • 
pays  money  to  De  Richebourt:  \i'\    ' 

de  Ste.  Colome,  Henry,  422 

de     Sainte     Croix,     Cardinal,    quoted 
232  * 

de    St.     Hipolite,     David    Montolieu 
422 

de  St.   Julien,   Pierre,  will  of,   quoted 
322  ^ 

deSt.  Julien,  Pierre,  with  family.  221 
de  Sance,    Baron,    led   first    Huguenot 
Colony  m  Virginia,    253  ;  which  was 
unsuccessful  and  scattered.  2<:,a    2«;<; 
256  ^^'  ^^' 

de  Sangle,  Barbe,  166 

de  Saussure,  Antoine,  220 

de  Saussure,  Henri,  220 

de  Savoie,  Louise,  mother  of  Marguerite 

d  Angouleme,  had    the  Bible  read    to 

her,  416 

de  Schickler,  Baron  Fernand,  President 
of  the  Societe  de  I'Histoire  du  Protes- 
tantisme    Fran9ais,    prevented    from 
coming  to  the  Celebration,  Iviii. 
des  Caudain  (not  Candain),  205 
des  Clouseaux,  Lewis,  422 
Des   Clousseaux,    Louis,   first  treasurer 
of  the  French  Protestant  Hospital  of 
London,  189 
Desert,  The,  223 
Des  Fontaine  and  wife,  312 
Desfontaine,  Louis,  and  wife   290 
de  Siller)',  22,  23,  38 
des  Maizeaux,  Pierre,  304 
des  Marest,  David,  led  eariiest  Hugue- 
not Colony   of    importance   in    New 
Jersey      sketch    of,  357-358  ;     b.  at 
Beauchamp,  Picardie,  fled  to  Holland 
removed  to  Mannheim,  emigrated  to 
New  Netheriands,  made  his  home  on 
Staten    Island,   357  ;    elected    to  the 
Provincial    Assembly,     removed     to 
New    Haariem,    left   New  York   for 
New    Jersey   because    lost    lawsuit  • 
purchased    land    in   Tappan   district 
known  as  the  ''French  Grant,"  and 
removed  there,  joined  next  vear  by 
other  countrymen,  358  ;  petitioned  to 
have   grant    resurveyed,  granted    an- 
other patent  of  lands,  on  western  side 
of  Hackensack  River.  359  ;  joined  the 
Reformed   Dutch  Church  of  Bergen 
four  years  later  probably  formed  with 
other   Huguenots   a   French  Church, 
360  ;  later  joined  Hackensack  congre- 
gation, 361  ;  his  son  and  descendants 
361 


438 


Index 


Index 


439 


des  Marest,  David,  jr.,  member  of  the 

New  Jersey  Assembly,  judge  of  the 

Pleas,    and   justice  of   the   Quorum, 

361  ;     visited   by   Rev.    Dr.    H.   M. 

Muhlenberg,  361 

des  Marest,  Jean,  father  of  David,  357 

des  Marest,  Jean,  son  of  David,  359 

des  Marest,  John,  lieutenant  of  militia, 

361 
des  Marest.  Samuel,  large  landowner,36i 
de  Soubise,    Benjamin  de  Rohan,   Sei- 

^  gneur,  referred  to,  234,  253,  254 
d'Espinny.     See  Lamnal. 
Des  Rousseau,  312 
de  Tartre,  310 
de  Thou,  Auguste,  146 
de  Valions,  Melkier,  304 
de  Varambon,  Marquis,  48,  49 
de  Vaux,  James,  422 
De  Veau,  344 
De  Veau,  Abel,  342 
De  Veau,  F^ijah,  342 
De  Veau,  C.eorge  H.,  342 
De  Veau,  R.  \V.,  342 
De  Veau,  House,  343 
de  Veaux,  Nikolas,  35S,  359 
de  Veronne,  Jean,  202,  203 
de  Villedeuil,  J.  Ch.,  article  in  ''Liber- 
//^r,"    French   newspaper,  of  Jan.  23, 
1898,  alluded  to,  156 
de  Virly,  fohn  le  Clerc,  422 
De  Voe,  358 
Devotion,    Miss  Harriet,  subscriber  to 

Celebration  Fund,  Ixiii. 
Devotion,  Miss  Sarah,  on  Banquet  list, 
xliii. ;  subscriber  to  Celebration  Fund, 
Ixii. 
Deyos,  Richard,  220 
De  Young,  256 

d'Harriette,      Mnie.     Suzanne     Papin, 
widow  of   Benjamin,  married    Helie 
Boudinot,  369 
di  Cesnola,  Gen.  Luigi  Palma,  received 

for  Mr.  Marquand,  xxxv, 
Dieu,  Daniel  Maison,  289 
Dieppe,  221 
Dinner  Committee,  xv. 
Dinner  on  April  28,  1S97,  xvi. 
Dinner  on  April  14,  1898,  see  also  Ban- 
quet,    Celebration,     invitation    lists 
of  guests,  menu,  toasts,  xl.-liii. 
Discipline  of  the  Reformed  Church  of 

France,  quoted,  116,  125 
Disosway,  356 

Documents  reiatins:  to  the  Colonial  His- 
tory of  New  Jersey,  quoted,  359, 
365,  366 
Dodge.  William  E.,  received  for  Mr. 
Marquand,  xxxv.;  at  Banquet,  xlii. ; 
speaks  at  Banquet,  1..  liii.;  welcomed 
by  Mr.  De  Peyster  at  Banquet,  393 


Doffegnies,  F.  H.,  216 

Doffegnies,  F.  H.  H.,  216 

Dominick,  Bayard,  one  of  the  stewards 
xxxii.,  xlvi.;  contributor  to  purchase 
of  flags,  xxxii. ;  acts  as  escort  at  Ban- 
quet, xliii, 

Dominick,  H.  Blanchard,  on  Banquet 
list,  xhv.;  subscriber  to  Celebration 
Fund,  Ixii. 

d'Orleans,  Father,  36 

Dort.  405 

Dory,  Ch.  M.,  secretary  of  the  Walloon 

Society,  Ixi. 
d'Ossat,  Arnaud,  Cardinal  Leltns  de 
nilustrissme  et  reverendissime  Car. 
dinal  (V  Ossat  au  roy  Henry  le  Grand 
et  i\  Monsieur  de  Villeroy  dtfuis  P 
annee  i^g4  h  Fannie  1604.  Paris 
1627,  quoted,  35,  163,  168-171 
Douay,  50 

Dousseau,  Daniel,  304 
Dovoor,  358 

Dreux,  battle  of,  alluded  to,  233 
Dreyfus,  155 

Drion,    Charles, ///j-/<7riV  rhrvHiur^i.jue 
de     r/glise     protestante    de    Frame 
jusqiia     la    revocation    de  V  edit  de 
Nantes.     Paris,  1855,  2  vols.,  quoted, 
116,  123,  124,  127 
du  Bois.  Rev.  (laultier,  minister  of  Re- 
formed  Dutch  Church  of  Bergen.  N. 
J.,  360 
du  Bois,  William  A.,  subscriber  to  Cele- 
bration Fund,  Ixii. 
Dubosc,  Isaac,  221,  222 
du  Bosc,  Jacques,  219 
Dubroq,  Jean,  303 
Duchemin,  Daniel,  and  wife,  304 
Ducre,  Nicholas,  and  wife,  304 
du  Crocg,  211 
du  Crow,   Jacque,   wife  and   daughter, 

289 
du  Desert,  Peter  James.  422 
Du  Fais.  F.  P\,  translated  and  read  M. 
de     Felice's     paper,     xxviii..    xxix., 
xxxvii.;    acts   as   escort   at   Banquet, 
xliii.;  represents  M.  de  Felice,  xJvii.; 
date  of  death,  xxxvii. 
du  Four,  Paul,  422 
Dugue,  Pierre,  220 
Duloy,  312 
du  Loy,  Pierre,  284 
Dumas,  Jerome,  2S4 
Duncan,  Ester,  304 
Duperron,  20 

Du  Plessis,  Francois,  first  minister  and 
chaplain   of    the    French    Protestant 
Hospital  of  London.  189 
Duplessis-Mornay,    Philippe.    Memoirs 

of,  characterized,  19.  26,  143,  146 
Du  Pont,  with  Villegagnon,  229 


Dupre,  Jean,  wife,  and  child,  324 

Dupuy,  231,  304,  327 

Dupuy,  Barthelemy,  wife,  and  five  chil- 
dren, 324 

Dupuy,  Charles  M. ,  at  the  Grace  Church 
service,  xxxiii.;  at  Mr.  Marquand's  re- 
ception, xxxv.;  on  Banquet  list,  xliii.; 
late  Vice-President  for  Pennsylvania, 
xlv. ;  gave  afternoon  tea,  Ivi. 

Du  Buy,  312 

Du  Puy,  Fran9ois,  wife,  and  child,  324 

Du  Puy,  Herbert,  on  Banquet  list, 
xliv. 

Du  Puy,  Herbert  M.,  acts  as  escort  at 
Bancjuet,    xliii. 

du  I'yn,  Loys,  284 

DuQuesne,Abraham,French  naval  hero, 
referred  to,  234 

du  Quesnoy,  Jean,  203 

Durand,  231,  313,  327 

Durand,  and  wife,  312 

Durand,  Andries,  203 

Durand,  Marie,  Huguenot  martyr,  333 

Durand,  Richard,  256 

Durant,  256 

Duries,  358 

Duries,  John,  359 

du  Rij,  John,  359 

Duronsau,  Theodore,  296 

Durouzeaux,  Daniel,  and  family,  222 

Dutaitre,  Louis,  322 

Dutarque,  Louis,  220 

du  Tartre,  Fran9ois,  284 

Dutatre.  Pierre,  220 

Dutch  Church,  New  York  City,  403 

Dutch    decline     Albert's    offered    two 

months'  truce,  47 
Dutch,  first  hosts  of  the  French  Hugue- 

nots,  later  comers  their  guests,  404 
Dutoit,   Pre,   wife,  and   two  children, 

324 
Duval,  Daniel,  304 
Duvivier,  Philippe,  284 
du  Vour,  Daniel,  358 


Eabuyt,  La  Barr,  296 

Earle,  Gen.  Ferdinand  P.,  on  Banquet 
iist,  xliv.  ^ 

Edict,  Chambers  of,  made  bi-partisan, 
later  suppressed,  108,  145 

Edwards,  William,  288 

Egamac,  Jean,  304 

Elizabeth  sends  4000  men  to  Henry  of 
iNavarre,  19  ;  annoyed  about  impend- 
ing treaty  of  Vervins,  22;  147 

pr'"?;;ft-^°^*^^'  ^"  Banquet  list,  xliv. 
^ly.  William,  Vice-President  for  Nar- 
ragansett,  xlv. 


Emerson,  Ralph  Waldo,  quoted,  394 
England,  22,   158,   159,  219,  220,  222. 

223 
Enschede,  A.  J.,  206 
Enschede,  Ch.,  216 
Enschede,  Johan,  211 
Enschede,  J.  W..  216 
Epes,  Captain,  visited  Manakin  Town 

314 
Erasmus,  417 

Erdre,  river,  273 

Espinay,     or    Espinoy,     corrupted    to 

Piney,  22 
Essex  County,  N.  J.,  362 
Estieiine,  Robert,  Huguenot  printer  of 

Paris  and  Geneva,  416  ;  published  a 

Latin  MS.,  corrected  after  the  Greek, 

416 

Eupins,  Pierre  Anthonie,  289 

Evreux,  Bishop  of,  removed  Henry's 
last  difficulties  to  becoming  a  Roman 
Catholic,  28 

Executive  Committee,  authorized  Cele- 
bration, xi.  ;  heard  Mrs.  Lawton's 
Report  as  representative  of  the  So- 
ciety to  enlist  foreign  Huguenot  So- 
cieties in  the  Celebration,  xii.;  names 
of  the  committees,  xlv.,  xlvi. 

Eymet,  in  Dordogne,  223 


Faber,  Reginald  S.,  Honorary  Secretary 
of  the  Huguenot  Society  of  London, 
letter  of,  xvii.,  xviii. 
Faizant,  Jean  Jacque,  304 
FaBing  Creek,  Va.,  308,  311 
Faneuil,  Benjamin,  349 
Faneuil,  Peter,  350 
Fanuielle,  Jean,  322 
Farcy.  312 
Farcy,  Jean,  322 

Farcy,  Jean,  wife,  and  three  children, 
^324 

Farel,  Guillaume,  ardent  Reformer  and 
consequent  exile  from   France.  41  q 
416  ^  ^' 

Farry,  Jean,  284 
Faucher,  Jaques,  290 
Faucher,  Simon,  290 
Faucheraud,    Charles,    with    wife   and 

children,  222 
Faugeres,  in  Languedoc,  219 
Faure,  brother,  and  two  sisters,  312 
Faure,  Daniel,  and  two  chidren,  284 
Faure,    the   widow,  and  four  children. 
285 

Faurr,  Peter,  245,  271 
Fauve,  Jean,  325 
Ferdon,  362 


» 


I 


440 


Index 


Index 


441 


Feret,  Abbe  Pierre,  Henri  IV.  et 
rj^glise  Catholique,  Paris,  1875, 
quoted,  24-27,  29-37  ;  thinks  Henry 
IV.  insincere  in  professing  Catholi- 
cism in  1572,  but  sincere  in  doing  so 
in  1593.  25;  doubts  whether  Henry 
IV.  ever  said  that  F^aris  was  worth  a 
mass,  or  wrote  as  quoted  to  Gabrielle 
d'Estree,  26  ;  apology  for  Henry  IV.'s 
licentiousness,  26,  36  sq.  ;  character- 
izes the  Edict  of  Nantes,  32  ;  on  the 
insubordination  of  the  Reformed,  32 
sij.  ;  defends  Henry  IV.'s  sincerity, 
36.  37 

Ferree,  Samuel  P.,  on  Banquet  list, 
xliii. 

Ferrier,  Pierre,  wife,  and  child,  284 

Feuiliet,  Jacques,  and  wife,  289 

ffaouton,  Jean,  304 

flfasant,  305 

ffaucjueran,  Jean,  and  wife,  304 

ffelsau,  fTran<j:ois,   304 

flerran,  Daniel,  304 

fferre,  Pierre,  wife,  and  child,  304 

flFonnielle,  Jean,  and  wife,  304 

ffradot,  Jaques,  304 

Filhon,  Jean,  and  wife,  324 

Fish,  Nicholas,  representative  of  the 
Cincinnati  at  Banquet,  xliii.,  xlviii. 

Fisher,  William,  in  whose  interest 
Toton  wtnt  to  the  Azores,  257 

Fitzhugh,  Col.  William,  wealthy  law- 
yer and  merchant  of  Bedford,  Va., 
seeks  Huguenot  settlers  for  his  lands, 
260  sq. ;  letter  on  the  subject  to  N  icho- 
las  Hay  ward,  261,  262  ;  date  of  death, 
263  ;  letter  from,  about  his  son's  ed- 
ucation, 264,  265  :  had  Huguenot 
minister  to  tutor  his  son,  335 

Flanders,  363  ;  sent  Malon  to  French 
National  Convention,  364 

Flandreau,  344 

Flandreau,  Charles  B.,  342 

Flandreau,  John,  342 

Flandreau,  I'eter,  342 

Flandreau,  States  B. ,  342 

Flandreau,  Theodore,  342 

Flandreau  House,  New  Rochelle,  343 

Fleix,  113,  118,  127 

Flemnois.  wife,  and  three  children,  312 

Flesche,  Jehan,  one  of  the  Fourteen  of 
Meaux,  385 

Fleurnoir,  Jacob,  wife,  two  sons,  and 
two  daughters,  289 

Fleury,  Elizabet,  284 

Florence,  Cardinal  of,  Papal  Legate, 
38,  40,  43-46 

Floumoy,  327 

Foix,  wife,  and  four  children,  312 

Folembray,  15  m.  west  of  Laon,  France, 
163 


Fonasse,  Jean,  284 

Fontaine,  231 

Fontaine.     See  also  de  la  Fontaine 

Fontaine  family,  222 

Fontaine,  Francis,  rector  of  York 
Hampton  parish,  335  ;  his  son  marries 
Miss  Churchill,  335 

Fontaine,  Jacques  (of  Jenouille),  M^. 
moires  d'une  famille  Iluguenote  vie 
time  de  la  revocation  de  C  ^dit  de 
Nantes.  .  .  .  Avec  une  introduction 
et  des  notes  par  E.  Castel,  Toulouse, 
1877.  For  English  translation,  see 
Huguenots,  A   Tale  of  the. 

Fontaine,  Rev.  James,  226 

Fontaine,  James,  226,  337 

Fontaine,  John,  a  "  Knight  of  the 
Golden  Horseshoe,"  accompanied 
Governor  Spotswood  to  the  Shenan- 
doah V^alley,  335 

Fontaine,  Peter,  friend  and  companion 
of  Col.  Wm.  Byrd,  appointed  chap- 
lain to  Virginia  Commissioners,  and 
rector  of  Westover  parish,  335 

Fontaine,  Roger,  256 

Fontainebleau.  30,  168 

Fonuiele,  Jean,  wife,  and  child,  324 

Fordet,  Isaac,  284 

Forestier,  347 

Forquerand,  Jean,  wife,  and  two  chil- 
dren,  324 

Fosteen,  Mary,  220 

Foster,  Rev.  Daniel  R.,  on  Banquet 
list,  xliv. 

Fouace,  Rev.  Stephen  (or  Steven),  trus- 
tee of  William  and  Mary  College,  259. 
288,  334 

Fouace,  Steven,  256 

Fouchie,  Jean,  284 

Fournet,  Michel,  wife,  and  two  children. 
290 

Fougeraut,  Marie,  222 

Fourcjuerean,  231,  327 

Fourquerean,  Marie,  of  Castel  Moron, 
224 

Fowler,  Attorney-General,  288 

Foy,  Abraham,  296 

France,  30,  38,  219,  220 

Francis  I.,  26,  414,  416.  419-421 

Franciscans,  Cieneral  of  the  {see  ti/so 
Cordeliers),  37,  38,  40,  46 

Franconia,  monastery  in,  received 
Malon,  364 

Frederick,  346 

Frederick,  Peter,  341 

Fredericks,  organ  builder  of  Gouda, 
208 

"  French  Burying  Ground,  '  near  Hack- 
ensack,  N.  J.,  site  of  earliest  im- 
portant Huguenot  colony  in  New- 
Jersey,  357 


French  church  in  Haarlem,  Holland. 
See  Haarlem. 

French  church  at  Kinkachemeck,  west 
of  the  Hackensack,  360 

French  church  in  New  York  City,  403 

French  Huguenots.     See  Huguenots. 

French  Huguenots,  through  their  rep- 
resentative   at     Banquet   welcomed, 

390 
French  language  used  in  afternoon  ser- 
vices in  earliest  church  on  Manhattan 
Island,  356  ;  public  documents  printed 
in  it,  356 
French  New  Testament,  first,  416 
French  Protestant  History  Society,  408; 

BulUtiti  of  {see  Bulletin) 
French  Protestant  Hospital  of  London, 
177  sqq.\  founded  by  will  of  Jacques 
de  Gatigny,  178;   design  carried  out 
by   his   executor,    Philippe    Menard, 
179.  1S3;  land  leased,  183,  185  ;  sub- 
scription for,  opened,  184  ;  funds  lost 
through  speculation,  186-7  ;    cost  of 
buildings,  &c.,  i87;charterof,  187;  first 
directors.  187  J</^.y  dedication  services, 
1S9;    subsequent    history,    190    sqq.; 
decline  in    beneficiaries  and   income 
led  to   changes,    193  ;    buildings   re- 
moved, 194  ;  present  buildings,  195  ; 
beneficiaries,  196  ;  curiosities  in  com- 
mittee  room,    197 ;    quaint  customs, 
197  J^./  charter  of  incorporation  of 
422-425 
French  Revolution,  375 
French  sailors  and  traders,  228  ;  crossed 
to  the  Banks  of  Newfoundland  before 
Columbus  embarked,  229 
Freneau,  Philip,  succeeded  John  Pintard 
as  translating  clerk  for  the  Depart- 
ment  of    State,    367  ;    graduated    at 
Princeton,  early  character,  wrote  "Ris- 
mij   Glory   of   America,"    and    other 
poems  :  prisoner  during  the   Revolu- 
tionary War,  367  ;  appointed  to  office 
by    Thomas  Jefferson,    368  ;    became 
editor  of  The  Nationnl  Gazette ;  un- 
justly accused  Washington  of   mon- 
archic   aspirations,    left     public    for 
commercial  life,  patriotic  verse,  tragic 
death,  368  ^ 

Fresneau,  Andre,  native  of  La  Rochelle, 
emigrated  to  America,  agent  of  Royal 
West  Indian  Co.  of  France,  married 
iMiss  Morin,  367 

Fresneau,   Pierre,   son  of   Andre,   pur- 
chased  farm  in  Monmouth  Co     N  T 
lived  on  it,  367 

Frignac,  223 

^"xHv"'  ^^'"'^"^   "•'  *'''  ^^"q^et  list, 
Fromaget,  Charles,  221 


Front,  Henry  H.,  300 
Fruchard,  Philip,  422 
Frutier,  346 


G.,  E.,  gravestone  to,  345 
Gabrielle  d'Estree,  26 
Gaillard,  Pierre,  222 
Gaillard,  Jean,  and  son,  284 
Gaillard,  Joachim,  wife,  and  two  sons 
219  ' 

Gaillard,  Pierre,  221 

Gaillard,    William    D.,    delegate    from 

South    Carolina    Huguenot   Society, 

xxxvi.;  at  Banquet,  xliii. 
Galerius,  the  Roman  Emperor,  57 
Galland,    J..    Essai   sur    Vhistorie    du 

Protestantisme    (\    Caen   et  en   Basse 

Normandie\  1598- ijgi.    Paris,  1898, 

cited,  166 
Gallaudet,  344 

Gallaudet,  Dr.  E.  M.,  on  Banquet  list, 
xliv. 

Gallaudet,     Rev.     Thomas,    D.D.,    on 

Banquet  list,  xliv. 
Gallaudet   House,   New    Rochelle,   343 
Gallepin,  Jacques,  221 
Galloway,  Henry  de  Massue,    Marquis 

de  Ruvigny,  Earl  of,  422 
Galway,    Lord,    first   governor   of    the 
French  Protestant  Hospital  of  Lon- 
don, 187  sq.,  190,  T97 
Gannard,  ffran^ois,  296 
Gano,   John,  b.  in  N.  J.,  1727;  great- 
grandson   of   the    Huguenot    refugee 
Francois  Gevneaux,  Baptist  minister, 
chaplain  in  Continental  army,  d.  in 
1804  near  Lexington,  Ky.,  372 
Gargean,    Jean    Pierre,  wife,  and  three 

children,  303 
Gamier.  Daniel,  with  wife,  six  children, 

and  sister,  222 
Garretson,  356 
Garriner,  346 

Gary,  Claude,  and  wife,  324 
Gascony,  Castelmoron  in,  ancestral  home 

of  the  Maury  family,  335 
Gaspart,  wife,  and  seven  children,  289 
Gastand,  Elie,  289 
Gates,  Sir  Thomas,  referred  to,  237 
Gatuzieres,  109,  114 
Gaury,  Jean,  wife,  and  child,  284 
Gaury,  sr.,  and  jr.,  309 
Gaury,  wife,  and  child,  312 
Gautie,  Margueritte,  303 
Gee,  Henry,  300 

Gendron,  unexpected  but  much-desired 
return  of,  from  Charlestown  to  James- 
town, S.  C;  poor  singer,  323 
Gendron,  Jean,  222 


I 


442 


Index 


Index 


443 


Gendron,  Philippe,  221,  222 

Gener,  346 

Geneva,  159,  220,  414,  416 

Genin,  Gillaume,  and  wife,  324 

Geoftray,  Louis,  290 

Gergeau,  168 

German    Huguenot    Society  refused  to 

co-operate  in  the  celebration  of  the 

Tercentenary  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes, 

xii. 
Germany,  158-160 
Germon,  in  Poitou,  France,  221 
Gerner,  wife,  and  three  children,  313 
George  I.,  of  England,  chartered  French 

Protestant  Hospital  of  London,  180, 

187,  422 
Gery,  Father,  50 
Gex,   II  m.  north  by  west  of  Geneva, 

115,  116 

Gibert,  223 

Gide,  Ch.,  article  "  Etat  d'ame"  in  Le 
Signal  for  Feb.  8,  1898,  quoted  172, 

Gignillat,  Jean  Fran9ois,  220 

Gigon,  312 

Gigou,  Magdelain,  284 

Gillaum,  303 

Gillett,  Mrs.  C.  M.,  on  Banquet  list, 
xliv. 

Gillett,  William  Kendall,  revised  Eng- 
lish translation  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes, 

52 

Gilliam,  327 

Gilliam,  llensha,  256 

Gioudar,  Anthony,  289 

Girardeau,  Jean,  221 

Girardeau,  Louis,  304 

Girardot,  197 

Giraud,  Daniel.  348,  349 

Giraud,  Richard  Herve,  197 

Giraudan.  Anthoine,  wife,  and  two  chil- 
dren, 324 

Giraut,  Jaques,  303 

Giton,  Judith,  and  wives,  220 

Gladstone,  Wm.  E.,  quoted,  401 

Godriet,  312 

Godwal,  Catharine,  284 

Golden  Acre,  plot  originally  leased  for 
the  French  Protestant  Hospital  of 
London,  183 

Gomar,    Jean,   wife,  and  five  children, 

304 
Gondemay,  Salomon,  and  wife,  304 

Gonfan,   fIran9ois,  wife,  and  daughter, 

304 
Goovaerts,  Alphonse,  State  Archivist  at 

Brussels,  and  his  assistants  thanked 

for  their  help,  38 
Gomer,  Ciaspard,  wife,  and  child,  324 
Gorner,  Jean,  324 
Gorry,  Isaac,  325 
Gorry,  Jean,  325 


Gorry,  the  widow,  325 

Gosfand,  Pierre,  290 

Gourdin,  Louis,  220 

Gourdonnes,  the  two,  312 

(iourgeon,  Gregoire,  349 

Gowry,  and  wife,  312 

Grand,  Gilles  C,  203 

Gregory  XIH.,  399 

Grelet,  Pierre,  284 

Grenoble,  219 

Gross,    Samuel    Eberley,  subscriber  to 

celebration  fund,  Ixiii. 
Guadaloupe,  363 

Guamondet,  Gaspard,  and  wife.  289 
Guepin,  211 
Gueran,  Daniel,  wife,  and  four  children 

304 

Gueraux,  Pierre,  304 

Guerin,  312 

Guerin,  Jean,  322 

Guerin,  Mathurin,  with  son,  222 

Guerrand,  Daniel,  wife,  and  four  chil- 
dren, 324 

Guerrant,  327 

Guerri,   Pierre,  221 

Guerry.  good  singer,  323 

Gueruer,  CJaspar,  wife,  and  three  chil- 
dren, 290 

Guervot,  Guillemme,  wife,  and  son, 
289 

Guevin,  Etienne,  2S4 

Guibal,  Jean,  219 

Guichet,  312 

Guienne,  223 

Guillebeau,  Andre,  223 

Guillebeau,  Pierre,  with  wife,  223 

Guion,  346,  349,  356 

Guion,  Isaac,  342 

Guion,  Louis,  344 

Guion  married  to  William  Lawton  of 
blackberry  fame,  350 

Guion  House,  NewRochelle,  N.  Y.,  343 

Guion    Street,  New    Rochelle.  N'    V.. 

344 
Guise,  Duke  of,  140 
Guizot  considered  Henry  IV.  something 

of  a  hypocrite,  25 
Gullature,  Elie,  297 
Gumaer,  3O3 
Gunston,  261 
Guybert,  Jean,   Huguenot  heretic  and 

martyr,  417 
Guymard,  Peter,  362,  363 


H 


Haag.  Eugene  etEmile,  the  brothers.  Z« 
France  protestante,  Paris,  1848-1859, 
10  vols.,  new  ed.  by  H.  Bordier,  vols. 
i.-vi.,  1877-1889,  quoted.  169 


Haarlem,  Holland,  churches  in  :  the 
Great  Beguinage,  201,  202,  206,  207, 
210,  212-214  ;  the  Great  or  St.  Bavo 
Church.  210-212,  215  :  theBakenesse 
Church,  210-212,  215  ;  the  New  or 
St.  Anna  Church,  210,  212  ;  St. 
John's  Church,  210,  212 

Haarlem,  French  Church  of,  Holland, 
founded,  201  ;  members  of  the  first 
Consistory,  202  ;  first  church  build- 
ing   repaired    by   the    municipality, 

202  ;  first  christening,  202  ;  original 
membership,  202  ;  earliest  persons 
of  means  in  it,   203  ;  official  stamp, 

203  ;  early  discipline  in,  203  sq.  ; 
sexton,  comforter  of  the  sick,  reader, 
and  organist,  204  sq.  ;  chandeliers  of, 
206 ;  alterations  in  the  building, 
206  sqq. ;  organ  of,  208  ;  discus- 
sion as  to  enforced  removal  from 
their  building,  208  sqq.  ;  churches  for 
the  Reformed  in,  210;  regulation  of 
church  property  by  the  municipality, 

211  sqq.;  religious  census  in    1798, 

212  ;  effect  on   French  Church  there, 

213  ;  internal  history  of  the  congre- 
gation of  the  French  church,  214 
sqq.  ;  present  membership  and  offi- 
cers. 216 

Hackensack,   Reformed  Dutch   at,   or- 
ganized, 360  ;  received  on  certificate 
persons  from  the  French  Church,  361 
Hackensack,  Refugees  on  the,  362 
Hackensack,    two  miles   north   of,    on 
Hackensack   River,   site  of  first  im- 
portant Huguenot  colony  in  New  Jer- 
sey, 357 
Hagault,  J.,  296 

Hageman,  J.  F.,  Ni story  of  Princeton, 
Philadelphia,    second   edition,    1879, 
2  vols.,  cited,  365 
Hamilton.    Alexander,    369 ;     son     of 
Scotch  merchant,  bom  on  Island  of 
Nevis,  W.   I.,    1757,  mother  a  Fau- 
cette,  Huguenot,  divorced   from  the 
Dane    Lavine  ;   came  to  America  at 
fifteen,  373  ;    was  for  a    time  in  the 
family  of  EliasBoudinot.  369;  entered 
King's  College,  New  York  City,  ser- 
vices to  the  Federal  Union,  373  ;  es- 
tablished its  financial  reputation,  374  ; 
died  in  New  York  City,  1804  ;  393 
Hamilton,  Mrs.  Gertrude,  on  the  Ban- 
quet list,  xliv. 
Hamilton,  John  C,  Life  0/  Alexander 
Hamilton,  New   York,    1834,    cited, 
369 
Hampton,  Va.,  281,  283 
Harfleur,  3  m.  east-northeast  of  Havre, 

France,  221 
Harris,  Thomas,  300 


Harrison,    Col.    Benjamin,    280,    2S7, 
288  ;    appointed  to  administer  relief 
at  Manakin  Town,  311 
Hartley,   Mrs.   Marcellus,   on    Banquet 
list,  xliii.  ;  subscriber  to  Celebration 
Fund,  Ixii. 
Hawes,  Captain  George,   of  the  Mary 
Ann,  281,  287  ;  ill  treats  his  Hugue- 
not passengers,  286 
Hawkes  [properly  Hawks],    Rev.    Dr. 

Francis  L.,  quoted,  333,  334 
Haws,  George.     See  Hawes. 
Hayer  (Alemande),  Elizabet,  304 
Hayward,  Nicholas,  merchant  of   Lon- 
don,   261  ;     joins    Brent    in    seeking 
Huguenot  settlers  for  his  lands,  261 
"  Head  Rights,"  307 
Heathcote,  Caleb,  348 
Hehns,   Marie  (yanwelle  flamade),  304 
Helfenstein,    J.    Morris,    organist     of 
Grace   Church,    to    have   charge    of 
music  at  Banquet,  xxv. ;  dines  with  the 
seven  choristers  on    April    14,    1898, 
and  presides  over  music  at  Banquet, 
xxxii.,  xl.  ;  choirmaster,  1. 
Helffenstein,    Dr.  A.    E.,  on    Banquet 
list,   xliv.  ;  subscriber  to  Celebration 
Fund,  Ixiii. 
Hendrix,  Antoine,  359 
Hening,  William  Waller,  The  Statutes 
of  Virginia,  i6ig-i'/g2,   Richmond, 
Va.,  1809-1823,  13  vols.,  quoted,  241, 
242,  244-246,  268-272 
Henniar,  Antoine,  203 
Henniar,  Jean,  of  first  board  of  elders 
of  the  Walloon  Church  of  Haarlem, 
Holland,  202,  203 
Henrico    County,    Va.,    record    book, 

quoted,  298-300  ;  324 
Henry  III.,  21,  143,  158,  161,  330 
Henry    IV.,    mentioned,     xviii.,    xx., 
xxiv.,  17-19,  48,   52,  56,  58,  59,  108, 
138,    144,    146-148,    153,    154,    162, 
172,   233,   340,   389,   396,  400,  405  ; 
Recueil  des  le  tires  missives  de,  public 
par  M.  Bergerde  Xivrey,  Paris,  1843- 
1858,  7  vols.,  with  2  supplements  by 
J.  Gradet,  1872-1876,  quoted,  21-24, 
35  ;    Correspondance  in^dite  de,  avec 
Alaurice    le    Savant,     landgrave    de 
Hesse,  par    M.    de    Rommel.    Paris, 
1840,  quoted,  35  ;  renounced  Protes- 
tantism, 20  ;  allowed  expulsion  of  the 
Jesuits,    21,  23  ;    declared   war  with 
Spain,   21  ;    broke  word  with  Eliza- 
beth by  concluding  Treaty  of  Vervins 
without  her  knowledge,   21  ;    issued 
Edict  of  Nantes,  2 1 ;  letters  of.  relative 
to  the  Treaty  of  Vervins,  quoted,  21 
J^^.y  silence  about  the  Edict  of  Nantes, 
in     the     correspondence     of,       22  ; 


1  I 


444 


Index 


Henry  IV. —  Continued 

anxiety  as  to  news  of  the  Treaty,  22  ; 
alluded  to  annoyance  of  Elizabeth 
and  the  Netherlands  at  the  impending 
Treaty,  22,  23  ;  indictment  of  the 
Jesuits,  23  ;  thanked  those  who  par- 
ticipated in  the  Treaty  of  Vervins, 
23 ;  signed  secret  articles  of  the 
Edict  of  Nantes  on  the  day  the 
Treaty  of  Vervins  was  signed,  24  ; 
betrothed  to  Margaret  of  Valois,  es- 
caped massacre  of  St.  Bartholomew's 
Day  by  pretended  conformity  to  the 
Roman  Church,  25  ;  famous  sayings 
of,  discussed,  26;  dissolute  life  of,  pal- 
liated, 26  ;  advised  to  profess  Ro- 
man Catholicism,  27  ;  obstacles  in  the 
way  of  the  profession,  27,  28  ;  con- 
version professed,  28  ;  and  denounced, 
28  ;  anointed  at  Rheims  and  entered 
Paris,  29  ;  re-establishes  the  Catholic 
religion  in  IJcarn,  30 ;  seeks  to  ad- 
vance Catholicism  and  influence 
Rome,  31  sq.;  besieged  Amiens,  33  ; 
ordered  registry  of  the  Edict  of 
Nantes,  34 ;  rebukes  the  Roman 
Catholic  clergy,  34  sq.;  withdrew 
concessions  to  the  Huguenots,  35  ; 
promised  the  Catholics  the  principal 
advantage  from  the  Edict  of  Nantes, 
35  ;  negotiations  relative  to  the  Treaty 
of  Vervins,  37-46  ;  conversion  to  Ro- 
man Catholicism,  15S;  oath  at 
Chartres,  158  ;  famous  saying  quoted, 
158  ;  Declaration,  16  r  ;  believed 
by  many  of  his  fellow  -  Hugue- 
nots inca])al)le  of  abandoning  his 
Huguenot  friends,  162  ;  concessions 
from,  to  the  Roman  Church,  162  sqq.; 
why  anxious  to  avoid  break  with  that 
Church,  163  sq.;  sought  divorce  from 
Margaret  of  Valois,  163  ;  declared  by 
the  l*ope  not  obliged  to  keep  faith 
with  the  Huguenots,  because  the  lat- 
ter were  heretics,  169;  murdered  by 
Ravaillac,  172 

Heraud,  Jean,  222 

Herault,  120 

Herbert,  Madame,  and  four  daughters. 

Heresy  of  holding  that  there  could  be 
more  than  one  way  of  l)elieving  in 
God,  159 

Hern  on,  Jaques,  304 

Heshuysen,  G.,  206 

Hewitt,  Hon.  Abram  S.,  on  Banquet 
list,  xliii. 

Heyward,  Bayard  Clinch,  Vice-Presi- 
dent for  Florida,  xlv. 

Hill,  Abr'm,  269 

Hill,    Mrs.    C.    Albert,    delegate   from 


Huguenot  Society  of  South  Carolina 
xxxii.,  xlviii.  * 

Hillier,  John,  256 

Hillman,    William,    on    Banquet    list 

xliv. 
Hillyer,  356 
Hiuert,  Pierre,  290 
Hochepied,  (not  Hochefried)  [can,  20- 
H  of  art,  42  •        '      3 

Hoffman,  Mrs.  E.  A.,  subscriber  to 
Celebration  Fund,  Ixii. 

Hoffman,  Mrs.  Mary  C,  on  Banquet 
list,  xliv. 

Holbrook,  Mrs.  L.,  contributor  to  pur- 
chase  of  flags,  xxxi. 

Holbrook,  Mrs.  Viola  V.,  on  Banquet 
list,  xliii. 

Holland,  22,  159;  sends  expeditions  to 
the  New  World,  354 

Honore,  Thomas,  one  of  the  Fourteen 
of  Meaux,  385 

Honorez,  347 

Hopper,  362 

Horry,  F^lie,  220 

Horsford,  Miss  Lilian,  of  the  Ladies' 
Committee,  xiii.  ;  on  Banquet  list, 
xliv.  ;  subscriber  to  Celebration  Fund, 
Ixiii. 

Houses  belonging  to  Huguenots,  how- 
interpreted,  120  sq. 

Houtenot,  Henri,  one  of  the  Fourteen 
of  Meaux,  385 

Hovenden,  Robert,  Vice-President  of, 
and  delegate  of  the  Huguenot  Society 
of  London,  with  daughter,  at  Grace 
Church  service,  xxxiii.  ;  and  at  Mr. 
Marquand's  reception,  xxxv. ;  at  the 
Banquet,  xlii.,  xlvii.,  Iv. ;  mentioned, 
Ivii. 

Hovenden,  Miss,  xxxiii.,  xxxv.;  lunched 
with  Mr.  Marquand,  Iv. 

Howard  of  Effingham,  Lord,  Governor 
of  Virginia,  257 

Howe,  General  Sir  W'illiam,  headquar- 
ters before  battle  of  White  Plains  the 
Pugsley  house,  New  Rochelle,  N.  Y., 

344 
Hudson,  Harvey  H.,  342 
Hudson,  Henry,  354 
Hudson,  Wilbur  F.,  342 
Hudson  County,  N,  J.,  362 
Hudson    Park,   New  Rochelle,  N.  V.. 

340,  344 
Hugault,  Simon,  290 
linger,     Daniel,    with    wife    and    two 

children,   222 
Hugo,  312 
Hugon,  312 
Hugon,  Jean,  2S9 
Huguenot  ideals  of   civil  and  religious 

liberty,  embodied  in  Virginia  Bill  of 


Index 


445 


Huguenot  ideals —  Continued 
Rights  and  of  Religious  Freedom,  and 
in  Declaration  of  Independence  and 
Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
338;  legalized  in  F>ance,  339  ;  places 
of  effort  and  martyrdom  for,  339 

Huguenot  attempts  at  settlement  in  the 
New  World,  353  sq. 

Huguenot  silk-weavers  in  Holland  con- 
tributed much  money  to  pay  the  way 
of  the   Pilgrims   in    the   Mayjlower, 

354 
Huguenot  and  Dutch  intermarried,  356 
Huguenot   families   on    Staten    Island, 

356 
Huguenot  element  in  national  history, 

374,  375 

Huguenot  and  Dutch  union  in  New 
York  City,  404  ;  from  the  earliest 
times,  very  intimate  and  productive 
of  harmony,  404  ;  seen  at  the  Ban- 
quet, will  be  seen  in  war  with  a  com- 
mon foe,  405 

Huguenot  martyrs  in  Paris  :  a  Norman 
hermit  from  Pressy,  417;  Louis  de 
Berquin,  417,  419  ;  Jean  Guybert, 
407;  Jean  Leclerc,  417;  Jacques 
Pauvant,  417  ;  Antoine  Augereau, 
419 

Huguenot  Memorial,  New  Rochelle, 
N.  v.,  344 

Huguenot  Society  of  America,  annual 
meeting,  xxxviii.  ;  Collections,  259 

Huguenot  Society  of  London,  408  ; 
Proceedings  of,  40S  ;  representatives 
of,  welcomed  at  Banquet,  391 

Huguenot  Society  of  New  Rochelle, 
N.  v.,  representatives  of,  welcomed 
at  Banquet,  392 

Huguenot  Society  of  South  Carolina, 
217-223  ;  welcome  to  representatives 
at  Banquet,  392 

Huguenot   Street,    New    Rochelle,    N. 
.,  344 

Huguenots,  A  Tale  of  the  ;  or.  Memoirs 
of  a  French  Refui^ee  Family.  Trans- 
lated and  compiled  from  the  original 
manuscripts  of  Jacques  Fontaine  [of 
JenouilleJ  by  one  of  his  descendants 
[Ann  Maury].  With  an  introduction 
by  F.  L.  Hawkes  [sic].  New  York, 
1838,  later  editions.  Dr.  Hawks' 
introduction,  quoted,  333,  334.  For 
French  text,  see  Fontaine,  Jacques  (of 
Jenouille)  ^      ^        ^ 

Huguenots,  deprived  of  right  of  resi- 
dence, 106  ;  churches  of,  destroyed, 
106  ;  preachers  of,  silenced,  107  ; 
chddren  of,  abducted  and  baptized 
by  Catholics,  107  ;  deprived  of  posi- 
tions,   107 ;    forced  to    support   the 


Catholic  religion,  108  sq.;  schools  of , 
crippled,  109  ;  deprived  of  church 
courts,  no;  deprived  of  their  hos- 
pitals, 112  ;  attempts  to  disunite,  116  ; 
made  odious,  117  ;  religious  exercises 
suppressed,  118  sqq.;  deprived  of 
right  to  establish  churches,  118  sqq.- 
churches  of,  suppressed,  124  sqq.; 
church  finances  interfered  with,  128  ; 
forbidden  burial  in  consecrated 
ground,  and,  if  buried  there,  disin- 
terred, 165  sq.;  vexatious  hindrances 
of,  167  sqq.;  one  twelfth  the  popula- 
tion of  France  in  sixteenth  century, 
161  ;  persecution  of,  232  ;  numbers 
of,  232  sq.;  character  of,  233  ;  emi- 
nent persons  among,  233  sq.;  loss  to 
F>ance  from  their  removal,  234  sqq.; 
emigration  to  Virginia  fostered,  243  ; 
party  from  Leyden  taken  not  by  the 
Virginia  Company,  but  by  the  Dutch 
West  India  Company,  and  to  the 
Hudson,  253  ; —  in  Virginia,  244-339 
{see  also  Virginia)  ;  first  shipload, 
281  ;  list,  283-285  ;  second  shipload, 
281,  286,  288;  list,  289,  290;  third 
shipload,  281,  292,  302  ;  few  go  to 
Manakin  Town,  because  of  advice 
of     the   Virginia    Council,     quoted, 

302,  303  ;  fourth  shipload,  281  ;  list, 

303,  304  ;  plainly  in  better  circum- 
stances than  the  former,  as  no  evi- 
dence of  aid  received,  305,  306  ; 
scattered  by  advice  of  Council,  306, 
307;  influence  of,  on  Virginia,  326^ 
327  ;  — constancy  under  persecution, 
330 ;  character  of  the  refugees,  332  ; 
offered  escape  from  persecution  if 
they  would  recant,  333  ;  martyrs, 
333  ;  in  Virginia  intermingled  with 
the  old  families,  334 

Huguenots  and  New  Rochelle,  340-352, 

See  New  Rochelle. 
Huguenots   in   New   Jersey,  353-375  ; 

came  in  large  numbers  to  the  colonies, 

354 
Huguenots  furnished  first  Governor  of 

the  New  Netherlands,  355  ;    and  first 

child  in  the  colony,  355 
Huguenots    perpetuated   old  memories 

in  names  of  places,  355 
Huguenots  in   neighborhood    attended 

worship  in  New  York,  355,  356 
Huguenots     build     meeting-house    for 

themselves    on    Manhattan     Island, 

356 
Huguenots  one  fourth  of  the  population 

in  New  Amsterdam,  356 
Huguenots  first  to  colonize  west  of  the 

Hudson  River,  357 
Huguenots  still  needed,  401 


446 


Index 


Index 


447 


Hugues,  Edmond,  I.es  synodes  du  De- 
sert, Paris,  18S5-1837,  3  vols.,  quoted, 

338,  339 

Huidekoper,  Mrs.  F.  W.,  on  Banquet 
list,  xliv.;  subscriber  to  Celebration 
Fund.  Ixiii. 

Hulyre,  Jaques,  wife,  and  four  children, 
2S4 

Hunter,  Gov.  Robert,  365 

Huntington,  James  P.,  brought  to  per- 
fection the  Huntington  pear,  351 

Huntington,  J.  P.,  342 

Huntington.  Rev.  Dr.  William  Reed, 
xxvii. ;  in  Grace  Church  welcomes  the 
foreign  delegates  to  America,  xxxiii.; 
on  lianquet  li^t,  xliii.;  sermon  before 
the  Society.  3-1 1 

Husage  brothers,  3(^3  ;  wealthy  and 
eccentric,  364 

Hutchinson,  Ann,  banished  from  Mas- 
sachusetts Bay,  went  to  New  Rochelle, 

355 

I 

Iliole,  Gerard,  203 

Imbert,  Jean,  and  wife,  284 

Imbert,  Jeanne,  325 

Imbert,  Suzanne,  325 

Inquisition,  the  Spanish,  158 

Ironmongers,  Worshipful  Company  of, 
lease  land  for  French  Protestant  Hos- 
pital of  London,  183,    185 

Isle  de  Khe.     See  Re. 

Isle  d'Oleron.      See  Oleron. 

Isle  of  Wight,  315 

Italy,  159 

J 

Jackson,  Samuel  Macauley.  on  the  pro- 
gram, xxviii.,  xxix.,  xxxvii.;  guest  at 
Banquet,  xliii.,  xlviii.;    paper,  52-59 

Jallade,  Ktienne  J.,  read  poem,  xxxvii.; 
poem,  15,  16 

James,  Edward  W.,  subscriber  to  Cele- 
bration Fund,  Ixiii. 

James  City  County,  259 

James  River,  276-279,  288,  302,  308, 
330  ;  100,000  of  the  richest  acres  on, 
offered  to   Huguenot  emigrants,  268 

Jamestown,  S.  C,  322,  323 

Jamestown,  Va.,  282,  283 

January,  Edict  of  (Jan.  17,  1562),  21, 
137,  138,  140 

Jaquean,  294 

Jarnac,  339 

Jarrau,  346 

Jaudon,  Daniel,  and  his  mother,  222 

Jay,  Hon.  John,  first  President  of  the 
Huguenot  Society  of  America,  387, 
388,  409 

Jay,  Col.  William,  contributor  to  pur- 
chase of  flags,  xxxi.;  Vice-President 


for    Staten    Island,    xlv.;  on  Dinner 
Committee,  xlvi. 

Jefferson,  339 

Jenning,  Col.,  President  Virginia  Coun- 
cil, addressed.  318 

Joanis,  Jean,  wife,  and  two  children,  324 

Joanny,  Jean,  wife,  and  two  children 
284 

Joanny,  John,  245,  271 

John  Lackland,  King  of  England,  148 

Johnson,  Rev.  James  Le  Baron,  one  of 
the  stewards,  xv. ;  resolution  respect- 
ing the  insignia,  xvi.;  acts  as  escort 
at  Banquet,  xlii.;  subscriber  to  Cele- 
bration Fund,  Ixii, 

Johnson,  Miss,  xxxiv.,  xxxv.,  Iv. 

Jones,  Captain,  264,  265 

Jonthier,  312 

Jordan,  William,  256 

Joseph,  312 

Jouany,  310 

Jouany  and  wife,  312 

Jouet,  Daniel,  with  wife  andchildren,  222 

Jourdan  and  wife,  312 

Jourdan,  Solomon,  289 

Jourdon,  Marie  and  Symon,  285 

Jourdon,  Samuel,  256 

Journal  de  Bruxelles,  quoted,  171 

Jours.  Jacques,  220 

Judah,  163 

Juin,  George,  221 

Juire,  347 

Julien,  G.  D.,  on  Banquet  list,  xliv. 

Julius  II.,  399 

Jumeauville,  near  Mantes,  France,  165 

K 

Kieft,  Gov.  William,  indirectly  respons- 
sible  for  murder  of  Ann  Hutchinson, 
near  Stamford,  Conn. ,  Sept. ,  1643,  355 
King,  357 

King  George  Co.,  Va.,  261 
King  William  County,  Va.,  335 
King  William  Parish,  Henrico  County, 

Va.,  324 

King  Williams  Town,  312 

Kinkachemeck,  west  of  the  Hackensack, 
location  of  French  church,  360 

Knickerbocker  class  in  New  York  City, 
the  union  of  its  Huguenot  and  Hol- 
land elements,  388 

Kollock,  Shepard,  b.  in  Delaware,  1751. 
entered  Continental  army,  resigned 
and  founded  the  IVew  Jersey  Journal 
in  1779,  founded  New  York  Gazet- 
teer, 1783,  revised  first  named.  1787. 
helped  place  chain  across  Hudson 
River,  fought  in  battle  of  Trenton, 
prominent  in  founding  the  Cincinnati, 
d.  in  Philadelphia,  1839,  373 


Kress,  Mrs.  Idabelle  S.,  on  Banquet  list, 
xliv. 


Laatsman,  Rev.  Dr.  C.  H.,  206 

La  Badie,  Pierre,  289 

Labadie,  312 

Ubady,  P.,  296 

Laborie,  Anthoine,  304 

Lacaze,  Jacques,  303,  320,  322 

La  Chabossiere,  in  Aunis,  France,  222 

La  Charite,  115  m.  south  by  east  of 
Paris,  14  m.  north-northwest  of 
Nevers,   167 

La  Chaume,  in  Poitou,  France,  221 

La  Comte,  356 

La  Conie,  368 

La  Courru,  Pierre,  284 

Ladies'  Committee's  circular,  xiii. 

La  Farge,  356 

Lafayette,  brought  proposal  for  religious 
toleration  before  the  Notables  in  1787, 
338  ;  letters  of,  quoted  upon  Hugue- 
not oppression,  and  Huguenot  eman- 
cipation, 338,  339 

La  Force,  Duke  of,  120 

La  Forge  Nossay,  in  Poitou,  France, 
221 

Lafuitte,  Isaac,  wife,  and  two  children, 

324 
La  Furder,  Anthony,  256 
La  Guard,  Elias,  256 
L'Aigle,  75  m.  west  of  Paris,  221 
La  Maro  and  wife,  313 
Lamas,  305 
Lambden,  Joseph,  delegate  from  New 

Rochelle,  at  Banquet,  xliii.,  xlvii. 
Lambert,  Daniel,  349 
Lamon,  346 
La  Mt)nt,  257 
Lamoral,  Conte  de  Ligne,  Prince  d'Es- 

pinoy.  Governor  of  Artois,  48-50 
La  Motte,  Jean  Henri,  219 
Landrin,  Susane,  346 
Landrine,  346 
Langlade.  Emanuel,  304 
Languedoc,  219 
Lanier,  231 

Lanier,  Charles,  subscriber  to  Celebra- 
tion Fund,  Ixiii. 
Lanusse,  Bernard,  and  wife,  304 
' '  La  Providence,"  popular  early  name  of 

the    French    Protestant    Hospital  of 

London,  180 
La  Reau.  346 
La  Rochelle,   18,    106,   143,   160,  222, 

273,  339,  369 
La  Rue,  Jaques,  358,  359 
La  Rue,  363;    purchased  with  Cheilon 

part  of  Tusculum  from  Mrs.  Wither- 

spoon,  364 


Lasalle,  Pierre,  with  family,  223 

Lassall,  256 

Lassin,  Fran9ois,  wife,  and  three  chil- 
dren, 324 

Latane,  231 

Latane,  Rev.  Louis,  wife,  child,  and 
servant,  303  :  leader  of  fourth  ship- 
load of  Huguenot  settlers,  sketch  of 
life  and  character,  305  ;  was  evi- 
dently well  off,  306  ;  rector  of  South 
Farnham,  Va.,  335 

Lataniere,  Lazare,  and  wife,  304 

Latine.     See  Latane. 

La  Tourette,  356 

La  Tremblade,  25  m.  south  of  La 
Rochelle,  222 

La  Tremouille,  33 

Launay,  the  widow,   and  one  child,  325 

Laureau,  312 

Laurens,  325,  same  as  Laurent 

Laurent,  Andre,  with  wife,  222 

Lauret,  Pierre,  284 

Laurion,  Paul,  289 

Lausanne,  220 

Lavigne,  312 

La  Vilain,  312 

La  Villedieu,  in  Poitou,  France,  221 

La  Voulte,  70  m.  south  of  Lyons,  220 

Lawton,  Mrs.  E.  M.  C.  A.  See  Lawton, 
Mrs.  James  M. 

Lawton,  Mrs.  George  P.,  on  Banquet 
list,  xliv. 

Lawton,  James  M.,  memorial  to,  xii. 

Lawton,  Mrs.  James  M.,  proposed  Cele- 
bration, xi.;  appointed  representative 
of  the  Society  to  interest  the  foreign 
Huguenot  Societies,  xii. ;  reported  suc- 
cess, xii. ;  assured  success  of  the  Cele- 
bration by  gifts  of  money,  xii.,  xiv.  ; 
appointed  chairman  of  the  Ladies' 
Committee,  xiii.  ;  appointed  secretary 
of  the  Celebration  Committee,  xv., 
xxiii.,  xlvi.  ;  present  at  various  meet- 
ings, xiv.-xvi.,  xxi.-xxiii.,  xxv.,  xxxi,, 
xxxii.;  at  the  Grace  Church  service, 
xxxiii. ;  had  foreign  delegates  as  guests, 
xxxiv.;  at  Mr.  Marquand's  reception, 
xxxv. ;  gave  reception  to  delegates  and 
guests,  xxviii.,  xxxvi.;  arrangements 
for  Banquet,  xl.-xlii. ;  gave  special  din- 
ner to  choirmaster  and  choristers, 
xxxii.,  xii..  xlii.  ;  on  Banquet  list, 
xliii.  ;  at  Mr.  Marquand's  luncheon, 
Iv.  ;  mentioned,  Ivii.  ;  disposition  of 
fund,  Ixiii.  ;  report  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Celebration  Committee,  xi.- 
Ixi.  ;  made  a  success  of  the  celebra- 
tion, 389  ;  abridged  and  translated 
M.  Weiss'  lecture,  413 
Lawton,  William,  namer  of  the  Lawton 
blackberry,  350 


44^ 


Index 


Index 


449 


Layard,  Sir  Henry,  197 

League,  the,  17,  19,  27,  28,  30,  39, 
157  sq.,  161,  413 

Learning,  Aaron,  and  Jacob  Spicer, 
Grants,  Concessions,  and  Original 
Constitutions  of  the  Province  of  New 
Jersey,    Philadelphia,   1757,    quoted, 

358 
Le  Bas,  Jacques,  with  entire  family,  221 

Lebert,  Jean,  221 

Le  Blanc,  357 

le  Borgne,  (not  Borgue)  Daniel,  205 

Le  Boutillier,  Mrs.  Margaret,  on  Ban- 
quet list,  xliv. 

Le  Brun,  Moise,  222 

Le  Boutillier,  Dr.  William  E.,  ap- 
pointed to  act  as  escort  to  Bishop 
Potter  at  the  Banquet,  xliii. 

Le  Cert,  Jean  (daughter  of),  221 

Leclerc,  Francois,  one  of  the  Fourteen 
of    Meaux,   Huguenot    martyrs,    385 

Leclerc,  Jean,  Huguenot  martyr,  pub- 
licly whipped  through  Paris  and 
Meaux,  branded  on  the  forehead  at 
Meaux,  417 

Leclerc,  Pierre,  one  of  the  Fourteen  of 
Meaux,  Huguenot  martyrs,  333,  385, 

421 
Lecoin,  Marie  Catherine,  304 
le  Comte,  Daniel,  205 
Le  Conte,  344 
Le  Conte,  F.,  348 
Le  Count,  344 
Le  Count,  C.  O.,  342 
Le  Count,  H.  M.,  342 
Le  Count,  Mary,  346 
Le  Count  Street,  New  Rochelle,  N.  Y., 

344 

Le  Count,  W.,  342 

Le  Counte,  Francois,  349 

Le  Counte,  Guilleaume,  349 

le  Creu  (not  Cren),  Pierre,  204 

Le  Douf,  346 

le  Due,  Laurens,  benefactor  of  the 
French  Church,  Haarlem,  205 

Lee,  Mrs.  Hannah  Fulton,  The  Hu- 
guenots in  France  and  America, 
Cambridge,  U.  S.  A.,  1843,  quoted, 
318-320 

Lee,  Henry,  367 

Le  Faix,  Abraham,  wife,  and  four  chil- 
dren, 289 

Lefebre,  Ester,  303 

Le  Febvre,  312 

Le  Fevre,  344 

Le  F^vre,  Ralph,  on  Banquet  list,  xliv. 

Lefevre  d'  Etaples,  Jacques,  Bible 
scholar,  414  ;  lived  in  Abbey  St.  Ger- 
main des  Pres  in  Paris,  414  ;  writings, 
414-416 

Lcfew,  289 


Le^fTeure,  Isaac,  289 

L'Egare,  Francois,  219 

L'Egare,  Solomon,  219 

Legate,  Papal,  and  the  Treaty  of  Ver- 
vins,  38  ;  profuse  thanks  of,  44  ;  de. 
sires  al)olition  of  the  Edict  of  Nantes 
44 

Le  Gendre,  Daniel,  221 

Legover,  Paul,  304 

Le  Goy,  363 

Le    Grand,    Isaac,  ,with   entire  family, 
221 

Le  Grand,  Jacques,  and  wife,  324 

Le  Grand,  Pierre,  wife,  and  five  chil- 
dren, 290 

Legrand,  wife,  and  six  children,  312 

Legrand,  Mary,  305 

le  lleup,  Thomas,  422 

Leisler,  Jacob,  340 

Le  Jeune,  357 

Leluells,  Pierre,  297 

Le  Maitre,  357 

Lemarchand.  Jacques,  304 

Lemat,  Elizabeth,  289 

Le  Moine,  Jacques,  221 

Le  Moine,  Pierre,  205 

Leneveau,  Moise,  wife,  and  two  chil- 
dren,  324 

Le  Noir,  357 

Le  Nud,  Nicolas,  221 

Leo  XIIL,  the  Pope,  399 

Lepeune,  347 

le  Prince,  Pierre,  204 

Le  Roux,  312 

Le  Roux,  Bartholomew,  349 

Le  Roy,  357 

Le  Roy  family,  223 

Leroy,  Jean.  303 

Le  Roy,  John,  305 

Leroy,  Paul,  and  wife,  304 

Le  Roy  Street,  New  Rochelle.  N.  Y., 

344 

Leschelle,  in  Picardie,  220 

Lesebure,  Isaac,  wife,  and  four  chil- 
dren, 324 

Le  Serrurier,  Jacques,  220 

Le  Serrurier,  Marianne,  222 

Le  Signal,  French  newspaper,  for  Feb- 
ruary 8.  1898,  172 

Lesnard,  Jean,  284 

Lespinar,  346 

Lespinar  house,  New  Rochelle.  N.  Y., 
343 

Lester,  Henry  M.,  took  party  to  New 
Rochelle,  xxxvi.  ;  Vice-President  for 
New  Rochelle,  xlv, 

Lester  house.  New   Rochelle,    N.  Y., 

343 
Le  Sueur,  Abraham,  221 

Le  Tonnelier,  357 

Levasseur,  Jean  Noel,  and  wife,  3<H 


Levesque,  Marie,  285 
le  Vilain,  Jean,  289 

Levillain,   Jean,    wife,    and   four   chil- 
dren, 324 
Levilland,  Jean,  296 
Levillian,  J.,  34S,  349 
Lewis,  256 

Lewreau,  Moyse,  284 
Lexington,  269 

Leyden,    tablet,    in    memory   of    Rev. 
John  Robinson,  on  back  wall  of  St. 
Peter's  church,  160  ;   405 
Libert/,  French  newspaper,  of  January 

23,  1898,  alluded  to,  156 
Liberty  of  conscience  and  of   worship, 
when  first  guaranteed  in  France,  169 
Ligne,  Conte  de.     See  Lamoral. 
Ligonier,  Jean  Louis,  Earl,  a  governor 
of  the  French  Protestant  Hospital  of 
London,  197 
Linnee,  Robert,  256 
Livingston,    Mrs.    Emily,    on    Banquet 

list,  xliv. 
Livingston,  Philip,  393 
Livingston,  Robert,  393 
Livre  des   mariages   de   r J^glise   de   la 

Savoy e,  cited,  369 
Loire,  river,  167,  273 
L'Oiseau,  357 
London,  i8i,  183,  222 
London    Huguenot    Relief  Committee, 
send    fifty    Huguenots    to    Virginia, 
259 ;  funds  of,  267,  268  ;  activity  in 
sending  emigrants,  280  sqq, 
London  Huguenot  Society's  letter  to  its 
members,   xvii.,    xviii.  ;    through   its 
representatives  welcomed  at  the  Ban- 
quet, 391  ;  has  justified  its  existence 
by  the  quantity   and   quality   of    its 
work,  which   is  all  fruit  of   original 
research,  408 
Long  Island   Sound,   N.   Y.,  340  ;  ex- 
plored by  Adrien  Block,  354 
Longjumeau,  Edict  of,  141 
Lorange,  Jean  Velas,  wife,  and  child, 

304 
Lorange,  the  widow,  325 
Lorraine,  220 
Losane,  Louis,  wife,  and  two  children. 

304 
Lothrop,  Miss  Emma  G.,  on  Banquet 

list,  xliv. 
Loucadou,  Jean,  325 
Loucadou,  Pierre,  325 
Loudun,  assembly  at,  33,  162 
Louis,  XII..  414;  XIV.,   19,  26.  105, 
177,  180,  199,  235,  330,  340  ;  XV.,  27 
Lourmann,  in  Provence,  France,  168 
Lovelace,    Francis,   Governor  of   New 
Jfork.  exempted  French  from  tax  to 

pay  salary  of  Dutch  voorieser,  358 

29 


Lower  Creek,  314,  315 

Lozier,  362 

Lucadou,  Jean,  and  wife,  284 

Lucas,  Marie,  222 

Ludin,  S.  A.,  on  Banquet  list,  xliv. 

Luquer,  Rev.  Lea,  Vice-President  for 
Long  Island,  xlv. 

Luquer,  Lea  McL,  Secretary  of  the  So- 
ciety, XV.  ;  at  Mr.  Marquand's  recep- 
tion,  XXXV.  ;  acts  as  escort  at  Banquet, 
xliii.  ;  on  Banquet  list,  xliv.,  xlv.  ;  one 
of  the  stewards,  xlvi.,  Ivii.  ;  sub- 
scriber with  wife  to  Celebration  Fund, 
Ixiii. 

Luquer,  Thatcher  T.  P.,  on  Banquet 
list,  xliv.,  subscriber  to  Celebration 
Fund,  Ixiii. 

Lusignan,  14  m.  southwest  of  Poitiers 
France,  126,  221 

Luther,  Martin,  course  of  his  early  re- 
formatory efforts,  415  ;  condemned 
by  the  University  of  Paris,  415  ; 
writings  of,  confiscated,  416  ;  de 
Berquin,  assiduous  reader  of,  417  ; 
his  favorite  Psalm  the  11 8th,  420 

Luther  Society,  through  its  representa- 
tive, welcomed  at  the  Banquet,  393 

Lutherans  and   Reformed  in  Germany 
why  at  war,  160 

Luxemburg,  48 

Lyall,  William,    representative  of   the 
St.    Andrew's    Society,    at   Banquet 
xliii.,  xlvii. 

Lyonnais,  219 

Lyons,  167,  219;  Protestants  of,  wor- 
shipped at  Annonay,  168 


M 


Macan,  Jacques,  and  wife,  303 
Macdonald,   Mrs.   Anna  Le  Fevre,  on 

Banquet  list,  xliv. 
McLean,    John,    History  of  Princeton 

College,   Philadelphia,    1877,  2  vols., 

cited,  371 
McMurtry,  Mrs.  Clara  L.,  contributor  ta 

purchase  of  flags,  xxxi. 
Macque,  Robert,  202,  203 
Maddox,    Mrs.  Knox,  on  Banquet  list, 

xliv. 
Madison,  James,  367 
Madouy,  Alexandre,  304 
Madrid,  37,  43 
Magazine  of  American  History,  quoted 

367 
Magnon,  Jean,  349 

Maillard,  Jean,  and  three  children,  289 
Malacar,  Sieur  de,  221 
Malan,   Dr.   Theoph.,   delegate  of  the 
Vaudois  Society,  lix. 


45° 


Index 


Index 


451 


Malarde  and  three  children,  312 
Mallefant,     Jean     and     Claude,     and 

mother,  284 
Mallet,  327 
Mallet,  Estienne,  325 
Mallet,  Marie,  303,  325 
Mallet,  Pierre,  284 
Mallet,  Suzane,  325 
Mallet,  the  widow,  and  two  children, 

325 

Mallett  and  wife,  312 

Malon.  Gen.  Peter  A.,  363  ;  sketch 
of  life,  364  ;  b.  in  Belgium,  courage 
as  delegate  of  Flanders  in  French 
National  Convention  of  1793  won 
him  fame,  364  ;  became  monk  in 
Franconia,  364 

Maltravers,  Lord,  272 

Malver,  wife,  and  her  father,  312 

Manakin  Creek,  291 

Manakin  Town,  a  tract  of  10.000  acres 
on  the  south  side  of  James  River, 
about  twenty  miles  above  Richmond, 
early  Huguenot  settlement,  220,  246  ; 
site  advocated  by  Col.  William  Byrd, 
254,  281,  287;  crippled  at  start  by  lack 
of  adequate  supplies,  261  ;  made 
a  separate  parish,  270  ;  settlers  there- 
in naturalized  in  bulk,  271  ;  colony 
for  Norfolk  County  diverted  there 
through  Col.  William  Byrd's  influ- 
ence, 274  ;  sufferings  in  consequence, 
275.  297,  298,  302,  306,  307  ;  general 
description  of  the  land  al)out,  of 
the  settlement,  and  of  life  in  it,  308 
sqq.  ;  Governor  issues  proclamation 
for  help  for,  310,  311  ;  generous  re- 
sponse, 311 ;  census  of  the  town,  311, 
312  ;  list  who  were  to  receive  In- 
dian meal,  312,  313;  rendered  inde- 
pendent, 313;  factions  in  it,  313; 
settlement  arranged  somewhat  on 
French  plan.  314;  names  of  streets, 
314;  described  by  Col.  Byrd,  314. 
315  ;  second  allotment  of  land,  315  ; 
different  characters  of  pastors,  316- 
318  ;  trouble  with  Abraham  Salle, 
318  sqq,  ;  prosperity  of,  323 ;  last 
census  of,  324  ;  list  of  orphans  in, 
325  ;  described  by  Campbell,  325  ; 
general  character,  325,  326  ;  succes- 
sion of  pastors  at,  Claude  Philipe 
de  Richebourg.  Benjamin  de  Joux, 
Jean  Cairon,  Pierre  Fontaine.  Fran- 
9ois  Fontaine,  Jacques  Marye, 
Nairne,  326  ;  now  disappeared,  326, 

330 

Manbru,  347 

Mangin.  Estienne  (Etienne),  pastor  of 
the  Huguenots  of  Meaux.  333  ;  re- 
quested his  wife  to  fill  the  communion 


bowl  with  water  and  serve  the  Four- 
teen, 385  ;  died  at  the  stake,  386 

Mangin.    Nicolas,    before  house  of,  in 
Meaux,  the  Fourteen  were  martyred 
420 

Manhattan  Island,  eight  Walloon  fami- 
lies settled  there,  354  ;  earliest  church 
services  there  in  Dutch  and  French 
356 

Manhattoes,  Island  of  the,  404 

Manigault,  Gabriel,  220,  222 

Manigault,  Pierre,  222 

Manion,  346 

Mannheim,  357 

Mantes,  36  m.  west-northwest  of  Paris, 
165  ;  Articles  of,  not  satisfactory  to 
the  Huguenots,  32,  144 

Manycan  (for  Manakin)  Creek,  292 

Marbceuf,  Joseph,  221 

March,  309 

March,  Jean,  284 

Marchand,  Peter,  422 

Mare,  N.,  296 

Mare,  Nicholas,  wife,  and  two  children, 
289 

Mare,  wife,  and  two  children.  312 

Marennes,  24  m.  south  of  La  Rochelle. 
222 

Margaret  of  Valois,  daughter  of  Francis 
I.,  and  wife  of  Henry  IV.,  and  so 
styled  Marguerite  de  Navarre,  li.,  25. 
163,  380 

Marguerite  d'  Angouleme,  sister  of  Fran- 
cis L,  Queen  of  Navarre  and  mother 
of  Jeanne  d'Albret,  and  so  grand- 
mother of  Henry  IV.,  416.  417  ; 
wrote  the  Miroir  de  rdme  p/cheresse, 
418  ;  protector  of  Pauvant.  417  ; 
Lefevre,  Gerard  Roussel,  Michel 
d'Arande,  de  Berquin,  418,  419 ;  died 
praying,  421 

Marguerite  de  Navarre.  See  Margaret 
of  Valois. 

Marguerite  and  daughter.  283 

Marion,  Benjamin,  221 

Marisset,  Jean,  289 

Marketfield  Street,  Manhattan,  site  of 
first  Huguenot  church.  356 

Marot.  Clement,  wrote  a  poem  on  the 
death  of  Berquin,  419:  translated 
thirty  Psalms,  which  he  first  appen- 
ded to  edition  of  Marguerite's  Miroir, 
issued  separately  later,  versified  the 
Il8th  Psalm  at  Charles  V.'s  request, 
set  to  music  by  Louis  Bourgeois,  popu- 
larity of  his  translation,  sung  at  mar- 
tyrdoms, 420,  421  ;  read  to  Francis 
1.  when  dying,  421 
Marquand,  Henry,  appointed  to  act  as 
escort  to  Bishop  Potter  at  Banquet, 
xliii. 


Marquand,  Henry  G.,  President,  xi., 
xii.  ;  letter  of  notice  of  Celebration  to 
foreign  Huguenot  Societies,  xv.  ;  let- 
ter informing  the  Society  of  the 
Celebration,  xxiv.,  xxv. ;  other  notices 
xxvi.,  xxvii.;  gave  reception  in  Metro- 
politan Museum  of  Art,  xxxiv.-xxxvi.; 
declines  re-election  to  presidency  of 
the  Society,  xxxix.  ;  on  Banquet  list, 
xliii.,  xlv.  ;  gave  luncheon  to  foreign 
delegates,  Iv.  ;  subscriber  to  Celebra- 
tion Fund,  Ixii.;  mentioned  with 
honor  in  Mr.  de  Peyster's  speech, 
387.  388 

Martain.  Jean,  289 

Marteilhe,  Jean,   of  Bergerac,  Hugue- 
not galley  slave,  333 

Martian,  Nicholas,  257 

Martin,  312.  327 

Martin.  Ester,  and  child,  303 

Martin,  Gillaume,  wife,  and  three  chil- 
dren, 325 

Martin,  Jean,  wife,  and  four  children, 

324 

Marti  ne,  346 

Mary  Ann,  ship  to  Virginia  in  1700, 
cleared  from  London  and  arrived  at 
Hampton,  Va.,  281,  283  ;  passenger 
list,  283-285 

Maryland,  263 

Mason,  Col.  George,  states  most  of  the 
Brenton  colony  of  Virginia  Hugue- 
nots had  gone  to  Maryland,  263 

Mason,  George,  of  Bristol,  England, 
264 

Massachusetts,  Archives  of,  referred  to, 
257 

Ma-ssachusetts,  General  Court  of,  peti- 
tioned by  John  Toton,  257 

Masset.  Pierre,  289 

Massey,  William  M.,  representative  of 
the  St.  George's  Society  at  Banquet, 
xliii.,  xlvii. 

Massoneau,  Rene,  284 

Masters,  357 

Matheflon.  Jehan,  one  of  the  Fourteen 
of  Meaux,  385 

Matheo,  Father,  42 

Matton,  Anthoine,  wife,  and  five  chil- 
dren, 324 

Matton,  Anthonie,  and  wife,  284 

Maubane,  Daniel,  and  wife,  325 

Maupain,  Gabriel,  wife,  and  three  chil- 
dren, 304 

Maupen,  327 

Maurice,  Count,  42 

Maurice  the  Learned,  Landgrave  of 
Hesse.  35 

Maury,  family   of,  in    South  Carolina, 

222  ;  m  Virginia.  231.  335-337 
Maury.  Abraham,  224 


Maury,  Ann,  Memoirs  of  a  Huguenot 
Family^     translated     and     compiled 
from  the    original   autobiography   of 
Jacques  Fontaine  [of  Jenouille],  Lon- 
don,   1853,   later  editions.  Rev.   Dr. 
Hawks'  introduction  to,  quoted,  333, 
334 
Maury,  C.  W.,  subscriber  to  Celebra- 
tion Fund,  Ixiii. 
Maury,  James,  eldest  son  of  Matthew, 
graduates  from  William  and  Mary  Col- 
lege, sent  to  London,   England,   for 
ordination,  with  letter  from  Commis- 
sary Blair,  quoted,  336  ;  married  Mary 
Walker,  became  associate  of  Captain 
Thomas  Walker,   rector  of  Walker's 
Creek    Church,    Albemarle    County, 
Va.,    chosen    champion   of    Virginia 
Church  in  resisting  "Twopenny  Act," 
or  "  The  Parson's  Case,"  when  Patrick 
Henry  pleaded,  his  character,   337  ; 
kept  a  school  in  his  rectory  and  was 
teacher   of    Jefferson    and    Madison, 
337 
Maury,  Madelene,  333 
Maury,  Matthew,  of  Castelmoron,  Gas- 
cony,  married  sister  of  Francis,  John, 
and   Peter    Fontaine,  acquires  prop- 
erty  in  Virginia,  and  dies  rich,  335- 
337 
Maury,  Matthew  Fontaine,  grandson  of 
James  Maury,  declined  call  to  super- 
intendency  of  the  Imperial  Observa- 
tory in  Paris.  337 
Maury,  Col.  Richard  L.,  on  programme, 
xxix.,    xxx.,    xxxix.;    at    Mr.     Mar- 
quand's  reception,  xxxv.  ;  at  Banquet, 
xliii.,   xlvii.;   speaks  lii.;    Vice-Presi- 
dent for  Virginia,  xlv. ;  on  Committee 
on  Arrangements,  xlvi.;  paper,  224- 
339  ;    loaned  at  Banquet  enlarged  re- 
production of  silver  bowl  used  by  the 
Fourteen  of  Meaux,  remarks  upon  it, 
385.  386  ;   welcomed  at  Banquet  by 
Mr.  de  Peyster,  392 
Mauzy,  231 
Maxamet,  219 

Mayenne,  chief  of  the  League,  defeated 
by  Henry  of  Navarre  at  Arques,  19, 
27 
Ma/el.  312 
Mazeris,  Jean,  289 
Mazicq,  Isaac,  222 
Mazurier,  Martial,  416  ;  shook  faith  of 

Pauvant,  417 
Meade,    Bp.    William,    Old    Churches, 
Ministers,  and  Families  in  Virginia, 
Philadelphia,    1857,  2  vols.,  quoted! 
305 
Meadows,  Ph.,  269 
Mearyut,  Jean,  297 


)\ 


452 


Index 


Index 


453 


Meaux,  220  ;  the  Fourteen  of,  333,  385  ; 
names  of,  385  ;  story  of  martyrdom 
of,  385,  386  ;  Place  du  Grande 
Alarck/  where  they  were  martyred, 
420 

Meille,  William,  President  of  the  Vau- 
dois  Society,  lix. 

Melanchthon,  writings  of,  confiscated, 
416 

Meiet,  Mme.,  222 

Mellaney,  Michael,  257 

Memin,  Auguste,  221 

Memoir es  de  la  Ligue,  Amsterdam, 
1758,  quoted,    166-168 

Menager,  Jean,  284 

Menard,  Kev.  Philippe  (or  Philip),  Hu- 
guenot minister  in  London  and  execu- 
tor of  Jacques  de  Gatigny,  179,  180  ; 
sketch  of  life  of,  \%2  sqq.,  183,  185, 
188;  first  Secretary  of  the  French  Pro- 
testant Hospital  of  London,  189-193, 
422 

Mendo,  Don,  commander  of  the  Span- 
ish garrison  of  Nantes,  41 

Menestrier,  David,  289 

Menetres,  David,  296 

Menot,  Abraham,  285 

Mercereau,  356 

Mercier,  Isaac,  349 

Mercier,  Jacquine,  221 

Mercoeur,  Philip  Emmanuel  of  Lor- 
raine, Duke  of,  chief  of  the  League, 
39-41,  44 

Merindol,  in  Provence,  France,  168 

Mertle,  Magdalaine,  283 

Michael,  William,  257 

Michaud,  Abraham,  221 

Michaud,  Pierre,  221 

Michaux,  231,  326,  327 

Michaux,  Abraham,  263 

Michaux,  Abra.,  wife,  and  ten  children, 

324 
Michaux's  F'erry,  326 

Michaux's  (irant,  326 

Michel  and  wife,  312 

Michel,  Michel,  289 

Michelet,  Jules,  Histoire  de  France^  n. 

e.   Paris,   1876-1878,   19  vols.  ;   loth 

vol.,  La  Ligue  et  Henri  IV,,  quoted, 

17-21,  28 
Michell,  Michael,  296 
Micou,  231 
Middlesex,  335 
Milan,  Edict  of,  57 
Millechops,  Michael,  257 
Miller,  Jacob  F.,  representative  of  the 

Luther    Society    at    Banquet,    xliii., 

xlviii. 
Miller,  Miss  Maria  D.  B.,  of  the  Ladies* 

Committee,  xiii. 
Mingot,  Ehzabet,  284 


Minitree,  327 
Minot,  312 

Minuit.   Pierre,  first  Governor  of  New 
Netherlands,    a     Huguenot,   bought 
Manhattan   Island  from  the  natives 
355  ;  served  as  elder  in   the  earliest 
church  on  the  island,  356 
Mocks,  wife,  and  child,  305 
Molinie,  Joseph,  and  wife,  303 
Moncentour,  45  m.  southwest  of  Tours, 

339 
Monnicat,  Jean,  290 

Monocantown    (for    Manakin    Town), 

291 
Monogans,  308 
Montauban,   100  m.   south   by  west  of 

Cherbourg.   France.   18,  34,  109,  143 
Montivilliers,  7  m.  northeast  of  Havre, 

France,  221 
Montgut,  Pierre,  304 
Montmorency,  Duke  of,  24 
Montpellier,  34,  168,  219 
Moragne  family,  223 
Morcier,  346 
Moreau,  347 
Moreau,  Jean,  284 
Morel,  309 

Morel,  Elizabeth,  304 
Morel.  Thomas,  257 
Morell,  wife,  and  child,  312 
Morin,  Miss  Marie,  m.  Andre  Fresneau, 

367 
Morisser,  Pre.,  wife,  and  four  children, 

324 
Morisset,  312 
Morizet,  313 
Morris,  Lewis,  348 
Morriset,  Pierre,  284 
Morroe,  Jean,  289 
Mortmain   qualifies    Article   XLII.   of 

second  series  of  secret  articles.  129 
Moseley,  Mrs.  Florence  C.,on  Banquet 

list,  xliii. 
Mosent.  348 
Motley,  John  Lothrop,  History  of  the 

United  Netherlands  :  from  the  Death 

of  William  the  Silent  to  the  Twelve 
Years      Truce— i6og.     New     York, 

1 860- 1 868,  4  vols.,  quoted.  37  ;  i^"' 

of  the  Dutch  Republic,    New   York. 

1856,  quoted,  50 
Mottet,    Frederick,    on    Banquet    list, 

xliv. 
Moul,  Timothy,  wife,  and  child,  2S5 
Moulin  and  wife,  312 
Moulin,  Abraham,  and  wife,  284 
Mounart,  Fran9ois,  221 
Mounier,  Pierre,  and  wife,  222 
Mount  Vernon,  261 
Mountier,  Samuel,  wife,  and  two  chU- 

dren,  289 


Mountrey,  Hannah,  257 

Mouze,  Cesar,  222 

Moyses,  Theodore,  257 

Moyssier,  Thomas,  257 

Muench,  "  The  Homes  of  the  Hugue- 
nots," article  by,  in  The  Sunday 
News,  Charleston,  S.  C,  for  April  10, 
1S98,  quoted,  219 

Mulford,  Henry  D.  B.,  on  Banquet  list, 
xliii. 

Muller.  Dr.  P.  J.,  216 

MuIIineaux,  344 

Muro,  346 

MusNidan,  45  m.  east  by  north  of  Bor- 
deaux, France,  126 


Nace,  Pierre,  wife,  and  two  daughters, 

284 
Nantes.  126,  221,  272,273,  340;  siege  of, 

41 
Nantes,  Edict  of,  place  of  signing,  52  ; 

analysis  of,  53-55  ;  analysis  of  brevet 
and  secret  articles  of,  56  ;  place  in  the 
history  of  religious  toleration.  56-59  ; 
translation  of,  with  its  brevet  and 
secret  articles,  59-104  ;  how  observed, 
105  sqq. ;  Chambers  of  the  Edict  of, 
originally  bi-partisan,  later  sup- 
pressed, 54,  108,  145  ;  the  Edict, 
how  frittered  away,  in  ;  — articles 
of,  alluded  to  or  discussed,  XL, 
108  ;  IIL,  121  ;  VL,  106,  113  ;  VIL, 
120 ;  VII.-XL,  no,  nS  ;  VIIL,  120, 
122,  123 ;  IX.,  123,  124,  127,  128  ;  X., 
127,  128  ;  X.,  XL,  124  ;  XVIL,  107  ; 
XVHL,  107;  XXn.,  109,  n2; 
XXVIL,  107,  ns;  XXIX.,  n2 ; 
XXXIV.,  no;  XXXVII. ,  109; 
XLII.,  129,  130;  XLIL,  XLIII., 
no;  XLIII..  132;  XCL,  n3  ;— 
articles  of  the  second  series  of  secret 
articles  alluded  to  or  discussed, 
XLIL,  XLIII.,  128;  XLIII.,  132, 
133;  — what  it  teaches,  135,  136; 
guaranteed  liberty  of  conscience,  144; 
guaranteed  equality  in  the  eyes  of  the 
law,  145  ;  guaranteed  to  Protestants 
their  own  cemeteries,  145  ;  guaran- 
teed to  Protestants  special  tribunals, 

145  ;  guaranteed  to  Protestants  cities 
of  refuge,  145  ;  guaranteed  to  Pro- 
testants considerable  money,  145  ; 
guaranteed  to  Protestants  consid- 
erable   liberty    of     public    worship, 

146  ;  other  authors  than  Henry  IV., 
146 :  one  of  the  grandest  monu- 
ments of  civihzation.  147  ;  does  not 
employ    the    word    toleration,     148; 


weakness  of,  148  sqq. —  because  does 
not  recognize  perfect  equality  of  wor- 
shippers before  God,  148  ;  because  of 
its  designation  for  the  Reformed 
churches,  149  ;  because  open  to 
double  interpretations,  152  sqq.;  — re- 
voked, I53J-^.,  390,  397;  characterized, 
170  ;  how  received  by  the  Pope,  170  ; 
attempt  to  make  Protestants  and  Ro- 
man Catholics  live  peaceably  to- 
gether, 160 ;  value  and  meaning, 
397  ;  rage  of  Pope  Clement  VIII.  at 
its  concessions,  400  ;  Jesuit  and 
papal  rejoicings  over  Revocation, 
400;  mentioned  by  name,  xi.,  xv., 
xvii.-xx.,  xxiv.,  xxviii.,  xxxiii., 
xxxvii.,  xxxviii.,xli.,  xlix.,  Iviii.,  Ix., 
21,  22,  30,  32,  34,  44.  48,  52,  53,  56. 
59,  i05-n5,  118-120,  123,  126, 
130,  133-140,  144.  146-M8,  152- 
160,  165,  166,  169-172,  389,  390. 
396 

Napoleon  I.,  36 

Nash,  Aubrey,  chorister,  1. 

Nassau,  galley  to  Virginia  in  1700,  281, 
282  ;  cleared  from  Blackwall,  landed 
her  passengers  in  York  River,  303, 
306  ;  passenger  list,  303,  304 

Naudain,  Andre,  348 

Naudin,  346 

Neeley,  Rt.  Rev.  Henry  A.,  late  Vice- 
President  for  Maine,  xlv. 

Nerac,  60  m.  southeast  of  Bordeaux, 
France,  113,  118,  127 

Netherlands,  42 

Neufville,  346 

Neufville,  B.  K.,  Vice-President  for 
South  Carolina,  xlv. 

Nevers,  35  m.  east-southeast  of 
Bourges,  France,  167 

New  Amsterdam,  404 

Newcomb,  George,  on  Banquet  list, 
xliv. 

New  England,  160 

New  England  Society,  through  its 
representative,  welcomed  at  the  Ban- 
quet, 393 

Newfville,  34S 

New  Haarlem,  358 

New  Jersey,  354  ;  treated  as  one  colony 
with  New  York,  355  ;  first  important 
Huguenot  settlement  in,  on  the 
Hackensack  River,  357  sqq.',  second 
at  Princeton,  but  not  all  Hugue- 
nots, settlers,  character,  363-365  ; 
Huguenot  element  in.  374 

New  Nether  land,  ship  from   Texe     in 
1623,    made   quick    voyage  to   New 
Amsterdam,      had    thirty     families, 
mostly  Walloons,  404 

New  Netherlands,  354,  357 


454 


Index 


Index 


455 


New  Paltz,  from  the  German  Palatinate, 

355 
New  Rochelle,  settled  by  Huguenots, 
on  land  obtained  through  Jacob 
Leisler,  originally  owned  by  Lord 
Pell,  340  ;  Huguenot  names  in  first  list 
of  officers,  341  ;  French  original  lan- 
guage and  record  kept  in  it,  341  ;  many 
inhabitants  loyalists,  341  ;  names  of 
some  who  entered  the  Colonial  army, 
342  ;  British  wounded  at  battle  of 
White  Plains  brought  there,  342  ; 
names  of  inhabitants  in  War  of  18 12 
and  the  Civil  War,  342  ;  organizations 
bearing  the  name  Huguenot,  342  ; 
proportion  among  town  officials  bear- 
ing Huguenot  names,  343  ;  Huguenot 
landmarks,  list  of,  343,  344;  Huguenot 
names  in  place,  344-347  ;  first  birth 
and  first  wedding,  344 ;  gravestones, 
344-346  ;  census  of  1710,  346  ;  Eucha- 
rist quarterly,  347;  worshippers  from, 
in  New  York  City,  347;  first  church  in, 
348  ;  first  ministers,  348  ;  first  Episco- 
pal Church,  348 ;  subscribers  and 
trustees,  348  ;  its  successor,  348,  349  ; 
its  bell,  349 ;  Presbyterian  society 
claims  to  be  successor  to  the  first 
Church,  349;  freeholders  in  1708,  349  ; 
character  of  the  people,  350  ;  one 
of  them  gave  Boston  her  Faneuil 
Hall,  350;  fruit  raisers,  350,  351  ; 
present  town,  351,  352  ;  named  from 
La  Rochelle,  France,  355  ;  home  of 
Ann    Hutchinson   after    banishment, 

355 

New  Rochelle  Huguenot  Monument 
unveiled,  Ivi. 

New  Rochelle  Huguenot  Society  wel- 
comed at  the  Banquet  by  Mr.  de 
Peyster,  392 

Newton,  Samuel.  349 

New  York.  340.  369 

New  York  and  New  Jersey  treated  as 
one  colony.  355 

Nicholas,  Jacques,  222 

Nicholson.  Sir  Francis,  the  Governor, 
259,  276,  279  ;  met  De  la  Muce's  party, 
287,  288  ;  issued  proclamation  for 
help  for  Manakin  Town,  310,  311,  to 
be  administered  by  Byrd  and  Harri- 
son, 311  ;  square  in  Manakin  Town 
named  after  him,  314 

Nicod,  312 

Nicod,  Abraham,  284 

Nicolay,  Jacques,  284 

Nimes,  18,  143,  219 

Noel,  Cornelius,  257 

Norfolk,  277,  287 

Norfolk  County,  Va..  272.  274,  278, 
280 


Norman,  Stephen,  257 
Normand,  Philippe,  221 
Normandie,  54,  166,  221 
North  Carolina,  322,  353 

O 

Occoquon  Creek,  Va.,  260  j^ 

Ocosand,  Estienne,  289 

Odiast,  Pierre,  304 

Oger,  Jean,   wife,  and   three  children 

284 
Oleron,  island  off  west  coast  of  France, 

southwest  of  La  Rochelle.  222 
Olivier,  Joseph,  290 
Oliver,  Pierre,  324 
Olmier,  Jean,  304 
Olney,    Hon.    Richard,    Vice-President 

for  New  Oxford,  xlv. 
Onan,  wife,  and  child,  312 
Orange,  309 

Orange,  Louiss,  wife,  and  child.  284 
Orange,  Princess  of  (Louise  deColigny), 

42 
Orange  County,  N.  Y.,  362,  363 
Orleannais,  220 
Orleans,     75    m.    south-southwest     of 

Paris,  126,  167 
Orleans,  Duke  of,  172 
Ormund,  Solomon,  290 
Orphans  at  Manakin  Town,  325 
Orsemont,  220 
Ostend,  siege  of,  24 


Pacification,  Edict  of,  1577,  at  1  ^Jiller^. 
113,  118,  127,  143,  144,  146;  re- 
newed in  1594,  161  ;  stipulations  as  to 
places  of  worship,  167  ;  how  received 
by  the  Pope,  168  sq. 

Pacquannac,  Bergen  County,  N.  J.,  363 

Palatinate,  Lower,  357 

Palissy.  Bernard,  20 ;  organized  congre- 
gation in  Saintonge,  231  ;  referred  to. 
234  ;  heroic  reply  of,  330,  331 

Palliser.  Thomas,  257 

Pamunkey  River.  King  William  County, 
Va.,  site  of    Matthew  Maury's  farm. 

335 
Panetie,  Jean,  wife,  and  child.  324 

Panetier,  231,  312 

Panetier,  Isaac.  284 

Panetier,  309,  310 

Papers,  Committee  on,  xii.,  xiii..  xlvi. 

Papin,  Paul,  303 

Parcot,  346 

Parcot,  Jane,  345 

Parcot,  John,  jr.,  345 

Parcut,  Daniel.  345 

Parent,  John,  345 


Parcut,  Peter,  345 

parcut  house.  New  Rochelle,  343,  344 

Pare,  Ambroise,  20,  233 

Parenteau,  Isaac,  and  wife,  324 

Paris,  siege  of,  19  ;  city  referred  to,  37, 
126,  166,  167,  220  ;  Parliament  of,  54, 
168,  171  ;  Council  of,  119;  declaration 
of  the  Parliament  of,  when  requested 
to  register  the  Edict  of  Nantes,  139  ; 
Protestants  of,  worshipped  at  Ablon, 
168 

•'  Paris  and  the  Reformation  under 
Francis  L,"  lecture  by  M.  Weiss,  413- 
421  :  never  accepted  the  Reformation, 
responsible  for  persecution  of  the 
Huguenots,  413  ;  view  of,  in  sixteenth 
century,  413  ;  Lefevre,  Vatable,  and 
de  Bude  inseparably  connected  with, 
414  ;  College  of  France,  414  ;  Abbey 
of  St.  Germain  des  Pres,  414  ; 
Church  of  the  Mathurins,  place  of 
Luther's  condemnation  by  University 
of  Paris,  415,  and  of  Cop's  oration, 
419  ;  first  French  Testament  printed 
near  the  Ecole  de  Decret,  416  ;  places 
of  Huguenot  persecutions  and  martyr- 
doms in  the  city:  the  gate  St.  Honore, 
the  clock  tower  of  the  Court  of 
Justice,  the  Parvis  or  place  before 
Notre- Dame  de  Paris,  417,  Place 
Maubert,  418,  419,  Place-de-Greve 
419  ;  a  statue  of  the  Virgin  Mary 
mutilated  in  the  Rue  St.  Antoine, 
419 ;  Rue  du  Clos  Bruneau,  au  Fau- 
bourg Saint  Germain,  420  ;  place  of 
Calvin's  residence  the  College  Fortet, 
419 

Parliament  of  Pau,  131 

Parliament  of  Toulouse,  109,  114 

Parliamentary  arbitrariness,  114 

Parma,  Duke  of,  50 

Parmentie,  Charles,  304 

Parmentier,  Jean,  284 

Parontes  and  sister,  312 

Parransos,  Jean,  and  sister,  284 

Pasqueraud,  Louis,  221 

Pasqueraud,  Pierre,  221 

Passaic  County,  N.  J.,  362 

Passedoit,  Mathieu,  290 

Pasteur,  Charles,  and  wife,  304 

Pasteur,  Jean,  304 

Pastour,  John,  305 

Pau,  Parliament  of,  in  1663,  on  cons- 
sitories,  131 

Paul  v.,  the  Pope,  31,  36 

Paule,  Thomas,  257 

Pauvant,  Jacques,  Huguenot  martyr, 
recanted  once,  417,  but  refused  to  do 
so  a  second  time,  so  was  martyred  in 
Paris,  418 

Pear,  Churchland,  351 


Pear,  Huntington,  351 

Pecotal,  Jean,  with  family,  223 

Peek,  Sir  Henry  William,  late  President 

Huguenot  Society  of  London,  xvii. 
Pell,  Lord,  originally  owned  the  land  on 

which  New  Rochelle  stands,  340,  351 
Pell  house.  New  Rochelle,  343 
Pemeau,  Jean,  349 
Penny,  Solomon,  422 
Pensax,  Daniel,  257 
Pepin,  Paul,  219 
Pepre,  Jean,  284 
Perault,  Charles,  wife,  and  four  children, 

324 

Pere,  Edward,  257 

Perigail,  John,  422 

Perigny,  near  La  Rochelle,  France,  222 

Perin,  257 

Peron,  Mary,  257 

Perrachou,  Jean,  289 

Perreau,  Daniel,  Captain  of  the  PrUr 
and  Anthony,  281,  289 

Perroneau,  Henri,  222 

Perrot,  Richard,  257 

Perrut,  Pierre,  and  wife,  284 

Perry,  Micajah,  288 

Perry,  W.    S.,  Historical  Collections  of 
the  American  Colonial  Church,  vol.  i., 
Virginia,  1871,    quoted    under   title, 
Virginia  Church  Papers,   268,   269, 

324,  325,  33^> 
Peru,  312 

Pest  House  in  St.  Giles  parish.  Cripple- 
gate,  London,  used  by  earliest  refu- 
gees, first  French  Protestant  Hospi- 
tal, 181,  183 

Peter  and  Anthony,  galley  to  Virginia 
in  1700,  281  ;  cleared  from  London, 
288  ;  arrived  in  James  River,  289  ; 
passenger  list,  289,  290 

Petit,  313 

Petit,  Josue,  296 

Petit,  Philippe,  one  of  the  Fourteen  of 
Meaux,  385 

Pettit,  Francis,  257 

Philadelphia,  369 

Philip   II.   of  Spain,  19,  31,  38-40,  42, 

43,  46,    398 
Philipe,  Claud,  and  wife,  285 
Picard,  Louis,  220 
Picardie,  168,  220,  357 
Picquery,  Jehan,  one  of  the  Fourteen  of 

Meaux,  385 
Picquery,  Pierre,  one  of  the  Fourteen  of 

Meaux,  385 
Pierre,  357 
Pilard,  Jean,  289 
Pilgrim  Fathers,  160 
Pillion,  346 
Piney,  Fran9ois  de  Luxembourg,  Duke 

of,  22,  23,  27 


'J 


456 


Index 


Pintard,  Antoine,  came  from  the  Antil- 
les to  New  Jersey,  held  offices,  anec- 
dote of  his  trial  of  highwaymen,  366 
Pintard.  John,  employed  in  State  De- 
partment, 366,  367 
Pintard,  Samuel,  had  been  galley  slave, 

366 
Pintard  house.  New  Rochelle.  343 
Pinzon,  one  of  Columbus's  sailors,  men- 
tioned. 229 
Pius  V'll.,  the  Pope,  36 
Place.  Frances.  257 
Plaisance,  Fiishop  of,  2S 
I'luvier,  I'eter,  257 
Poinset,  Catherine.  221 
Poinsett,  Pierre,  sr.  and  jr.,  with  their 

wives,  222 
Poirson,    Auguste,  Histoire  du  Rei^ne  de 
Henri    IV.,    Paris,  1856,  2  vol's.,   2d 
ed.,  1 862-1 867,  4  vols.,  quoted,  33,  34 
Poitenin,  Antoine,  220 
Poitevan,  Rebeca.  304 
Poitiers,  167,  221;  Edict  of,  see   Pacifi- 

cation,  Edict  of 
Poitou,  221 
Polestc,  257 
Pollexfen.  J  no.,  269 
Pons.  50  m.   southeast  of  La  Rochelle, 

France,  223 
Porcher,  Frederick  A.,  "  Historical  and 
Social  Sketch  of  Craven  County,  S. 
C,"  in    Southern  Quarter Iv   Rexdew^ 
April,  1S52  (reprinted  by  T.  Gaillard 
Thomas,     M.l).,     New     York:  The 
Knickerbocker  Press,  1S81),  322 
Port  des  Barques,  222 
Porter,    Mrs.    Henry    Kirke,  subscriber 

to  Celebration  Fund,  Ixiii. 
Potell,  Jean,  221 
Pothier,  363 

Potomac   River,  Virginia,  260-263,  330 
Potter,  Rt.  Rev.  flenry  Codman,  D.D., 
LL.D.,  DC. L.,  invited  to  the   Ban- 
quet, but  unable  to  attend,  xliii. 
Poussite,  297 
Powell,  327 
Powell,  Jean,  wife,   and  two  children. 

324 
Powhatan,  308 

Powick  Creek,  Virginia,  291,  292 
Poythers,  Francis,  257 
Prain,  Jean,  304 
Prampain,  Corneille,  304 
Prean,  Jean,  221 
Pressy,  417 

PrtHendue  in  the  phrase  Religion  pre'ten- 
due   re'form/e  discussed,  60,  149,  sqq. 
Prevol,  Pierre.  290 
Prevost.  312 

Prevoteau,  Sebastien,  304 
Prince  Williim  Countv,  Va..  261 


Princeton,  N.  J.,  site  of  second  Huinie 
not   settlement   in   New  Jersey   ,5/ 
365,  369  J       J*  ^"J. 

Prioleau,  Elias,  223 

Prosner,  257 

Protestants  and  Roman  Catholics  not 
believed  capable  of  living  peaceably 
together,  i6o  ' 

Provence.  168 

Pruett,  Henry,  257 

Pugsley  house.  New  Rochelle,  343- 
the  headquarters  of  the  British  Gen^ 
eral  Howe  before  battle  of  White 
Plains,  344 

Pulojas,  Moses,  422 

Pumpelly,  Josiah  Collins,  of  the  Com- 
mittee  on   Arrangements,  xvi.,  xlvi  • 

on  program,  xxix. .  XXX. ,  xxxix.  ;'at  Mr' 
Marquand's  reception,  xxxv.;  acts  as 
escort  at  Banquet,  xliii.;  on  Ban- 
quet list,  xliv. ;  delegate  from  New 
Jersey  at  Banquet,  xlvii.;  paper. 
*'  The  Huguenot  Settlers  in  New 
Jersey,"  353-375 

Purchas  His  Pilgrims,  quoted,  236- 
238 

Purdon.  Mrs.  Frances  N.  B.,  on  Ban- 
quet list,  xliv. 

Putnam,  Mrs.  Erastus  G.,on  Banquet 
list,  xliv. 


Quantin,  347 
(^uantin,  Isaac.  348 
Quictet.  Jean,  wife,  and  three  children. 
284 


R 


Rabaut,  Jean  Paul,  called  Saint  Kli- 
enne,  a  Huguenot  minister,  became 
president  of  the  National  Assembly  of 
France  of  1789,  instrumental  in  in- 
ducing the  National  Assembly  to 
issue  Edict  of  Toleration.  169;  died 
upon  the  guillotine.  338 

Rabnett,  257 

Raleigh,  Sir  Walter,  Huguenot  colony 
on  Roanoke  Island,  N.  C,  353 

Rambeege.  Anthoyne,  303 

Rambrey,  312 

Randegger.  Alberto,  song  of  "A 
Night,"  sung  at  Banquet,  xlix.,  li. 

Randolph,  Lieut. -Col.  William.  297 ; 
visited  Manakin  Town.  314  ;  desired 
as  presiding  officer  at  a  meeting  of 
the  parish  of  Manakin  Town,  319 

Rapelye,  H.  S.,  on  Banquet  list,  xliv. 

Rapelye,  Sarah,  first  child  born  in  New 
Netherlands,  was  daughter  of  a 
Wnlloon,  TC^ 


Index 


457 


Rapine,  wife,  and  two  children,  303 

Rapine,  Antoine,  320 

Rapinne,  Anthoine,  wife,  and  child, 
325 

Rappahannock  River,  330 

Ravaillac,  172,  405 

Ravenel,  Daniel,  218 

Ravenel,  Prioleau,  sr.  and  jr.,  delegates 
from  Huguenot  Society  of  South 
Carolina,  xxxii.,  xxxvi.;  at  Banquet, 
xlviii. 

Ravenel,  Rene,  with  family,  221 

Ravenel,  Robert,  famous  merchant  of 
Vitre,  in  Brittany,  228,  230 

Ravenell,  William,  257 

Raviol,  Jean,  297 

Rawson,  Mrs.  Warren,  on  Banquet  list, 
xliv. 

Rayneau,  Daniel,  349 

Rayno  house,  New  Rochelle,  343 

Re  (or  Rhe),  island  of,  in  Gulf  of  Gas- 
cony,  west  of   La  Rochelle,  222,  273 

Rebot,  Francis,  245 

Rees,  Prof,  J.  K.,  proposed  the  letter 
inviting  the  foreign  Huguenot  Socie- 
ties, xiv. ;  at  Grace  Church  service, 
xxxiii.;at  Mr.  Marquand's  reception, 
xxxv.;  on  the  Executive  and  Pa- 
pers Committees,  xlvi. ;  gave  recep- 
tion at  Columbia  University,  Iv. 

Refugees,  title  of  Huguenots  who 
had  fled  to  England  or  her  colonies 
(should  have  been  uniformly  printed 
with  capital  R),  178  sqq.,  354,  359, 
360.  362,  366,  368 

Re;^ault,  Christopher,  257 

Regaut,  Daniel,  257 

Regnault,  Estienne,  wife,  and  two  chil- 
dren, 324 

Remy,  312,  327 

Remy,  Abra..  322 

Remy.  Abra.,  wife,  and  three  children, 
324 

Rembert,  Andre,  219 

kemis,  Abraham,  and  wife,  289 

Renaud.  Pierre,  289 

Reneu,  Peter,  422 

Reniol.  Jean,  303 

Rennes.  60  m.  north  of  Nantes,  France, 
41,  221 

Renoud.  344 

Revell,  John,  257 

"  Review     of      the     French    Clergy," 

quoted.  155 
Revolutionary  Records  of  New  Jersey, 

quoted,  361 
Rhe,  Isle  de.     See  Re. 

Rheims,  Henry  IV.  anointed  at,  29 
Rhinelander,   Philip,  acts  as  escort  at 

Banquet,  xliii. 
Rhinelander,   T.  J.  Oakley,  xiii.,  xiv.. 


XV. ;  elected  secretary  of  the  stewards, 
xvi. ;  on  the  Committee  on  Arrange- 
ments, xvi.,  xlvi.;  procures  designs 
for  souvenirs,  xxv.;  chairman  of  the 
stewards,  xxvii.,  xxxii.,  xli.,  xlvi.; 
contributorto  purchase  of  flags,  xxxii.; 
at  Banquet,  xl.,  xlii.;  acts  as  escort, 
xlii. ;  on  Banquet  list,  xliii.;  on 
Executive  and  Dinner  Committees, 
xlvi. 

Rhode  Island,  219 ;  and  Connecticut 
bays  and  rivers  explored  by  Adrien 
Block,  354 

Rhone,  166 

Ribot,  Frances,  271 

Ribot,  ffran^ois,  303 

Ribou,  Daniel,  359 

Ribouteau,  Gabriel,  221 

Richard  and  wife,  312 

Richardot,  President,  one  of  the  Span- 
ish deputies  in  the  making  of  the 
Vervins  treaty,  38,  40  ;  sends  Hofart 
as  a  spy  to  Amiens  and  to  Brittany, 
42 ;  withholds  letter,  43  ;  goes  to 
Brussels,  44 

Riche,  347 

Rich^,  Jacob,  wife,  and  child,  290 

Richemon,  Noel,  and  wife,  304 

Riches,  Daniel,  290 

Richet,  wife,  and  two  children,  312 

Richmond,  Va.,  founded  by  Colonel 
Byrd,  260 

Richmond  County,  Staten  Island,  New 
York  City,  settled  first  by  Hollanders, 
357 

Rivas,  42 

Rivers,  359 

Rivers,  Pierre,  296 

Riviole,  312 

Roanoke  Island,  N,  C,  Huguenot  col- 
ony, fate,  353 

Rob^ll,  L.,  297 

Robert,  312 

Robert,  wife,  and  child,  305 

Robert,  Jean,  wife,  and  daughter, 
303 

Robert,  Louis,  and  daughter,  289 

Robeson  County,  N.  C,  descendants  of 
Huguenots  adopted  into  Indian  tribe, 

353 
Robethon,  James,  422 
Robins,  Nicholas,  257 
Robinson,  Rev.  John,  160 
Rochette,  231 

Rockland  County,  N.  Y.,  362 
Roden,  Matthew,  257 
Roe,  General  Charles  F.,  acts  as  escort 

at  Banquet,  xliii. 
Roe,  Mrs.  Charles  F.,  on  Banquet  list, 

xliii. ;  subscriber  to  Celebration  Fund, 

Ixii. 


45^ 


Index 


Roe,  Rear- Admiral  F.  A.,  subscriber  to 
Celebration  Fund,  Ixii. 

Roger,  Jean,  284 

Rogier,  Daniel,  290 

Roman  Catholic  Articles  sent  to  Henry 
IV.,  January  24,  1596,  163  sq. 

Roman  Catholic  Church,  how  affected 
by  the  Reformation,  157  ;  has  never 
condemned  the  massacre  of  St.  Bar- 
tholomew's Day  or  the  Revocation  of 
the  Edict  of  Nantes,  171 

Rome,  37 

Rondere,  Pierre,  303 

Rosier,  John,  257 

Rouen.  119,  167,  221;  Parliament  of ,  168 

Roumieu,  Robert  Louis,  architect  of 
the  present  French  Protestant  Hos- 
pital of  London,  195 

Rounel,  312 

Rousseau,  Jean,  203 

Roussel,  Gerard,  416 

Roussel,  Marthien,  289 

Rousset,  Jean,  304 

Roux,  Jacob,  222 

Roux,  Jaques,  303 

Roux,  Michael,  284 

Roux,  Thimotthee,  289 

Rowzee,  Ralph,  257 

Roy,  Daniel,  284 

Roy,  Jacques,  and  wife,  284 

Roy,  John,  son  of  Joseph,  justice  of  the 
peace  in  Somerset  County,  N.  J., 
366 

Roy,  Joseph,  founder  of  New  Jersey 
Roye  family,  came  from  Island  of 
Jersey  to  Boston,  later  came  to  New 
Jersey,  366 

Royal  Bounty,  179,  180,  181,  183 

Roy  all,  257 

Roye,  Hugh,  257 

Royer,  Noe,  220,  221 

Rue,  John,  257 

Rugon,  Jean,  296 

Rullet,  Guilleaume,  289 

Rumon,  David  A.,  359 

Rundall,  Clarence  A.,  on  Banquet  list, 
xliv. 

Runnymede,  148 

Rupell,  George,  222 

Russell,  Mrs.  Hope  B.,  subscriber  to 
Celebration  Fund,  Ixiii. 

Rutan,  357 

Ryerson,  Fran9ois,  363 

Ryerson,  Joris,  363 

Ryerson,  Martyn,  362 

Ryerson,  Ryer,  363 


S 


Sabe,  Fernand,  203 
Sabe,  Jaques,  203 


Sablet,  Abraham,  and  two  children,  284 

Saborisca,  Albert,  359 

Sabrell,  Nicholas,  257 

Sahler,  Miss  Emma  F.,  on  Banquet  list 
xliv. 

St.  Arabroix,  80  m.  northwest  of 
Marseilles,  France,  219 

St.  Andre,  in   Languedoc.    France.  219 

St.  Andrew's  Society,  through  its  repre- 
sentative, welcomed  at  Banquet.  392 

St.  Bartholomew's  Day,  massacre  of, 
25,  142,  157;  163;  172;  not  con- 
demned   by   the   Church   of   Home, 

171;  375,  413 

St,  Cloud,  5  i  m.  west  of  Paris,  Declara- 
tion of,  27 

St.  Denis,  28 

St.  Etienne.     See  Rabaut. 

St.  George's  Society,  through  its  repre- 
sentative, welcomed  at  the  Banquet, 

393 
St.     Germain,    10   m.    north-northwest 

of  Paris,  Edict  of,  141 
St.    Germain-des-Pres,    Abbey    of,    in 

Paris,  414  :  sheltered  Lefevre,  414 
St.  Giles's  Parish,  Cripplegate,  London, 

where    first  Huguenot  hospital    was, 

181,  183 
St.    Jean   d*    Angely,     15    m.    east   of 

Saintes,  France,  222 
St.    Maixent,     15    m.    east    of    Niort, 

France,  221 
St.    Nazaire,    6    m.     west    "t     roulon, 

France,  222 
St.  Nicholas  Society,  through  its  repre- 
sentative, welcomed  at  Banquet,  392 
St.     Quentin,     30     m.     northwest    of 

Laon,  France,  220 
St.  Sauveur,  in  Aunis,  France.  222 
St.  Severe,  45  m.  southwest  of  Bourges, 

France.  220 
St.  Simon,   Duke  of,   testimony  to  the 

cause   and    effect   of    the    Huguenot 

exiling,  quoted,  235  sq. 
St.    Soline,    25    m.  southeast  f)f   Niort, 

France,  221 
Sainte-Foy,   42    m.    east   of    Bordeaux, 

France,  32 
Saintes,    42    m.    southeast  of    La    Ko- 

chelle,  France,  166 
Saintonge,  222,  231 
Salle,  Abraham,  and  six  children.  324 
Salle,  Abraham,  318-322 
Sallis,  Samuel,  257 
Salter,  Harold,  chorister,  1. 
Samuel,  wife,  and  two  children.  313 
Sandys,    Sir   Edwin,   treasurer   of    the 

Virginia  Company,  quoted,  237  sq. 
Sanger,    William   Gary,    resolution   of, 

xxii.  ;    contributor    to    purchase     of 

flags,  xxxi.  ;  appointed  to  act  as  escort 


Index 


459 


Sanger — Continued 
to  Bishop  Potter  at  Banquet,  xliii.  ; 
on  Banquet  list,  xliv.  ;  on  Executive 
and  Arrangements  Committees,  xlvi. 

Santee  River,  South  Carolina,  site  of 
Huguenot  colony,  322 

Sarasin,  Jean-Lord,  223 

Sarazin,  Pierre,  289 

Sardin,  Symon,  284 

Sargeaton,  Jean,  wife,  and  child,  285 

Sargent,  Mrs.  Charles  S.,  on  Banquet 
list,  xliii. 

Sarrinier,  346 

Sassin,  310.  3^2 

Sassin,  Fran^oise,  284 

.^aumur,  Assembly  of,  33,  162,  168 

Saurin,  Louis  (Lewis),  moderator  of 
meeting  to  found  French  Protestant 
Hospital  of  London,  183, 185,  192,  422 

.Savin,  and  mother,  312 

Savin,  Jean,  wife,  and  child,  285 

Savoy,  30;  Duke  of,  39 

.Saxony,  Duke  of,  27 

Saye,  Jean,  284 

Saye,  312 

Sayte,  Jaques.  284 

Schieffelin,  William  Jay,  acts  as  escort 
at  Banquet,  xliii.  ;  on  Banquet  list, 
xliii.  ;  on  the  Committee  on  Arrange- 
ments, xlvi. 

Scholting,  Jacob,  report  of  enforced  re- 
moval of  the  congregation  of  the 
French  Church  of  Haarlem,  Holland, 
from  their  building,  209,  211 

Schorman,  Frederick,  349 

Schureman,  344,  349 

Schureman  house.  New  Rochelle,  343 

Schuyler,  Mrs.  Montgomery,  on  Ban- 
quet list,  xlvi. 

.Scoffier,  Claude,  422 

Scott,  General  Winfield,  364 

Scurman,  Jacob,  349 

Seacord,  344 

Seacord,  George  W,  342 

Seacord,  James  F.,  342 

Seacord,  Lewis  A.,  raiser  of  the  Lawton 
blackberry,  350 

Seacord  houses,  New  Rochelle,  343 

Sedan,  48,  220 

Seez,  100  m.  west  by  south  of  Paris,  37, 
160 

Sega,  Philip,  Bishop  of  Plaisance,  28 

Seguine,  374 

Sehult,  Tertulien,  wife,  and  two  chil- 
dren, 283  ^ 

Seignoret,  Etienne,  one  of  the  first 
thirty-seven  directors  of  the  French 
Protestant  Hospital  of  London,  and  a 
benefactor,  186 

Seignoret,  Stephen,  422 

Sell,  Dr.  E.  H.  M.,on  Banquet  list,  xliv. 


Semerpont,  Jean,  203 

Senechaud,  Daniel,  221 

Seporo,  in  Poitou,  France,  221 

Sere,  Noe,  220 

Servetus,  why  burnt,  160 

Shonnard,  Frank  V.,  on  Banquet  list, 

xliv. 
Shriflit,  Pierre.  304 
Shulu,  Buffo.,  wife,  and  three  children, 

305 
Sicard,  344 

Sicard,  Ambroise,  341 

Sicart,  Ambroise,  348,  349 

Silk  culture  fostered  in  Virginia,  238 
sqq.\  Charles  II.'s  coronation  robes 
made  of  Virginia  silk,  242 

Sion,  12  m.  west  of  Chateaubriant, 
France,  30 

Sismondi,  Jean  Charles  Leonard  Si- 
monde  de,  Histoire  des  Francois, 
Paris,  1821-44,  31  vols. ,  alluded  to,  18 

Sixtus  V. ,  the  Pope,  proclaimed  Henry 
a  relapse,  27 

Slocum,  Miss  M.  Olivia,  subscriber  to 
Celebration  Fund,  Ixii. 

Smiles,  Samuel,  The  Huguenots^  quo- 
ted, 232  sq. 

Smith,  Harry  C,  chorister  and  soloist, 
1.,  liii. 

Smith,  Miss  Laurestine  Cotheal,  con- 
tributor to  purchase  of  flags,  xxxi.; 
on  Banquet  list,  xliii. 

Snow,  Mrs.  Valeria  E.,  on  Banquet 
list,  xliv. 

Sobler,  Abra.,  324 

Sobler,  Jacques,  wife,  and  two  children, 

324 

Sobler,  Louis,  wife,  and  one  child,  324 

Soblet,  wife,  and  five  children,  312 

Soblet,  Abra.,  322 

Soblet,  Susanne,  and  three  children,  289 

Sobriche,  wife,  and  seven  children,  312 

Sobriche,  Jeanne,  325 

Sobriche,  Pre,  325 

Sobriche,  Suzanne,  325 

Societe  de  I'histoire  du  protestantisme 
franfais,  17  ;  see  also  French  Protes- 
tant History  Society 

Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the 
Gospel  remembered  in  the  will  of 
Jacques  de  Gatigny,  182 

Solaigre,  Jean,  wife,  and  child,  324 

Somers,  Sir  George,  referred  to,  237 

Sorilli,   the  widow,   and  two  children, 

325 
Sorrel,  Robert,  257 
Sosee,  Dr.,  296,  303 
Sossais,  in  Poitou,  France,  22T 
Souan,  296 

Soubise,  in  Saintonge,  France,  222 
Soubragon,  284 


46o 


Index 


Souille,  Nicollas,  325 

Soulegre,  Jean,  290 

Soulice,  346 

Soulice,  John,  342 

Soulie,  Jean,  wife,  and  three  children, 

304 

South  Carolina,  219,  220,  223  ;  Hugue- 
not Society  of,  invited  to  send  repre- 
sentative to  the  commemoration,  xiv. ; 
represented,  xxxvi,;  telegram  from, 
218  ;  present  to  Huguenot  Society  of 
America,  218  ;  welcomed  at  Banquet 
by  Mr.  de  Peyster,  392 

South  Carolina,  Huguenots  in,  list  of, 
219-223 

South  Sea  Rubble,  186,  187 

Soyer,  Marie,  22r 

Spain,  30,  38,  159 

Sponge,  Jacob,  and  wife,  304 

Stafford  County,  Va.,  260 

Stanley,  48 

Stanton,  S.  Franklin,  representative  of 
the  St.  Nicholas  Society  at  Ban- 
quet, xliii.,  xlvii. 

State  Papers,  Colonial,  quoted.  251, 
252,  254 

State  Papers^  Holland,  quoted,  250, 
251 

Staten  Island,  landing-place  of  first 
Walloons,  354  ;  part  of  New  Jersey, 

355-357 

Stelle,  Frederick  W.,  one  of  the  stew- 
ards, xxxii.,  xlvi.;  contributor  to 
purchase  of  flags,  xxxii.;  acts  as 
escort  at  Banquet,  xliii.;  on  Banquet 
list,  xliv. 

Stepney,  Geo,,  269 

Stevense,  Albert,  359 

Steward  (or  Stewart),  John,  Jr.,  adminis- 
trator of  the  estate  of  De  Joux, 
inventory,  298-300 

Stewards,  xiv. ;  joint  meeting  with 
Dinner  Committee,  xv. ;  meetings, 
xxxi.,  xxxii.;  xl.,  xlii..  li,.  Hi.;  report 
of  treasurer  of,  Ixii. 

Stimson,  Mrs.  Henry  C,  of  the  Ladies' 
Committee,  xiii. 

Stith,  William,  History  of  Virginia 
from  the  First  Settlement  to  the  Dissolu- 
tion of  the  London  Company,  n.  e., 
New  York,  1866,  quoted,  237-239,  241 

Stockton,  374 

Stockton,  Richard,  brother-in-law  of 
Elias  Boudinot,  369 

Stone,  357 

Strachey,  William,  quoted,  236 

Sturter,  Gabriel,  285 

Stuyvesant,  Gov.  Peter,  of  New  Nether- 
lands, married  the  Huguenot,  Judith 
Bayard,  356 

Stuyvesant.  Peter  Gerard,  392 


Sublett,  326 

Suce,  village  of,  8  m.  north-northeast  of 
Nantes,  126,  273 

Sucre,  309 

Suire,  347 

Sully,  257 

Sully.  Maximilien  de  Bethune,  Duke 
of,  referred  to,  27,  31.  233  ;  memoirs, 
characterized,  19 

Sultan  of  Turkey,  27 

Sunday  News,  the  Charleston,  S. 
C.  for  April  10,  1898,  article 
by  Prof.  Muench  in,  quoted,  219 

Surgan,  Jean  Boye,  304 

Surin,  Jean,  304 

Sussex  County,  N.  J.,  Huguenot 
Refugees  in,  362 

Swedish  attempts  at  colonization  in 
New  Jersey,  357 

Switzerland,  158 

Swords,  Henry  Cotheal,  appointed 
chairman  of  the  stewards,  xiv.,  xv.; 
elected  member  of  the  Committee  on 
Arrangements,  and  on  the  Executive 
Committee,  xlvi.;  made  treasurer  of 
the  Celebration  Committee,  xvi.,  xxi., 
xxiii.;  paid  for  newspaper  article, 
xxvi.;  contributor  to  purchase  of 
flags,  xxxi.;  toward  the  Banquet 
Ixii. 

Symend,  Chenas  and  .\ugustin,  312 

Symon,  346 


T 


T.,  S.  C,  gravestone  to,  345 

Tabart,  James,  422 

Tadoumeau,  Elie,  222 

Taffin,  Jean,  first  pastor  of  Walloon 
Church  of  Haarlem,  Holland,  201 

Tailfer,  257 

Talon,  Omer.  112,  152 

Talliaferro,  257 

Taniere,  Solomon,  and  wife.  304 

Tardieu,  Jean,  284 

Tarleton,  General  Sir  Banastre,  225 

Tassis,  Count,  38,  43 

Tauvin,  Estienne,  wife,  and  two  chil- 
dren,   2S9 

Tauvron,  Etienne,  with  two  children. 
222 

Tempest  ;  Casimiro.  Storia  delta  vita  e 
geste  di  Sisto  ijuinto  sommo  Ponti- 
fice,  Rome,  1754,  2  vols.,  n.  e., 
Rome,  1866,  2  vols.,  quoted,  27 

Terceira,  one  of  the  Azores,  to  which 
Toton  went,  257 

Terhune,  362 

Terry,  Rev.  Dr.  Roderick,  representa- 
tive  of  the  Mayflower  Society  at 
Banquet,  xliii.,  xlviii. 


Index 


461 


Thayer,  Nathaniel,  Vice-President  for 
Boston,  xiv. 

Therrialt,  William,  257 

Thomas,  Jean,  and  family,  222 

Thomas  Jean,  and  wife,  303 

Thomas,  Stephen,  223 

Thomas,  Thomas,  422 

Thomas,  T.  Gaillard,  M.  D., xxxii.;  sub- 
scriber to  Celebration  Fund,  Ixii.,  322 

Thonitier,  David,  and  wife,  284 

Tiebout,  Andries,  358,  359 

Tignac.  Elizabet,  284 

Tignaw,  312 

Tillotson,  Mrs.  Luther  G.,  on  Banquet 
list,  xliv. 

Tillou,  312 

Tillou,  IMerre,  285 

Timon,  347 

Tobacco,  the  only  Virginia  crop  that 
really  paid  its  cultivators,  241  ;  by 
raising  it  instead  of  vines  the  Hugue- 
nots incurred  enmity,  241 

Tollifer,  257 

Tollin,  Henri.  President  German  Hu- 
guenot Society,  deprecated  the  Cele- 
bration, xii.,  Ivii. 

Toton,  John,  257  ;  doctor  from  La 
Rocheile,  given  one  hundred  acres  in 
York  County,  Va.,  257  ;  petitions 
General  Court  of  Massachusetts  for 
letters  representing  him  as  an  Eng- 
lishman so  that  he  may  go  safely  to 
Terceira,  one  of  the  Azores,  on  busi- 
ness, 257  ;  same  as  Teuton,  banished 
from  La  Rocheile.  258  ;  text  of  peti- 
tion of  1662  on  behalf  of  himself  and 
other  Huguenots,  258,  259 

Totten,  357 

Toulouse,  167,  223 ;  Parliament  of, 
forced  Protestants  to  rebuild  a  priest's 
house,  109  ;  1 14 

Tour  de  Constance,  La,  at  Aigues- 
Mortes,  21  m.  southwest  of  Nimes, 
France,  339 

Touraine,  La  Belle,  221 

Tournay,  27  m.  northwest  of  Mons, 
Belgium,  50 

Teuton,  Dr.,  see  Toton 

Townsend,  Mrs.  Howard,  on  Banquet 
list.  xliv. 

Trabue,  231,  327 

Trabue,  Anthoine,  wife,  and  three 
children,  324 

Tragian,  Captain  of  the  Nassau,  281, 
303,  306,  307 

Tramier,  John,  257 

Trauve,  Pierre,  wife,  and  two  children, 
324 

Tremson.  Elie,  and  wife,  284 

Treyon,  wife,  and  child,  303 

Treievant,  Daniel,  220 


Trion,  wife,  and  child,  312 

Triquet,  Peter,  422 

Troc,  Isaac,  289 

Trouillard,  Antoine,  284 

Trouillard,  Rev.  Laurent  Philippe,  220, 
223 

Trubyer,  Helen,  285 

Tudert,  Lewis,  422 

Tulane,  Louis,  363  ;  came  from  France, 
purchased  land  from  Pierre  Vienney, 
later  from  Malon  in  Cherry  Valley, 
survived  four  of  his  five  children,  365 

Tulane,  Paul,  son  of  Louis,  made  for- 
tune in  New  Orleans,  purchased  Com- 
modore Stockton's  house  in  Princeton, 
was  a  founder  of  Tulane  University, 

365 
Tumar  and  wife,  305 
Turenne,  Viscount  of.     See  Bouillon. 
Turenne  (not  Turrene),  French  general, 

referred  to,  234 
Turkey,  156 


U 


Utrecht,  405 


Vail,  C.  M.,  on  Banquet  list,  xliii. 

Vaillan,  Alexander,  304 

Valiant,  305 

Vallau.  346 

Vallau,   Peter,  341 

Vallau  house.  New  Rocheile,  343 

Valleau,  E.,  348 

Valleau,  Pierre,  348,  349 

Vallentine,  John,  257 

Van  Buskirk,  362 

Vanden  Berghe,  Francis,  46 

Vanderbilt,  356 

Van  der  Voor,  David,  and  wife,  dis- 
missed to  Dutch  Church  at  Bergen, 
N.  J.,  360 

Van  de  Water,  Rev.  Dr.  George  R.,  at 
Banquet,  xlii,  ;  spoke  to  toast,  xlix., 
lii.,  welcomed  at  Banquet  by  Mr.  de 
Peyster,  393  ;  speech  at  Banquet,  395- 
402  :  unique  features  of  the  Banquet, 
395.  39^  ;  significance  of  the  Edict 
of  Nantes,  397  ;  character  of  the 
Huguenots,  398  ;  unworthy  occupants 
of  the  papal  chair,  399 ;  rejoicing 
over  the  Massacre  of  St.  Bartholo- 
mew's Day,  399  ;  how  the  Edict  of 
Nantes  was  violated  and  finally  re- 
pealed, papal  rejoicing  over  its  revo- 
cation, 400  ;  possibility  of  return  of 
papal  domination,  401  ;  need  still  for 
Huguenots,  403 

van  Lee,  P.,  211 


462 


Index 


van  Meeteren,  B.  F.  VVestenouen,  216 
van  Mierlo,  Bp.  Godfried,  210 
van  Straalen,  E.  A.  A.  S.,  216 
van  Sypestein,  VV.,  214 
van  Ufford,  Jhr.  W  (;)uarles.  216 
Van  VVagenen,  362 
Vardie,  Richard,  257 
Varennes,  near  Taris,  166 
Varnaarts,  A.,  208 
Vasler,  John,  257 

Vassy,  120  m.  southeast  of  Paris,  mas- 
sacre at,  139,  33*) 
Vatable,  Francois,  first  French  Hebrew 

scholar,  414,  416 
Vauban,  Sebastien  le  Trestre,  Seigneur 

de,  French  military  engineer,  referred 

to.  234 
Vaudery,  257 
Vaudois  Society,  letter  from,  Iviii.,  lix., 

welcomed  at  the  Banquet  through  its 

representative  by  Mr.  de  Peyster,  391, 

392 
Vaulx.  Robert,  257 
Vaurigaud,    Benjamin,    £ssai    sur    les 

^giises  Re'/orm/es  en  Bretagne,  153S- 

1808.     Paris,   1S70,  3  vols.,   referred 

to,  221 
Vaus,  Robert,  257 
Vedder,  Rev.   Dr.  Charles  S.,  delegate 

from     Huguenot    Society    of    South 

Carolina,    xxxii.,    xxxvi.,    xlvii.;    on 

program,  xxxix.;    at    Banquet,  xliii.; 

paper  presented  by,  analysed,  217-223 
Vedder,  Mrs.  Charles  S.,  delegate  from 

South  Carolina,   xxxii.;  at    Banquet, 

xlviii. 
Venice  becomes  the  ally  of  Henry  of 

Navarre.  19.  20,  31 
Verau  and  wife,  312 
Verdiiil,  wife,  and  five  children,  312 
Verdurand.  Jean  Le  Franc,  289 
Vermilye,    Rev.  A.   G.,  D.D.,  acts  as 

escort  at  Banquet,  xliii,;  on  Banquet 

list,  xliv. 
Verneuil,  Maize,  wife,  and  five  children, 

290 
Vernon,  James,  Rt.  Hon.  Secretary  of 

State,  268 
Verreyken,  Audiencier,  38  ;  pays  a  visit 

to  Brussels,  46  ;  asks  for  money,  47 
VerrUeil,  Moise,  296 
Verry,  312 
Verry,  Isaac,  284 
Vervins,   Peace  of,  21-24.  30,  38,  42- 

44.  48  :  maxims  observed  in  the  ne- 
gotiations of,  38,  39 
Vicomte,  Thomas,  257 
Vidau,  Jean,  283 
Videau,  Pierre,  222 
Vienney,  Pierre,  from  Guadaloupe,  363, 

364  ;  sold  land  to  Tulane,  365 


Viet,  Pierre,  324 

Vignes.  Adam,  284 

Villegagnon  and  Du  Pont,  leader^  of 
Coligny's  and  Calvin's  disastrous  ex- 
pedition to  Brazil.  229 

Villemain.  Abel  Francois,  considered 
Henry  W .  a  mere  politician,  25 

Villeroy,  Nicolas  de  Neufville,  Seigneur 
de,  27,  38 

Villian,  346 

Vincent,  356 

Vique,  Adam,  and  wife,  324 

Viras,  Jaques,  and  wife,  284 

Virginia  church  government  similar  to 
the  Huguenot  in  France,  243 

Virginia  Company  promoted  viticulture, 
but  in  vain,  237  sqq.  ;  favored  the 
settlement  of  Walloons  (Huguenots) 
in  Virginia,  but  not  as  "one  gross 
and  entire  body,"  rather  as  families 
in  different  places,  251  sq.  ;  reasons 
for  this  decision,  252  ;  parly  taken  by 
Dutch  West  India  Company  to  the 
Hudson,  253 

Virginia  Council  orders  help  for  those 
going  to  Manakin  Town,  306,  307 

Virginia  Historical  Society  quoted, 
238,  240,  254,  255,  261-264,  267, 
275,  276,  278-281,  283-292,  294-297, 
302-307,  310-315,  318-321 

Virginia,  Huguenots  in,  224  sqq.  ; 
sources  of  the  history  of,  and  how 
some  have  been  injured  or  destroyed, 
225-227,  256  ;  character  of  the  early, 
227  ;  names  of  some  of  them,  231  ; 
first  to  come,  236  ;  expected  to  pro- 
mote viticulture,  237  sqq.  ;  and  to 
raise  silkworms,  238  sqq.  ;  disap- 
pointed hopes  lead  to  suspicion  of 
bad  faith,  241  sqq.  ;  by  raising  to- 
bacco increased  enmity,  241  ;  emi- 
gration of  Huguenots  promoted.  243 
sqq.  ;  names  of  early  Huguenot  emi- 
grants, 245  ;  spiritual  welfare  guarded, 
245  sq,  ;  first  organized  Huguenot 
movement  intended  for  Virginia  from 
Holland,  250  sqq.  ;  deflected  to  New 
York,  253 ;  next  organized  effort. 
253  ;  band  quickly  dispersed  after 
landing,  254  sq.  ;  individuals  and 
straggling  companies  come,  255  ; 
landholders'  efforts  to  induce  Hugue- 
nots to  take  their  lands,  viz..  Col. 
William  Fitzhugh,  George  Brent,  and 
Col.  William  Byrd,  259  sq.  ;  interest 
in  these  settlers,  266-268 ;  act  re- 
specting, 270  ;  influence  of,  326 
sqq. 

Virginia,  liberal  laws  respectmg  com- 
merce and  naturalization,  244  ;  regu- 
lations respecting  religion,  245  sq. 


Index 


463 


Vitre,  272 
Vitry,  221 
Vodin.  Isaac,  257 

von  Schomberg,  Friedrich  Armand  Her- 
mann, referred  to,  234 
Voorhees,  359,  362 

Voute,  J.  Oscar,  on  Banquet  list,  xliv. 
Voye,  Jean,   wife,   and    four   children, 

324 
Voyer,  310 
V^oyer  and  wife,  312 
Voyes.  Jaques,  284 
Vrooman.  John  W.,  representative   of 

the  Holland  Society  at  Banquet,  xliii., 

xlvii. 


W 


Waldenses,  20  ;  with  Walloons  and  Hu- 
guenots came  to  New  Jersey  from 
France  direct,  357 

Waldensians,  through  their  representa- 
tive, welcomed  at  Banquet  by  Mr.  de 
Peyster,  391,  392 

Wallabout  Bay,  354 ;  Philip  Freneau 
prisoner  on  a  ship  in,  367 

Walloon  Church  of  Haarlem,  Holland. 
See  Haarlem. 

Walloon  Society,  letter  from,  lix.-lxi. 

Walloons  in  Haarlem,  201, 202, 205-208, 
210-216  ;  brought  to  New  Nether- 
lands, landed  on  Staten  Island,  eight 
families  settled  on  Manhattan  Island, 
others  in  Jersey,  several  went  to  Fort 
Orange,  on  the  Hudson,  others  on 
Wallabout  Bay,  354,  357,  404 

Wampum.  358 

Washington,  urged  Lafayette  and  other 
friends  in  France  to  secure  freedom 
for  the  Huguenots,  338  ;  mentioned, 
372,  373,  393 

Webb,  Captain  Giles,  276,  297,  313  ; 
visited  Manakin  Town,  314 

Weiss,  Charles,  History  of  the  French 
Protestant  Refugees,  N.  Y.,  1854,  2 
vols.,  referred  to,  59 

Weiss,  Rev.  Nathanael,  delegate  from 
French  Huguenot  Society,  xxii.  ;  let- 
ter from,  alluded  to,  xxiii.  ;  offer  to 
give  a  stereopticon  lecture  accepted 
with  thanks,  xxvi.  ;  on  program, 
xxviii.,  XXX.,  xxxvii.  ;  at  Grace 
Church  service,  xxxiii.  ;  in  the  Socie- 
ty's library,  xxxvi.  ;  presented  de- 
famatory poster  put  up  in  Paris, 
xxxviii.  ;  at  Banquet,  xlii..  xlvii.  ; 
delivered  the  lecture,  liv.  ;  lunched 
with  Mr.  Marquand,  Iv.  ;  mentioned, 
Iviii.,  408  ;  paper,  155-174  ;  lecture 
on  "  Paris  and  the  Reformation  under 
Francis   I.,"  413-421  :    the  citv  the 


scene  of  the  Massacre  of  St.  Bartholo- 
mew's Day,  of  the  operation  of  the 
*'  Ligue,"  put  away  as  far  as  possible 
Reformed  worship,  persecuted  the 
Reformed,  413  ;  names  of  great  Pari- 
sian Reformers,  414^^^.  ;  martyrdoms 
in  Paris,  417  ;  appearance  of  French 
New  Testament  and  of  Marguerite 
d'Angouleme's  Miroir  and  Marot's 
Psalter,  416,  418,  420 

Westmoreland  (now  King  George) 
County,  Va.,  261 

Westover,  on  the  James,  Virginia, 
260 

Weyman,  Jonathan,  345 

White,  357 

White  Plains,  N.  Y.,  344 

Whitefield,  Rev.  George,  baptized  Elias 
Boudinot,  369 

Wildeman,  Marinus  Godefridus  (not 
Godefriden),  requested  for  a  paper, 
xxii.  ;  on  the  program,  paper  read  by 
Mr.  Banta,  xxix.,  xxx.,  xxxix.,  Iviii.  ; 
announced  as  delegate,  xlvii.  ;  paper, 
201-216 

William  III.  of  England,  great  friend 
and  supporter  of  the  Huguenots, 
sends  many  to  Virginia,  266-268  ; 
his  order  in  council,  268,  269 ;  street 
in  Manakin  Town  named  after  him, 
314  ;  mentioned,  369 

William  and  Mary  College,  Virginia, 
259,  336 

William  of  Orange  characterized  by 
Michelel,  17  ;  mentioned,  18,  405 

Williams,  Katherine,  m.  Elie  Boudi- 
not, mother  of  Elias  Boudinot,  369 

Williamsburg,  Va.,  259,  335 

Winant,  356 

Wine-making  an  expected  very  profit- 
able Virginia  industry,  but  a  great 
disappointment,  237  sqq. 

Winters,  George,  chorister  and  soloist, 
1.,  liii. 

Witherspoon,  Mrs.,  364 

Witt,  327 

Wittmeyer,  Rev.  A.  V.,  founder  of  the 
Society,  appointed  chairman  Com- 
mittee on  Papers,  xii.,  xiii.,  xv., 
xxiv.,  xxvi.,  xlvi.  ;  offers  his  church, 
xxi.  ;  reports,  xxii.  ;  presides  at 
Celebration,  xxviii.,  xxxvi.  ;  at  Mr. 
Marquand's  reception,  xxxv.  ;  acts  as 
escort  at  Banquet,  xlii.  ;  on  Banquet 
list,  xliv.  ;  said  grace  at  Banquet, 
xlix.,  li.;  welcomed  at  Banquet  by 
Mr.  de  Peyster,  392 

Wittmeyer,  Mrs.,  on  circular  asking  for 
subscriptions  to  Celebration  Fund, 
xxi. 

Woodstock,  260 


464 


Index 


Wyatt,  Sir  Francis,  Governor  of  Vir- 
ginia, instructed  as  to  vines  and  mul- 
berry trees,  238 

Wynhoff.  Dr.  J.  B.,  2i6 


Yale,  Harold  S.,  chorister  and  soloist, 

1.,  liii. 
York,  Duke  of,  removed  Andre's  body 

from  the  Demarest  farm,  362 
York  Hampton  parish,  Virginia,  335 


York    River.  Virginia,  281.  303,    306 

330 
Young,  357 
Ypres,  parish   of   St.  Pierre.  Belgium 

364 


Zabriskie,  359 
Zola,  155 
Zossard,  P.,  296 


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